General Index

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

General Index Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-02090-0 - The World of Tacitus' Dialogus de Oratoribus: Aesthetics and Empire in Ancient Rome Christopher S. Van Den Berg Index More information General index advocacy, legal, 21, 24, 38, 46, 128–31, 167–8, constructed by authors’ forma (χαράκτηρ), 189–98, 299 254–5 cases with multiple advocates, 196 and epigonal mentality, 291 see also courts; delatores formation, 50–1, 183, 215–38 advocatus, diaboli (devil’s advocate), 28, 65–6, 219 and invidia inhibiting change, 275 amicus/amicitia, 26, 135 late-republican pleiad, 199, 208, 281 see also patronage limitations of, 13, 260, 261, 279, 280–1, 284, angustiae (straits), see metaphors 286, 292 antiquarianism, see canon utility, 50–1, 255 Antonius, Marcus (orator), 18, 37, 45, 64, 65, 86, see also decline; periodization; time 96, 107, 216, 217, 218, 219 Cassius Severus, 82, 111, 138, 168, 182, 270; see also Apollo, 147, 149, 150, 160, 163 periodization argument, 13, 46–7, 59–61, 67–8, 77–90, 153–4, Cato, Marcus Porcius (Censor), 34, 36, 118 178, 198, 239, 294 Cato, Marcus Porcius (Uticensis) corrective exemplarity, 150–1, 152–3, 163, 182, as subject of Maternus’ tragedy, 18, 19, 138, 157 188 centumviral courts, see courts flaws in all speeches, 42–4, 55, 67, Cicero, Marcus Tullius 188 and Atticists, 271–3 in utramque partem disputare, 22, 61, canonical figure, 35, 38, 39, 208 70 criticized, 70 intertextual, 178 and de Oratore, 8, 37, 38, 130, 215–38 intratextual confirmation, 220, 221 on declamation, 78 intratextual contradiction, 74, 90 and ideal orator, 25, 185 persuasiveness as poor criterion, 2, 14, 42–4, influence, 7, 11–12, 38, 57–8, 59–65, 71, 72, 75, 52, 53, 76–7, 86–7, 88–90, 97, 154 85–6, 95–6, 202, 215–38 synecdochic fallacy, 44, 52, 55, 100, 111, 206, oenological analogy in Brutus, 275 214 on prose rhythm, 176 see also dialogue; dynamics, argumentative Quintilian on, 12–13 Atticism, 256–9 representative of Late Republic as a whole, 86, and anti-antiquarianism, 258 185, 208, 298 see also Cicero, Marcus Tullius stylistic model for Dialogus, 39 and theology of disbelief, 59–65 Bablitz, L., 197, 299 classicism, 242 Bakhtin, M., 68 Augustan, 161 Bartsch, S., 20, 93, 155, 301 see also periodization Bassus, Saleius, 84, 135–6, 153, 209 cliens/clientela, see patronage Brink, C. O., 119 clothing Brooks, P., 57, 213 restricting practice of oratory, 193 sign of decadence, 252 canon, 50–1, 191, 242, 260–1, 273, 283 contio, 73, 203, 204 and antiquarianism, 251 courts, 179 338 © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-02090-0 - The World of Tacitus' Dialogus de Oratoribus: Aesthetics and Empire in Ancient Rome Christopher S. Van Den Berg Index More information General index 339 centumviral, 82, 137, 170, 190–7 dynamics, argumentative, 28–9, 70, 77, 88, criminal, 170, 189, 194, 199 90–7, 99, 111, 140, 179, 211, 221, 243, 294; see senate as a court in empire, 190, 194, also argument; dialogue 197 Crassus, Lucius Licinius, 18, 37, 70, 74, 86, 96, education, 30, 83–6, 183–6, 216–23; see also 107, 191, 192, 216, 217, 235, 246, 265; see also oratorical training rhetores effeminacy, 48, 118–19, 182, 252; see also clothing; criticism, biographical, 214 Maecenas Crook, J. A., 169, 196, 299 eloquentia, 12, 13, 15, 24, 34, 38, 40, 117, 140, 162, cubiculum, 20, 21, 143 166–7, 215–38, 296 corrupta (decadent speech), 251 dates genus/species distinction, 249 of composition or publication, 32–3 as a transgeneric ars, 146–8, 163–4, 230, 284, of setting, 31–2 299–300 shifting between dramatic and publication Eprius Marcellus, 26, 32, 82, 127, 134–5, 148, 150, dates, 33 152, 162 declamation, 22, 42–7, 78–83 Eshleman, K., 265 topics of anticipated