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Addenda Et Corrigenda
Christian Settipani CONTINUITE GENTILICE ET CONTINUITE FAMILIALE DANS LES FAMILLES SENATORIALES ROMAINES A L’EPOQUE IMPERIALE MYTHE ET REALITE Addenda I - III (juillet 2000- octobre 2002) P & G Prosopographica et Genealogica 2002 ADDENDA I (juillet 2000 - août 2001) Introduction Un an après la publication de mon livre, il apparaît opportun de donner un premier état des compléments et des corrections que l’on peut y apporter1. Je ne dirais qu’un mot des erreurs de forme, bien trop nombreuses hélas, mais qu’il reste toujours possible d’éliminer. J’ai répertorié ici celles que j’ai relevées au hasard des lectures. En revanche, les corrections de fond s’avèrent un mal rédhibitoire. La mise à jour de nouveaux documents (et on verra que plusieurs inscriptions importantes doivent être ajoutées au dossier), la prise en compte de publications qui m’avaient échappées ou simplement une réflexion différente rendront toujours l’œuvre mouvante et inachevée. Il m’a semblé que pour garder au livre son caractère d’actualité il fallait impérativement tenir à jour des addenda. Une publication traditionnelle aurait pour conséquence que ces addenda seraient eux-mêmes rapidement rendus insuffisants voire obsolètes dans un temps très court, à peine publiés sans doute2. La meilleure solution s’impose donc naturellement : une publication en ligne avec une remise à niveau régulière que l’on trouvera, pour l’instant, sur : http://www.linacre.ox.ac.uk/research/prosop/addrome.doc Il est bien entendu que cet état reste provisoire et ne s’assimile pas encore à une publication formelle et que je reste à l’écoute des suggestions, critiques ou corrections que l’on voudra bien me faire, et que j’essaierai d’en tenir compte du mieux possible3. -
Julius Caesar to Caligula)
Notable instances of intellectual repression in Rome (Julius Caesar to Caligula) NB: Legal bases: • Twelve Tables (450 BC) (TT 8.1, cited by Cicero in Rep. 4.12, p. 79 in your text, who wholeheartedly agrees with the law) prohibited defamatory writings: ‘If any person had sung or composed against another person a song (=poem) such as was causing slander or insult to another…’ Penalty (in 450 BC, evidently) was to be clubbed to death. • maiestas (treason): first introduced 103 BC, underwent a variety of changes, though the important one was the law passed by Julius Caesar (lex Iulia maiestatis, ca. 45 BC) which made banishment the chief penalty. This was the law invoked frequently in the first century of the Principate (notably by Tiberius, but by almost all of his successors as well). Julius Caesar ca. 45 BC: expert on oracles exiled by Julius Caesar Augustus 31 BC(?): Octavian (=Augustus) burns all documents relevant to triumviral period 28 BC: philosopher (Anaxilaos), expert in magic, banished ca. 27 BC: Augustus curtails publication of the acta senatus (‘senatorial record’) ca. 18 BC(?): Augustus forbids publication of anonymous attacks 12 BC: Augustus, now pontifex maximus, burns all oracular books and writings. First known instance of ‘book burning’ (usually done under charge of maiestas) AD 6 (?): Corvus, professor of rhetoric, charged with ‘harming the state’ for discussing birth control and celibacy in his classroom. Outcome of trial unknown. ca. AD 6-8: Titus Labienus, Augustan orator and an historian, has his writings confiscated and burned by senatorial decree (on grounds that his writings were treasonous). -
Latin Criticism of the Early Empire Pp
Cambridge Histories Online http://universitypublishingonline.org/cambridge/histories/ The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism Edited by George Alexander Kennedy Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063 Online ISBN: 9781139055338 Hardback ISBN: 9780521300063 Paperback ISBN: 9780521317177 Chapter 9 - Latin Criticism of the Early Empire pp. 274-296 Chapter DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063.010 Cambridge University Press LATIN CRITICISM OF THE EARLY EMPIRE The name 'Silver Latin' is often given to the literature of the first century of the Christian era and is generally understood to imply its inferiority to the Golden Age of the late Republic and Augustan era. Analogy with the five Hesiodic ages, in which the silver age was both later and less worthy than the golden, suggests the cliche of decline. To what extent did the Romans of the early imperial period feel that they and their contemporaries were a falling away from the previous generation? We will see that the change in form of government, by denying opportunities for significant political speech, trivialised the art of oratory. But was there any such external constraint on poetry? Modern critics have reproached Silver Latin epic and tragedy with being 'rhetorical'. Certainly it is clear from Tacitus' Dialogus that men thwarted from political expression transferred to the safer vehicle of historical or mythical poetry both the techniques and ideals of public oratory. But just as no one suggests that Juvenal's satires were poorer compositions because of his apparent rhetorical skill, so rhetorical colouring in the higher poetic genres of tragedy and epic is not necessarily a fault. -
Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus' Annals
DECUS POSTERITAS REPENDIT: Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus’ Annals By © 2017 Michael Tae Woo B.A., University of California, Davis, 2015 Submitted to the graduate degree program in Classics and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Chair: Dr. Anthony Corbeill Dr. Emma Scioli Dr. Craig Jendza Date Submitted: 10 May 2017 ii The thesis committee for Michael Tae Woo certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: DECUS POSTERITAS REPENDIT: Reevaluating Cremutius Cordus in Tacitus’ Annals Chair: Dr. Anthony Corbeill Date Approved: 10 May 2017 iii Abstract In one of the best known passages in the Annals, Tacitus gives an account of the trial and death of Aulus Cremutius Cordus (A. 4.34-35), a Roman historian documenting the transitional period from the Roman Republic to the Empire. In this account Cordus is given a speech with which he defends a historian’s right to praise the enemies of the emperor. The majority of modern scholars have interpreted Tacitus’ account as unqualified praise for Cordus, and many have suggested that readers are to understand Cordus as a surrogate for Tacitus’ own views on the rights and duties of historians. In this project I attempt to challenge that consensus. I argue that Cordus and Tacitus disagree in their historiographical, political, and even moral principles, and that Tacitus’ account of Cordus’ trial and death contains criticism of the historian, even while acknowledging his courage. This reading complicates Tacitus’ relationship to Cordus and to several other characters in the Annals who, though they die deaths of great renown, effect little change. -
The Emergence of Archival Records at Rome in the Fourth Century BCE
Foundations of History: The Emergence of Archival Records at Rome in the Fourth Century BCE by Zachary B. Hallock A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2018 Doctoral Committee: Professor David Potter, Chair Associate Professor Benjamin Fortson Assistant Professor Brendan Haug Professor Nicola Terrenato Zachary B. Hallock [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0003-0337-0181 © 2018 by Zachary B. Hallock To my parents for their endless love and support ii Acknowledgements I would like to thank Rackham Graduate School and the Departments of Classics and History for providing me with the resources and support that made my time as a graduate student comfortable and enjoyable. I would also like to express my gratitude to the professors of these departments who made themselves and their expertise abundantly available. Their mentoring and guidance proved invaluable and have shaped my approach to solving the problems of the past. I am an immensely better thinker and teacher through their efforts. I would also like to express my appreciation to my committee, whose diligence and attention made this project possible. I will be forever in their debt for the time they committed to reading and discussing my work. I would particularly like to thank my chair, David Potter, who has acted as a mentor and guide throughout my time at Michigan and has had the greatest role in making me the scholar that I am today. Finally, I would like to thank my wife, Andrea, who has been and will always be my greatest interlocutor. -
The Manipulation of Words of Sounds and Rumours in Julius Caesar's
AYELET PEER, Hear No Evil? The Manipulation of Words of Sounds and Rumours in Julius Caesar’s Commentaries, in: Annemarie Ambühl (ed.), Krieg der Sinne – Die Sinne im Krieg. Kriegsdarstellungen im Spannungsfeld zwischen antiker und moderner Kultur / War of the Senses – The Senses in War. Interactions and Tensions Between Representations of War in Classical and Modern Culture = thersites 4 (2016), 43-76. KEYWORDS Julius Caesar, Commentarii, Bellum Gallicum, Bellum Civile, Sound, Battle Descriptions ABSTRACT (English) In recent years, we have witnessed how scholars have re-read and re- examined Caesar’s commentaries on the Gallic and Civil wars, focusing more on the works’ literary merits. In this contribution to the discussion I aim to show how Caesar deploys the motif of hearing to develop his narrative of battle description. Therefore I single out specific words denoting sound such as shouting (clamor), voices (vox), and also the use of rumours (rumor, fama). Caesar probably wished to give his audience a fuller, engaging portrayal of the battlefield, along with its dangers and terrors, so that we, his readers, are able not only to see through the general’s eyes, but also to hear the sounds of war. Sounds are thus significant in conveying the tense atmosphere of war, especially since soldiers are naturally frightened by what they cannot see, but only hear. Yet in this chaos of shouts and voices Caesar would have us remember that only one voice can ease the fears of the soldiers and restore order: the voice of the commander, imperator Caesar. ABSTRACT (German) In den letzten Jahren hat die Forschung Caesars Commentarii zum Gallischen Krieg und zum Bürgerkrieg neu untersucht und den Schwerpunkt vermehrt auf die literarischen Verdienste der Werke gelegt. -
Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep
A Curious Case: Pliny Does Not Write History (Ep. 5.8) Jonathan J. Price Pliny the Younger admired historians and historical writing. In his letters he praises History‘s virtues, values a freedman who can read history well, and above all, feels unbounded esteem for his friend Tacitus, who had gained fame while still alive for his published historical researches.1 Pliny‘s most elaborate appreciation of historiography is contained in Ep. 5.8, a letter of 105-106 CE2 addressed to Titinius Capito, who had urged Pliny to write history himself. Pliny responds to Capito by lauding history-writing as the surest means to fame and affirming his desire to take up the task, but his convoluted and confusing explanation of the reasons for his delay amount to a decisive rejection of ever writing history. The letter has been variously understood as a serious contemplation on historiography, a document of angst about his status in Rome‘s literary world, a bid to make himself the subject of history, an urbane ‗polite refusal‘ to write history.3 This paper, offered in honor of my friend and colleague Hannah Cotton,4 will argue that the letter is a subtle but demonstrative rejection of history-writing which both reflects and comments on the state of Roman historiography in Pliny‘s generation. Pliny‘s correspondent, the equestrian Cn. Octavius Titinius Capito, was a generous literary patron and the host of a well-known salon, apparently an arbiter of taste in Rome in the early second century CE.5 After a military career, he served as procurator ab * I would like to thank Werner Eck for helpful criticism. -
Drusus Libo and the Succession of Tiberius
THE REPUBLIC IN DANGER This page intentionally left blank The Republic in Danger Drusus Libo and the Succession of Tiberius ANDREW PETTINGER 1 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries # Andrew Pettinger 2012 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2012 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Data available ISBN 978–0–19–960174–5 Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by MPG Books Group, Bodmin and King’s Lynn To Hayley, Sue, and Graham Preface In 2003, while reading modern works on treason trials in Rome, I came across the prosecution of M. Scribonius Drusus Libo, an aristocrat destroyed in AD 16 for seeking out the opinions of a necromancer. -
02 Translated Eng
ROCZNIKI HUMANISTYCZNE Volume 67, issue 3 – 2019 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2019.67.3-2en AGNIESZKA DZIUBA * MILITARY RHETORIC IN THE DESCRIPTION OF WOMEN’S BEHAVIOR ON THE BASIS OF CICERO’S AND LIVY’S SELECTED TEXTS According to rhetorical theory, the aim of every speech is to convince the audience to support the cause of which the speaker is an advocate. In the case of a court speech ( genus iudiciale ), the aim will be to convince the judges of the defendant’s guilt (in the case of accusatio ) or innocence (in the case of defensio ). In an advisory speech ( deliberativum ), the politician deliv- ering his text will try to persuade the audience (the senate or a popular as- sembly) to vote for ( suasio ) or against ( dissuasio ) the motion submitted. The situation will be similar in the case of the third type of speech—epideictic (demonstrativum ). In the present article I will analyze fragments of two texts of different provenance, representing different kinds of oration ( dissuasio and defensio ). It is somewhat difficult to locate them chronologically, since on the one hand we are dealing with a speech delivered in a specific historical setting, and on the other—with a literary genre involving a fictitious speech (sermocinatio ) in place of an oration confirmed by sources. The aim of the article is to show the way of using the artistic argument 1 in descriptions of AGNIESZKA DZIUBA , PhD, Dsc, Assoc. Prof. (KUL)—Department of General Linguistics at the Institute of Classical Studies, the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin; address for cor- respondence: Al. -
The Annals of Imperial Rome
