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Religious Recollections of Family in the Ritual World on Rhodes

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Religious Recollections of Family in the Ritual World on Rhodes Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 62(3-4), 227-270. doi: 10.2143/JECS.62.3.2061119 © 2010 by Journal of Eastern Christian Studies. All rights reserved. RELIGIOUS RECOLLECTIONS OF FAMILY IN THE RITUAL WORLD ON RHODES PATRICIA RIAK* Greek Orthodox traditions nurture the relationship between family and reli- gion. Families express religious beliefs in a number of ways. Small family patroned chapels are open for the feast day of the saint of the chapel or open for an important day in the history of the family. Even when small chapels (exoclisia) are not patroned by a particular family of the village, they often represent historical connections to particular families when, for example, a daughter decides to marry in the chapel her father was baptized in. A name day (onomastiki yiorti) is a more significant celebration than a birthday because of the nominal rite associated to a family naming a child after a Saint or the Holy Family. Often the connection is related to the patron saint of a village or monasteries surrounding the village where the family resides. Name days have established traditional practices of name-giving1 and the celebration of name days (onomastikes yiortes)2 in direct association to Saint’s Days (pani- yiria) and the slaughter of animals for the feasting3 and of the connection of saints to particular foods4 at the paniyiria. Nominal rites also include naming a child after a family member who proved barren and could not have chil- dren. When a family member dies, families continue to remember them with * The author is an Adjunct Assistant Professor of Sociocultural Anthropology, Temple University, Philadelphia, PA. – This essay is dedicated to my mother Yvonne. 1 See P.A. Bialor, ‘What’s in a Name? Aspects of Social Organization of a Greek Farming Community Related to Naming Customs’, in Essays in Balkan Ethnology, ed. W.G. Lock- wood, Kroeber Anthropological Society. Special Edition, vol. 1 (Berkeley, 1967), pp. 95-108. See also N. Tavuchis, ‘Naming Patterns and Kinship among Greeks’, Ethnos, 36 (1971), pp. 152-162. 2 For cultural practices associated to paratsouki or nicknaming, see B. Russell, ‘Paratsoukli: Institutional Nicknaming in Rural Greece’, Ethnologia Europaea, 2-3 (1968-1969), pp. 65- 74. 3 See J. Baldovin, ‘On Feasting the Saints’, Worship, 54 (1980), pp. 336-344. 4 See D.O. Bennet, ‘“Saints and Sweets”: Class and Consumption in Rural Greece’, in The Social Economy of Consumption, eds. H. Rutz & B. Orlove, Monographs in Economic Anthropology (Lanham, MD, 1988), pp. 177-209. 994006_JECS_2010/3-4_04.indd4006_JECS_2010/3-4_04.indd 222727 111/01/111/01/11 115:035:03 228 PATRICIA RIAK religious practices. Roadside shrines are erected when family members die on or near a road; the roadside shrine is often built on the exact location or near the location of death. A small house resembling a chapel will have an icon housed inside chosen by the family. These small houses are also found atop of individual graves in cemeteries. Religious memorials are held during the church service remembering family members who are now deceased and, after mass, a ritual food of wheat and raisins (koliva) is made and distributed by family members to the congregation outside of the church. The koliva often depict a house or church with the symbol of the cross. On the islands, small chapels standing at the end of harbors, like that of Saint Paul the Apostle in the village of Lindos on Rhodes and, other places by the water, are also built as religious places for the prayers of sailors wishing for their safekeeping out at sea and for their return back home to their families. Cathedrals, monasteries and churches have been built because a miracle occurred there such as the discovery of a Holy icon, most notably icons of the Panayia, the Holy Mother conceiving the Christ Child. These miracles emphasize the role of the family because from these Holy icons, churches are built. These shrines are the most popular with Greek mothers and young married women wishing to become mothers who participate in roles as pil- grims5 and travel to revere the Holy Family for the safeguarding of their own families and for the creation of family. Mothers also create a household shrine (iconostasis) and icons are associated to their families and, often spe- cific devotions in the form of these family icons have been brought back from the pilgrimage experience. Often the household shrine will also house an icon that was passed down from mother to daughter when the daughter got married. This icon typically represented The Virgin Mother and Christ Child, inspiring the young married woman to create her own family. This paper would like to contribute to the study of shrines by investigating the worship performed at a cemetery chapel and not the patron church of a vil- lage or major pilgrimage center6 (see Figure 4). 