in Curio’s speech, exempla, see argument, corrective exemplarity 284 exercitatio, see oratorical training decline, 47–9, 54–5, 57–8, 72, 108–14, 238, 247, 296, 302 Fabius Iustus, Lucius, 17, 32 assumed thesis of Dialogus, 54, 121 fabulae, 24 explanations in Longinus, 297 fama, see renown inevitable result of closed teleology, 277 Fantham, E., 109 interpretive problems in assuming, 54–6, 100 Fish, S., 96 paucity of orators as rhetorical motif, 86, fora,andbasilicae as venues for oratory, 190 208–12, 244–5 Frank, T., 158 of renown and not of eloquentia, 15, 99–101, Freudenburg, K., 299 102, 106, 114, 120, 297 not subject of Dialogus, 13, 50 Gallia, A., 157 see also periodization; time Gallio, Lucius Iunius, 181, 182, 252 delatores, 38–9, 65, 127, 149, 152–3, 157, 162, 174, genus, see eloquentia 299; see also Vibius Crispus; Eprius gloria, see renown Marcellus; Regulus Goldberg, S., 68, 151, 169, 211 dialogue Gungerich,¨ R., 104 apparent lack of coherent unity, 56, 67, 100, 121, 165, 179, 294 Hanink, J., 291 authorial distancing, 60–1, 105 Hardie, P., 214 interstitial passages, 15 Hinds, S., 212, 214, 229–30 intertextual dialogue, 212–15, 239, 240 humor, 19, 21, 70, 81, 274 lack of elenchus in Roman, 69 opinion versus function of statements, 6, 8, imitatio, 256, 283 13, 76–7, 86–7, 88–90, 181, 235 and diversity of models, 254 style of argument, 49, 87, 114, 124, 126, 140, ingenium, 19, 81, 85, 106, 166–7, 252, 292, 293, 151, 153–4, 163–4, 180, 198, 273 297 theory of, 14, 94, 97, 215 interstitial passages tradition of, 17, 33, 39–41, 68, 71, 75, 95, 144, defined, 15 237, 240 intertextuality, 9, 15, 226, 231, 238–40 see also argument; dynamics, argumentative agnoscere as marker of, 222 dissimulatio (dissembling), 10, 25, 48, 85, 218 and argument, 178 failed attempts at, 272 and Cicero’s Academic works, 62–5 Domitian, 29, 30, 32, 33, 156, 176 and interlocutors’ intertextual sparring, 239 Domitius (play by Maternus), 157–8 ironic, 210, 211 Domitius Afer, Gnaeus, 144, 158, 270 and literary dialogue, 212–15, 239 doublespeak, 20, 92, 93, 97, 155, 301 and literary system, 231–2 © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-02090-0 - The World of Tacitus' Dialogus de Oratoribus: Aesthetics and Empire in Ancient Rome Christopher S. Van Den Berg Index More information 340 General index intertextuality (cont.) oratorical training, 38, 48, 57, 72–4, 77–90, 115, and Marcus Aper, 216–23, 238 129, 184 paucitas oratorum as intertextual motif, contrasted with real speaking, 82 208–12 see also declamation; education promoting adornment, 175–8 Orpheus, 55, 149, 150, 163 and window reference, 235 Orwell, G., 35 intratextuality, see argument Ovid irony allusion to language of, 177 and Maternus, 33, 92, 301 author of Medea, 24, 159 intertextual, 210, 211 exile, 150 as model for Maternus, 150, 163 Kermode, F., 57 Klingner, F., 119 patronage, 21, 24, 135–7, 144, 150, 159, 198–9 paucitas oratorum (paucity of orators), see laus, see renown decline, intertextuality Leo, F., 39 periodization, 175, 180–3, 188, 211, 246–8, 260–1, Levene, D., 68, 157 262–4 liberalitas, 152–3 Cassius Severus as watershed at Rome, 166, libertas, 23, 117–19, 137–9, 161–2, 172, 300–2 270, 271 licentia, 117, 119, 300, 301–2 and dangers of presentism, 285 Linus, 55, 147, 149, 150, 163 Demetrius of Phalerum as watershed in Luce, T. J., 56, 67, 86, 120 Greece, 271–2 finer granularity in Quintilian, 246 Maecenas, Gaius, 112, 181–2, 183, 251, 252, 260 Golden Age, 47 Manuwald, G., 158 100 versus 120 years since death of Cicero, Mayer, R., 173 266–7 Messalla Corvinus, Marcus Valerius, 28, 163, 174, problems in, 34, 180–3, 191, 199, 236, 237, 238, 180, 182, 184, 191, 199, 265, 267, 269, 270 244, 247, 277 metaphors, 98, 105, 122, 129 saeculum/saecula as marker of ages, 34, 