Peasant Dance Traditions and National Dance Types in East-Central Europe in the 16th-19th Centuries*

Gyorgy Martin

Martin, Gyiirgy 1985: Peasant Dance Traditions and National Dance Types in East-Central Europe in the 16th-19th Century. - Ethnologia Europaea XV: 117-128

The author analyses the interrelation between elite culture and popular culture as it appears in the modern history of East Central European folk dances. Ac­ cording to his opinion, differences among popular dance traditions of various zones in Europe reflect phase shifts in the historic development: some regions preserved medieval and renaissance dance forms while other regions adopted more modern styles. In contrast to the spread of courtly and elite dance forms among the common people, the appearence of "national dance types" represents the conscious incorporation of peasant dance traditions into the national culture. In the 16th-17th century the Hajdu (Heyduck) dance might be considered as an early forerunner of these "national dance types". Originally a weapon-dance of herdsmen and soldier-peasants , this dance acquired a sort of national signifi­ cance during the centuries of war against the Turks and was practised in all layers of contemporary society . Later in the 19th century, during the era of na­ tional awakening, the creation of "national dance types" was guided by national ideologies and followed a remarkably similar pattern among Hungarians, Slov­ aks and Transylvanian Roumanians.

The late Dr. Gyorgy Martin (1932-1983) was head of the Folk Dance Department of the Institute of Musicology, Hungarian Academy of Sciences , Budapest .

The focus of this discussion is the relationship cient and complex manifestation of total art between folk culture and high culture, be­ ("Gesamtkunst"). In the study of dance it is tween popular and elite culture as exemplified more difficult to differentiate between popular by East-Central European folk dance. I con­ and elite levels than it is in other art forms. tend that the examination of dance in this cul­ This difficulty is illustrated clearly by the al­ tural region reveals processes that are charac­ most total lack of written records. This is the teristic of other European, and even non-Eu­ case even in the most aristocratic branch of au­ ropean regions. The cultural history of East­ tonomous dance art, the classical ballet. It is Central European dance tradition may con­ precisely this lack of fixed and written records tribute to a general understanding of the rela­ in the process of perpetuation and diffusion of tionship between folk and elite cultures. dances which creates ample opportunity for a Dance is considered to be the most ancient dynamic interplay between popular and elite and most universal, the easiest to understand, culture. and in all times the most popular art. Cultural In the history of East-Central European historians trace its roots back to the dawn of dance cultures the concept of the so-called na­ times, to ages before even the existence of mu­ tional dance culture, is particularly significant. sic or poetry, or at least agree that dance was It expresses not only the similarities which one of the most important elements of the an- connect the peasant and noble, the popular and

117 elite components of a given national culture, The more slowly developing East European but also the continuing interaction between regions were dominated by the male dances of these components. The most conspicious ex­ a late medieval character and the improvised pression of each national dance culture is that couple dances of the Renaissance. While the national dance type which is recognized as such medieval weapon dances, collective and indi­ by compatriots and foreigners alike. The devel­ vidual male dances and the unregulated couple opment of national dance types in East-Cen­ dances were generally practiced, the oldest tral Europe is the concern of this paper. chain dances survived only sporadically and The different eras of European dance history the newer country dances did not play a nota­ were characterized by distinct dominant styles ble role. (Wolfram 1966, Martin 1968, 1975). and fads, the impact of which varied greatly Due to the centuries long Turkish occupa­ from region to region, depending on how speed­ tion, the dance culture of the Balkan people ily they spread and how readily they were re­ was for a long time isolated from the general ceived. As a consequence of these significant European trends, and is still defined by the me­ regional differences, characteristic dance terri­ dieval forms of the collective, chain and circle tories developed, each with its own idiomatic dances. In this region the most general Eu­ dance styles. Therefore, the regional differ­ ropean new-style dances, the couple dances, ences practically reflect phase differences. In are an exceptionally rare and new phenome­ other words: in each characteristic dance zone non. (Wolfram 1962, Jankovic 1933-1964, of the Continent different dance genres domi­ Martin 1979). nated . A closer scrutiny reveals, however, that In the development of national cultures (in all of these genres were parts of the general the modern sense of the term), dance played a dance history of Europe during different eras. vital role , especially among the East-Central (Pesovar 1967, Martin 1975). European peoples . In the era of national Ro­ The West European zone's dance culture is manticism, these people were conscious that dominated by the so-called country dance their dance culture was different from that of which is a combination of the couple- and Western and South-Eastern European people group-dances. The repertoire of movements in alike. East European people were inspired by these dances is simple. By contrast, the spatial this awareness to develop their dances into na­ choreography is complex and involves disci­ tional symbols . Thus the national dance cul­ plined, diversified group movements in unison. ture of these people reflected phase differences Individual dancers are paired and, at the same in their respective developments. time, they are parts of a larger dance collec­ The representative national dance types al­ tive, which does not allow for any individual ways emerged from the popular genres of the improvisation. respective period and region. Accordingly, in The country dance evolved from the 17th German and Austrian regions, as well as in century on. It became dominant in Western Czech and Polish territories, the walking, Europe among the people who led the bour­ whirling and jumping variants of couple geois development and had an impact in North dances became the national dances (Walzer and Middle Europe as well. This genre, which and Landler, polka, polonaise, mazurka and presupposes a well organized and consciously krakowiak). Among the peoples of the Carpa­ guided dance life, reflects the popularization thian Basin - Slovaks, Hungarians and Trans­ and folklorization of elite culture. In Western ylvanian Romanians - the role of national Europe this genre , which carried the imprint of dances were played by male dances (hajdu­ courtly and bourgeois culture, by the nine­ heyduck dances, verbunkos, calu§) and impro­ teenth century completely suppressed those ol­ vised, free couple dances (friska, csardas). Fi­ der, medieval and renaissance dance catego­ nally, the national dances of the Balkan peo­ ries, which, by contrast, have remained typi­ ples - Roumanians, Serbians and Bulgarians - cal, in other, more peripheral parts of Europe are collective chain dances (hora, kolo and (cf. Sharp, 1909; Sachs 1933). horo).