5 See further J. Dubisch, In a Different Place: Pilgrimage, Gender and Politics at a Greek Island Shrine (Princeton, NJ, 1995). 6 For accounts of festivals of saints on Rhodes, see M. Hamilton, Greek Saints and Their Festivals (Edinburgh, 1910); E. Langaki, Rhodiakon Hemerologion (Rhodos, 1929-30); A. Brontes, O Hagios Georgios sten Rhodiake Laographia, vol. 1 (Rhodos, 1934-37), pp. 217- 249; I. Arnold, ‘Festivals of Rhodes’, American Journal of Archaeology, 40 (1936), pp. 432-436. 994006_JECS_2010/3-4_04.indd4006_JECS_2010/3-4_04.indd 222828 111/01/111/01/11 115:035:03 RELIGIOUS RECOLLECTIONS OF FAMILY IN THE RITUAL WORLD ON RHODES 229 A concern of the paper includes the offerings that are given to the saint. In particular, there will be a focus on dance as a form of offering to the saint. Religious shrines maintain the religious experience of latreia that begins in the village where the connection to the saint begins as being either offered (tamenos or tameni) as a child.7 Alongside the Panayia and pilgrimages in Her honor, the saints are also Holy exemplars strongly identified with pro- tection, miracles, and healing. The icon8 is an important point of religious reference when the worshipper invokes the spiritual assistance of a saint. It is at the saint’s icon where a promise (taximo) and an offering (tama) are brought forth to the saint. The taximo and the tama are the religious expres- sions among worshippers. Dance is a less popular expression of taximo that will be investigated with a view to understanding how the dance known as the monahiko is performed when Istrians and their families are faced with an event of illness. There is a focus on the role that Istrian mothers play when assisting their children in times of illness and, of a comparison of this reli- gious practice with another religious dance therapy in Greece known as the Anastenaria.9 The ethnographic concern of the paper is that religious space is associated to the family and not to developing gender distinctions. Religious space is the space of the family and not defied as a ‘private space’ associated to the Greek woman because ‘public’ space is associated to the Greek man. The focus of the paper is not on gender distinctions and the social relations that reflect a splitting or a differentiating of the genders. The paper is concerned with the role that men and women play in the family, as parents to their 7 For an account of the role saints played in the late Byzantine Empire, see A.E. Laiou- Thomadakis, ‘Saints and Society in the Late Byzantine Empire’, in Charanis Studies, ed. A. Thomadakis (New Brunswick, 1980), pp. 135-156. 8 For an ethnographic account of icons, see M. Kenna, ‘Icons in Theory and Practice’, History of Religions, 24 (1985), pp. 345-368 and M. Herzfeld, ‘Icons and Identity: Reli- gious Orthodoxy and Social Practice in Rural Crete’, Anthropological Quarterly, 63 (1990), pp. 109-121. For a theological account of icons, see L. Ouspensky, Theology of the Icon, 2 vols. (New York, 1978 and 1991); L. Ouspensky and V. Lossky, The Meanings of Icons (New York, 1982). 9 See further L.M. Danforth, ‘The Role of Dance in the Ritual Theory of the Anastenaria’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 5 (1979), pp. 11-163; Id., ‘Power through Submission to the Anastenaria’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 1 (1983), pp. 203-224; Id., Fire walk- ing and Religious Healing. The Anastenaria of Greece and the American Fire walking Move- ment (New Haven, NJ, 1989). 994006_JECS_2010/3-4_04.indd4006_JECS_2010/3-4_04.indd 222929 111/01/111/01/11 115:035:03 230 PATRICIA RIAK children. ‘Man’ and ‘woman’ are viewed as ‘father’ and ‘mother.’ Danforth offers an interpretation that takes into account that honor is both a male and a female value, as the family is the most important social unit in Greek society. He states that male and female social roles make both the honorable man and the honorable woman who, in their roles, show different qualities. In aligning with J. Campbell (see below n. 36), he highlights the notion that honor is not just about ‘individuals’ but also about ‘families.’ Danforth also points out that Friedl gives an inaccurate position to power when she states that women are the weaker partner in the social structure being associated to shame (ntropi) while only the husband is associated to honor (timi). Dan- forth argues that the husband and wife are bound together by the need to maintain family honor. Thus, a woman’s behavior is socially controlled just as the man’s is because her honor, like that of her family, depends on her behavior. The mother then honorably practices a spiritual role through her responsibilities to her home through her village church.
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