208, agricultural, 142, 245 236, 244, 295 angustiae (straits), 25, 164, 168 via “acoustic community,” 265 aquatic, 219 see also canon; decline; time architectural, 175 Petronius, Gaius, 47–8 battle, 13, 109, 130–1, 139, 185–6, 274, 293, philosophy, 12, 63–5, 172–4, 185, 223–6, 285 302 Plato, 27, 33, 39, 40, 63, 69, 75, 96, 114, 154, 212, biological, 132, 180, 243, 297 223, 231, 233, 236, 263 cosmetic, 252 pleasure, 114–16, 131–2, 142–4, 253–4 digestion, 249 Plinius Secundus, Gaius (Pliny), 31, 32, 38, 42–7, exchange, 223 75, 192–3, 196, 197 metallurgical, 177–8 Pliny the Elder physiological, 257–8, 273, 274 Studiosus (lost treatise), 246 racing, 168, 169 poetry, 140, 147–8, 159–64, 174–8, 282 religious, 146, 164, 176–7 Pollio, Asinius, 163, 180, 182, 184, 191, 196, 199, spatial, 25, 167 265, 267, 269 temporal, 167 Pompeius Magnus, Gaius (Pompey) as orator, 202 offense, 23 restrictions of lex de vi et ambitu of 52 bce, avoiding, 23, 48, 138–9, 161–2 194, 199 giving, 18, 19–20, 23, 138 Priscus, Helvidius, 82, 202 Maternus and tragedies, 18, 19–20, 23, 155, 162 Priscus, Marius, 31, 32, 190, 196, 197 see also Cato, Marcus Porcius (Uticensis); prosecutors and informants, see delatores Domitius (play by Maternus); libertas; Thyestes Quint, D., 57 orator, 19, 40, 103, 183, 185, 210, 221, 224, 273; see Quintilianus, Marcus Fabius (Quintilian), 12–13, also Cicero, Marcus Tullius 170–1 © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-02090-0 - The World of Tacitus' Dialogus de Oratoribus: Aesthetics and Empire in Ancient Rome Christopher S. Van Den Berg Index More information General index 341 and de Causis Corruptae Eloquentiae, 246 Skinner, M., 294 on declamation, 79 sorites, philosophical problem, 262 and definition of oratory, 13 species, see eloquentia on lying, 40 speeches, summary of, 25–31 morality and public speech, 36 statio, related to dramatic date, 31 and precedents to Dialogus, 244, 248, 260 Syme, R., 55, 72, 151 on rereading, 90 synecdochic fallacy
Recommended publications
  • Addenda Et Corrigenda
    Christian Settipani CONTINUITE GENTILICE ET CONTINUITE FAMILIALE DANS LES FAMILLES SENATORIALES ROMAINES A L’EPOQUE IMPERIALE MYTHE ET REALITE Addenda I - III (juillet 2000- octobre 2002) P & G Prosopographica et Genealogica 2002 ADDENDA I (juillet 2000 - août 2001) Introduction Un an après la publication de mon livre, il apparaît opportun de donner un premier état des compléments et des corrections que l’on peut y apporter1. Je ne dirais qu’un mot des erreurs de forme, bien trop nombreuses hélas, mais qu’il reste toujours possible d’éliminer. J’ai répertorié ici celles que j’ai relevées au hasard des lectures. En revanche, les corrections de fond s’avèrent un mal rédhibitoire. La mise à jour de nouveaux documents (et on verra que plusieurs inscriptions importantes doivent être ajoutées au dossier), la prise en compte de publications qui m’avaient échappées ou simplement une réflexion différente rendront toujours l’œuvre mouvante et inachevée. Il m’a semblé que pour garder au livre son caractère d’actualité il fallait impérativement tenir à jour des addenda. Une publication traditionnelle aurait pour conséquence que ces addenda seraient eux-mêmes rapidement rendus insuffisants voire obsolètes dans un temps très court, à peine publiés sans doute2. La meilleure solution s’impose donc naturellement : une publication en ligne avec une remise à niveau régulière que l’on trouvera, pour l’instant, sur : http://www.linacre.ox.ac.uk/research/prosop/addrome.doc Il est bien entendu que cet état reste provisoire et ne s’assimile pas encore à une publication formelle et que je reste à l’écoute des suggestions, critiques ou corrections que l’on voudra bien me faire, et que j’essaierai d’en tenir compte du mieux possible3.