118 pean es of ,ised , the indi- mple ldest and 10ta- 75). :upa- ~ople 1eral ime- :ircle Eu- nces, ' ome- .964,

·s (in ,ed a ntral I Ro- that at of ~ople 1. Hajdu-soldiers dancing in front of the fortress Kapronca (Koprivnica, Croatia) 1686. Three soldiers are per­ id by forming a classical weapon-danc e accompanied by a "turkish pipe". - Etching of Justus van der Nyport, from the Birckenstein volume. o na- cul- mces These dances always emerged from the curred that the very same dance type was ele­ !S al- sphere of popular culture. The upper strata of vated to be the national dance - although with f the society generally accepted the latest European time differentiation and distinct ethnic modi­ Y, in dance styles which took time to be adopted by fication and colouring - of several neighbour­ 3.S in the lower strata. These were not appropriate to ing peoples, who had similar culture and his­ king, become national dances because of their inter­ tory. lUple national character. Popular dance of the East alzer European people was identical with the peas­ From the written sources of Hungarian dance and ant dance until the nineteenth century, and history of the past five centuries three dance irpa- consequently the national elites , seeking for types are known which became "national " rans- symbols of national identity, turned to the ru­ dances , practiced by the whole country and all ional ral dance traditions. (Rethei Prikkel 1924, strata of society, in given periods of history. zjdu- Szentpal 1954). Not only Hungarians but also foreigners re­ 1pro- The dance history of the Slovaks, Hungar­ cognized these as representing the Hungar­ ). Fi- ians and Roumanians in the Carpathian Basin ians . Such national dance types were: the peo- shows in several temporally subsequent exam­ hajdu weapon dance in the 16th and 17th cen­ ins - ples how the emergence of national dance tury, the soldiers' recruiting dance verbunkos and types occurred through the geographical and in the eighteenth century and the first half of social diffusion of a peasant dance . It even oc- the nineteenth century and finally, the csardas