The Annals of Imperial Rome 321 The Annals of Imperial Rome Tacitus (A.D. c.56-c.120), the greatest of the Roman historians, chronicles the early Roman Empire, from the death of the first emperor Augustus (in A.D. 14) up to the years of the First Jewish-Roman War (A.D. 63-73). The Annals is his final work. It portrays the pathological souls of tyrants, the psychology of power politics, and the preciousness and precariousness of liberty. 323 Tacitus Book I The city of Rome was originally in the hands of kings; liberty and the consulship were instituted by Lucius Brutus. Dictatorships were as- sumed temporarily. The Board of Ten did not exercise control beyond a two-year period, nor was the military tribunes’ consular authority long prevalent. Neither Cinna’s regime nor Sulla’s was lengthy. The power of Pompey and Crassus quickly gave way to Caesar, likewise the armies of Lepidus and Antony to Augustus, who as ‘first citizen’ re- ceived everything, weary as it was from civil strife, into his command. For the Roman people of old – their successes and misfortunes – writ- ers of renown produced a record, and the tale of Augustus’ times did not lack reputable talents until the spread of flattery proved a deter- rent. The affairs of Tiberius and Gaius, Claudius and Nero, in their prosperity, were falsified through fear and after their fall were written with hatreds still fresh. Thus my plan is to report a few final things about Augustus, then Tiberius’ principate and the rest, without anger or favour, from whose causes I consider myself distant. -
2013.A11 Wisse, Remembering Cremutius Cordus
Histos () – REMEMBERING CREMUTIUS CORDUS: * TACITUS ON HISTORY, TYRANNY AND MEMORY Abstract: Tacitus’ account of the treason trial of the historian Cremutius Cordus under Tiberius has long been recognised as a statement about the freedom of speech of a historian under a repressive regime. This paper offers a full interpretation of the passage, Annals .–, seen as part of the tightly woven texture of the beginning of the work. Its main problem is the perceived implausibility of Cremutius’ claim that his praise of Brutus and Cassius ought not to have provoked the emperor’s anger. It is here argued that this can be solved by a new interpretation of the preceding digression on historiography under the empire, a passage often assumed to expose the disingenuousness of Cremutius’/Tacitus’ claim; the concept of figured speech, often invoked, is shown to be irrelevant to the issue. Moreover, as it memorialises Tiberius’ guilt as well as Cremutius’ courageous frankness, the passage is a demonstration of the power of history, in accordance with the programmatic statement in ... Introductory remutius Cordus is a familiar name among students of ancient historiography. This is, of course, due to his speech and death as Cthey appear in Tacitus’ famous account of his treason trial in Annals .–—all the more remarkable because Cremutius is mentioned nowhere else in Tacitus. This is not to say that his appearances in other authors are unimportant, as we will see. But the passage in the Annals is highly significant, and has accordingly drawn much scholarly attention. For it is * A preliminary version of parts of this piece was presented at Newcastle on November as my inaugural lecture, ‘Lest We Forget: Tacitus on history-writing under a tyranny’: https://www.ncl.ac.uk/events/public-lectures/archive/item/lestwe forgettacitusonhistorywritingunderatyranny.html . -
Dionysius of Halicarnassus and the 'Founders' of Rome
Dionysius of Halicarnassus and the ‘Founders’ of Rome: Depicting Characters in the Roman Antiquities by Beatrice Poletti A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classical Languages Department of History and Classics University of Alberta © Beatrice Poletti, 2018 ABSTRACT In my thesis, I analyze Dionysius’s presentation of some of the most celebrated characters of Rome’s early past: Aeneas, Romulus, Numa Pompilius, L. Junius Brutus, and M. Furius Camillus. The thesis is composed of Five Chapters, an introduction, and a conclusion. In Chapter 1, I describe the background to Dionysius’s arrival in Rome, focusing on the literary milieu of the capital. In Chapter 2, I discuss Dionysius’s work and the ideas underlying the conception of the Roman Antiquities. In Chapter 3, I examine Dionysius’s account of the Aeneas legend. I deal with the legends of Romulus and Numa, respectively, at Chapters 4.1.1 and 4.2, and 4.1.2 and 4.3. My analysis of the stories of L. Junius Brutus and M. Furius Camillus occupies Chapters 5.1 and 5.2. I have chosen these characters for my study because of their significance in the Romans’ conception of their early past and their association with key events and institutions of Roman history, as well as the political meaning which their figures eventually acquired. By Dionysius’s time, all these characters (with the exception of L. Brutus) had come to embody the qualities and political virtues of the princeps. Aeneas was the progenitor of the Roman race as well as Augustus’s personal ancestor through his adoption into the gens Julia.