    [Show full text]
  • Julius Caesar to Caligula)
    Notable instances of intellectual repression in Rome (Julius Caesar to Caligula) NB: Legal bases: • Twelve Tables (450 BC) (TT 8.1, cited by Cicero in Rep. 4.12, p. 79 in your text, who wholeheartedly agrees with the law) prohibited defamatory writings: ‘If any person had sung or composed against another person a song (=poem) such as was causing slander or insult to another…’ Penalty (in 450 BC, evidently) was to be clubbed to death. • maiestas (treason): first introduced 103 BC, underwent a variety of changes, though the important one was the law passed by Julius Caesar (lex Iulia maiestatis, ca. 45 BC) which made banishment the chief penalty. This was the law invoked frequently in the first century of the Principate (notably by Tiberius, but by almost all of his successors as well). Julius Caesar ca. 45 BC: expert on oracles exiled by Julius Caesar Augustus 31 BC(?): Octavian (=Augustus) burns all documents relevant to triumviral period 28 BC: philosopher (Anaxilaos), expert in magic, banished ca. 27 BC: Augustus curtails publication of the acta senatus (‘senatorial record’) ca. 18 BC(?): Augustus forbids publication of anonymous attacks 12 BC: Augustus, now pontifex maximus, burns all oracular books and writings. First known instance of ‘book burning’ (usually done under charge of maiestas) AD 6 (?): Corvus, professor of rhetoric, charged with ‘harming the state’ for discussing birth control and celibacy in his classroom. Outcome of trial unknown. ca. AD 6-8: Titus Labienus, Augustan orator and an historian, has his writings confiscated and burned by senatorial decree (on grounds that his writings were treasonous).
    [Show full text]
  • Latin Criticism of the Early Empire Pp
    Cambridge Histories Online http://universitypublishingonline.org/cambridge/histories/ The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism Edited by George Alexander Kennedy Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063 Online ISBN: 9781139055338 Hardback ISBN: 9780521300063 Paperback ISBN: 9780521317177 Chapter 9 - Latin Criticism of the Early Empire pp. 274-296 Chapter DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063.010 Cambridge University Press LATIN CRITICISM OF THE EARLY EMPIRE The name 'Silver Latin' is often given to the literature of the first century of the Christian era and is generally understood to imply its inferiority to the Golden Age of the late Republic and Augustan era. Analogy with the five Hesiodic ages, in which the silver age was both later and less worthy than the golden, suggests the cliche of decline. To what extent did the Romans of the early imperial period feel that they and their contemporaries were a falling away from the previous generation? We will see that the change in form of government, by denying opportunities for significant political speech, trivialised the art of oratory. But was there any such external constraint on poetry? Modern critics have reproached Silver Latin epic and tragedy with being 'rhetorical'. Certainly it is clear from Tacitus' Dialogus that men thwarted from political expression transferred to the safer vehicle of historical or mythical poetry both the techniques and ideals of public oratory. But just as no one suggests that Juvenal's satires were poorer compositions because of his apparent rhetorical skill, so rhetorical colouring in the higher poetic genres of tragedy and epic is not necessarily a fault.
    [Show full text]
  • Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus' Annals
    DECUS POSTERITAS REPENDIT: Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus’ Annals By © 2017 Michael Tae Woo B.A., University of California, Davis, 2015 Submitted to the graduate degree program in Classics and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Chair: Dr. Anthony Corbeill Dr. Emma Scioli Dr. Craig Jendza Date Submitted: 10 May 2017 ii The thesis committee for Michael Tae Woo certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: DECUS POSTERITAS REPENDIT: Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus’ Annals Chair: Dr. Anthony Corbeill Date Approved: 10 May 2017 iii Abstract In one of the best known passages in the Annals, Tacitus gives an account of the trial and death of Aulus Cremutius Cordus (A. 4.34-35), a Roman historian documenting the transitional period from the Roman Republic to the Empire. In this account Cordus is given a speech with which he defends a historian’s right to praise the enemies of the emperor. The majority of modern scholars have interpreted Tacitus’ account as unqualified praise for Cordus, and many have suggested that readers are to understand Cordus as a surrogate for Tacitus’ own views on the rights and duties of historians. In this project I attempt to challenge that consensus. I argue that Cordus and Tacitus disagree in their historiographical, political, and even moral principles, and that Tacitus’ account of Cordus’ trial and death contains criticism of the historian, even while acknowledging his courage. This reading complicates Tacitus’ relationship to Cordus and to several other characters in the Annals who, though they die deaths of great renown, effect little change.
    [Show full text]
  • Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep
    A Curious Case: Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep. 5.8) Jonathan J. Price Pliny the Younger admired historians and historical writing. In his letters he praises History‘s virtues, values a freedman who can read history well, and above all, feels unbounded esteem for his friend Tacitus, who had gained fame while still alive for his published historical researches.1 Pliny‘s most elaborate appreciation of historiography is contained in Ep. 5.8, a letter of 105-106 CE2 addressed to Titinius Capito, who had urged Pliny to write history himself. Pliny responds to Capito by lauding history-writing as the surest means to fame and affirming his desire to take up the task, but his convoluted and confusing explanation of the reasons for his delay amount to a decisive rejection of ever writing history. The letter has been variously understood as a serious contemplation on historiography, a document of angst about his status in Rome‘s literary world, a bid to make himself the subject of history, an urbane ‗polite refusal‘ to write history.3 This paper, offered in honor of my friend and colleague Hannah Cotton,4 will argue that the letter is a subtle but demonstrative rejection of history-writing which both reflects and comments on the state of Roman historiography in Pliny‘s generation. Pliny‘s correspondent, the equestrian Cn. Octavius Titinius Capito, was a generous literary patron and the host of a well-known salon, apparently an arbiter of taste in Rome in the early second century CE.5 After a military career, he served as procurator ab * I would like to thank Werner Eck for helpful criticism.
    [Show full text]
  • Drusus Libo and the Succession of Tiberius
    THE REPUBLIC IN DANGER This page intentionally left blank The Republic in Danger Drusus Libo and the Succession of Tiberius ANDREW PETTINGER 1 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries # Andrew Pettinger 2012 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2012 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data available ISBN 978–0–19–960174–5 Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by MPG Books Group, Bodmin and King’s Lynn To Hayley, Sue, and Graham Preface In 2003, while reading modern works on treason trials in Rome, I came across the prosecution of M. Scribonius Drusus Libo, an aristocrat destroyed in AD 16 for seeking out the opinions of a necromancer.
    [Show full text]
  • The Annals of Imperial Rome
    The Annals of Imperial Rome 321 The Annals of Imperial Rome Tacitus (A.D. c.56-c.120), the greatest of the Roman historians, chronicles the early Roman Empire, from the death of the first emperor Augustus (in A.D. 14) up to the years of the First Jewish-Roman War (A.D. 63-73). The Annals is his final work. It portrays the pathological souls of tyrants, the psychology of power politics, and the preciousness and precariousness of liberty. 323 Tacitus Book I The city of Rome was originally in the hands of kings; liberty and the consulship were instituted by Lucius Brutus. Dictatorships were as- sumed temporarily. The Board of Ten did not exercise control beyond a two-year period, nor was the military tribunes’ consular authority long prevalent. Neither Cinna’s regime nor Sulla’s was lengthy. The power of Pompey and Crassus quickly gave way to Caesar, likewise the armies of Lepidus and Antony to Augustus, who as ‘first citizen’ re- ceived everything, weary as it was from civil strife, into his command. For the Roman people of old – their successes and misfortunes – writ- ers of renown produced a record, and the tale of Augustus’ times did not lack reputable talents until the spread of flattery proved a deter- rent. The affairs of Tiberius and Gaius, Claudius and Nero, in their prosperity, were falsified through fear and after their fall were written with hatreds still fresh. Thus my plan is to report a few final things about Augustus, then Tiberius’ principate and the rest, without anger or favour, from whose causes I consider myself distant.
    [Show full text]
  • 2013.A11 Wisse, Remembering Cremutius Cordus
    Histos () – REMEMBERING CREMUTIUS CORDUS: * TACITUS ON HISTORY, TYRANNY AND MEMORY Abstract: Tacitus’ account of the treason trial of the historian Cremutius Cordus under Tiberius has long been recognised as a statement about the freedom of speech of a historian under a repressive regime. This paper offers a full interpretation of the passage, Annals .–, seen as part of the tightly woven texture of the beginning of the work. Its main problem is the perceived implausibility of Cremutius’ claim that his praise of Brutus and Cassius ought not to have provoked the emperor’s anger. It is here argued that this can be solved by a new interpretation of the preceding digression on historiography under the empire, a passage often assumed to expose the disingenuousness of Cremutius’/Tacitus’ claim; the concept of figured speech, often invoked, is shown to be irrelevant to the issue. Moreover, as it memorialises Tiberius’ guilt as well as Cremutius’ courageous frankness, the passage is a demonstration of the power of history, in accordance with the programmatic statement in ... Introductory remutius Cordus is a familiar name among students of ancient historiography. This is, of course, due to his speech and death as Cthey appear in Tacitus’ famous account of his treason trial in Annals .–—all the more remarkable because Cremutius is mentioned nowhere else in Tacitus. This is not to say that his appearances in other authors are unimportant, as we will see. But the passage in the Annals is highly significant, and has accordingly drawn much scholarly attention. For it is * A preliminary version of parts of this piece was presented at Newcastle on November as my inaugural lecture, ‘Lest We Forget: Tacitus on history-writing under a tyranny’: https://www.ncl.ac.uk/events/public-lectures/archive/item/lestwe forgettacitusonhistorywritingunderatyranny.html .
    [Show full text]
  • Dionysius of Halicarnassus and the 'Founders' of Rome
    Dionysius of Halicarnassus and the ‘Founders’ of Rome: Depicting Characters in the Roman Antiquities by Beatrice Poletti A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classical Languages Department of History and Classics University of Alberta © Beatrice Poletti, 2018 ABSTRACT In my thesis, I analyze Dionysius’s presentation of some of the most celebrated characters of Rome’s early past: Aeneas, Romulus, Numa Pompilius, L. Junius Brutus, and M. Furius Camillus. The thesis is composed of Five Chapters, an introduction, and a conclusion. In Chapter 1, I describe the background to Dionysius’s arrival in Rome, focusing on the literary milieu of the capital. In Chapter 2, I discuss Dionysius’s work and the ideas underlying the conception of the Roman Antiquities. In Chapter 3, I examine Dionysius’s account of the Aeneas legend. I deal with the legends of Romulus and Numa, respectively, at Chapters 4.1.1 and 4.2, and 4.1.2 and 4.3. My analysis of the stories of L. Junius Brutus and M. Furius Camillus occupies Chapters 5.1 and 5.2. I have chosen these characters for my study because of their significance in the Romans’ conception of their early past and their association with key events and institutions of Roman history, as well as the political meaning which their figures eventually acquired. By Dionysius’s time, all these characters (with the exception of L. Brutus) had come to embody the qualities and political virtues of the princeps. Aeneas was the progenitor of the Roman race as well as Augustus’s personal ancestor through his adoption into the gens Julia.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lives of the Caesars: Caius Caligula
    The Lives of the Caesars: Caius Caligula Suetonius The Lives of the Caesars: Caius Caligula Table of Contents The Lives of the Caesars: Caius Caligula...............................................................................................................1 Suetonius........................................................................................................................................................2 i The Lives of the Caesars: Caius Caligula The Lives of the Caesars: Caius Caligula 1 The Lives of the Caesars: Caius Caligula Suetonius This page copyright © 2001 Blackmask Online. http://www.blackmask.com I. GERMANICUS, father of Gaius Caesar, son of Drusus and the younger Antonia, after being adopted by his paternal uncle Tiberius [4 A.D.], held the quaestorship [7 A.D.] five years before the legal age and passed directly to the consulship [12 A.D.] [i.e., without holding any of the intermediate offices of the cursus honorem]. When the death of Augustus [14 A.D.] was announced, he was sent to the army in Germania, where it is hard to say whether his filial piety or his courage was more conspicuous; for although all the legions obstinately refused to accept Tiberius as emperor, and offered him the rule of the state, he held them to their allegiance. And later he won a victory over the enemy and celebrated a triumph [17 A.D.]. Then chosen consul for a second time [18 A.D.], before he entered on his term he was hurried off to restore order in the Orient, and after vanquishing the king of Armenia and reducing Cappadocia to the form of a province, died of a lingering illness at Antioch, in the thirty−fourth year of his age. There was some suspicion that he was poisoned; for besides the dark spots which appeared all over his body and the froth which flowed from his mouth, after he had been reduced to ashes his heart was found entire among his bones; and it is supposed to be a characteristic of that organ that when steeped in poison it cannot be destroyed by fire.
    [Show full text]
  • History of Gens Vitellia
    The History of Gens Vitellia Origins of the Vitellii Of the origin of the Vitellii different and widely varying accounts are given, some saying that the family was ancient and noble, others that it was new and obscure, if not of mean extraction. I should believe that these came respectively from the flatterers and detractors of the emperor, were it not for a difference of opinion about the standing of the family at a considerably earlier date. We have a book of Quintus Elogius addressed to Quintus Vitellius, Quaestor of the Deified Augustus, in which it is written that the Vitellii were sprung from Faunus, king of the Aborigines, and Vitellia, who was worshipped as a goddess in many places; and that they ruled in all Latium. That the surviving members of the family moved from the Sabine district to Rome and were enrolled among the patricians. That traces of this stock endured long afterwards in the Vitellian Road, running from the Janiculum all the way to the sea, as well as in a colony of the same name, which in ancient days the family had asked the privilege of defending against the Aequicoli with troops raised from their own line. That when afterwards a force was sent into Apulia at the time of the Samnite war, some of the Vitellii settled at Nuceria, and that after a long time their descendants returned to the city and resumed their place in the senatorial order. On the other hand several have written that the founder of the family was a freedman, while Cassius Severus and others as well say further that he was a cobbler, and that his son, after making a considerable fortune from the sale of confiscated estates and the profession of informer, married a common strumpet, daughter of one Antiochus who kept a bakery, and became the father of a Roman knight.
    [Show full text]
  • Diomedes As a Source for Pliny's Dubio Sermo
    Diomedes as a Source for Pliny’s Dubio Sermo: Some Editorial Problems Alessandro Garcea To cite this version: Alessandro Garcea. Diomedes as a Source for Pliny’s Dubio Sermo: Some Editorial Problems. Ra- tiones Rerum – Rivista di filologia e storia, Edizioni TORED 2019, Latin Grammarians Forum 2018- 2019, 14, pp.53-71. halshs-02938712 HAL Id: halshs-02938712 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02938712 Submitted on 15 Sep 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Rationes Rerum Rivista di filologia e storia 14 . Rationes Rerum Rivista di filologia e storia Direzione Leopoldo Gamberale (Sapienza Università di Roma) – Filologia Eugenio Lanzillotta (Università di Roma Tor Vergata) – Storia Comitato di direzione Maria Accame (Sapienza Università di Roma); Cinzia Bearzot (Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milano); Maria Grazia Bonanno (Università di Roma Tor Vergata); José María Candau Morón (Universidad de Sevilla); Carmen Codoñer Merino (Universidad de Salamanca); Federica Cordano (Università Statale di Milano); Virgilio Costa (Università di Roma Tor Vergata); Carlo Vittorio Di Giovine (Università della Basilicata); Massimo Di Marco (Sapienza Università di Roma); Werner Eck (Universität Köln); Michael Erler (Universität Würzburg); Maria Rosaria Falivene (Università di Roma Tor Vergata); Stephen Halliwell (University of St.
    [Show full text]