119 L from the last third of the nineteenth century. gle. The hajdu dance was at its height during The two centuries of the hajdu dance history the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The coincided with the florescence of other parts of period was characterized by ceaseless warfare, Hungarian culture. After the first endeavours and continuous sieges of fortresses, when, as a in the Middle Ages, literature in Hungarian, result of the unpreventable Turkish expansion, secular poetry and composed music evolved in the Carpathian Basin was divided into three this era. Some elements of a modern national parts. The Kingdom of Hungary was reduced awareness appeared. European Humanism to the western and northern parts, under the along with the currents of the Renaissance and rule of the Habsburg Dynasty. The eastern the Reformation found a creative reception in part constituted the relatively independent Hungary. (Kardos 1955, 1961, Klaniczay 1961, Transylvanian principality, which maintained 1964). its independence by skillful diplomacy between Written evidence of the earliest known type the Habsburgs and the Turks. The most devas­ of our dances, the hajdu dance, can be found tated middle part of the Carpathian Basin be­ from the fifteenth century on. Until the be­ came the area of Turkish occupation. > ginning of the eighteenth century, reference is The last evidence of the hajdu dance is from made to the dance with descriptions of its char­ the beginning of the eighteenth century. By acter, notes of the accompanying dance music, this time, the Turks were driven back to the and, occasionally, pictorial representations. Balkans and the Hungarians were fighting for The dance was performed by men alone, or by national independence against the Habsburg men in groups, eventually forming a circle. dominance. During the national uprising led Sometimes even women joined in. The dance by Ferenc Rak6czi the 2nd (1703-1711) Hun­ generally had an informal, improvised struc­ garian insurrectionists were still performing ture with the virtuoso handling of weapons the hajdu dance. (the sword or the axe), and with fighting or The hajdu dance illustrates clearly how a fencing gestures and movements . The contem­ dance becomes generally accepted by all strata porary witnesses emphasize the wild rumbling of society. nature of the dance, its practically acrobatic According to early sources from the fifteenth jumping and squatting motifs. They mention and sixteenth century, the hajdu dance was ex­ the arm movements and rhytmical exclama­ clusively performed by members of particular tions of the dancers. Musical accompaniment social groups: herdsmen and armed cattle driv­ was provided by the popular instruments of ers (the so called hajdus) who became in time the period: the bagpipe, tarogat6 (turkish pipe, peasant soldiers (hajdu soldiers) . The first fif­ a wind-instrument), and the drum. From some teenth century source describes the celebration contemporary notations of melodies we know of victory by Pal Kinizsi, a general of King that the accompanying music had a fast-mov­ Mathias Corvinus after a battle with the Turks ing eightnote rhythm as well as the character­ (1479): the armed soldiers dancing on the bat­ istic motifs of bagpipemusic. (Rethei Prikkel tle field among the corpses of the Turks (Bon­ 1924, Kaposi-Pethes 1959, Pesovar 1972, Mar­ fini 1941:141, Martin 1983). Herders and cat­ tin 1965, 1969, Kiirti 1983, Szabolcsi 1954). tle drivers were also skilfull in the use of arms The hajdu dance is referred to by indigenous due to the lack of public security at the time. and foreign sources for about two hundred and From the beginning of the sixteenth century fifty years as the most typical and original the hajdus were increasingly requisitioned for Hungarian dance. This era was filled with con­ military service, because of the frequent intru­ tinuous combats and crises. The hajdu dance is sions of the Turks (cf. Szabo 1956, Beres-Mody first remembered in the last third of the fif­ 1956). teenth century, during the reign of King Math­ The hajdus played an important role in the ias Corvinus. His independent and strong Hungarian Peasant War of 1514. After the war kingdom still successfully resisted the Turkish severe laws were passed to discipline them and menace, but already was being driven to strug- the hajdu dance for quite a while thereafter

120 iring I_'., ,\,nu•,· .·I l ,.. ,'=r;,u,,1,,w 1·/ l1·,,11pt) .t/.,,,1qr,•,;../) > The , ,,,,11,1,,,,,) l f?''.,,.l,e /,, 'l ,,11., lt,., /t,.u1,:/.11u:y1 fare, I as a I sion, ;hree uced r the ,tern tdent lined ween evas­ n be- from 2. Dancing Hungarian soldiers and pandours. They are performing a chain-dance of mediaeval background '· By which illustrates the collective character of the hajdu and soldier dances. - Coloured etching of an unknown ar­ ::,the tist, 18th century. Lgfor ;burg g led was mentioned only in a pejorative tone. More­ most important political efforts of the period. Hun­ over, this critical attitude was aggravated by The national character of the hajdu dance is ming the explicitly puritanical, anti-dance spirit of substantiated by its widespread geographical the Reformation Period (cf. Balogh 1969, Mody distribution. Some 15 Hungarian fortresses, ow a 1969, 1972, 1975, Pesovar 1972). towns and villages can be associated with the trata From the second half of the sixteenth cen­ hajdu dance in this period. In addition to these tury, the country was continually in a state of 15, we may add a number of other locations ienth war for nearly two hundred years. During this where individually known performers of the 1s ex­ time the number of the hajdu soldiers grew hajdu dance had their residence. Thus, we cular steadily. At the beginning of the seveteenth know that the hajdu dance was known and driv­ century Istvan Bocskai, Prince of Transylvania performed in at least two dozen places. As to time settled the hajdus at the Turkish border in a their location, these places are scattered all st fif­ chain of fortified towns treating them as a free over the Carpathian Basin, from Transylvania ·ation privileged soldier class. From that time the to Pozsony (Bratislava), from the northern King hajdus - together, and mixing with the impo­ Carpathians to Croatia. lurks verished, soldiering gentry - constituted the The general diffusion of the hajdu-dance all l bat­ main force within the national military el­ over the ancient Kingdom of Hungary reveals (Bon­ ement. Foreign travellers in Hungary were that the non-Hungarian people who lived in i cat­ amazed by their bravery and prowess. A ger­ the Carpathian Basin also accepted it as their arms man eyewitness at the siege against the Turks own dance. Thus, the hajdu-dance was danced time. in Esztergom in 1594 recorded that, to the an­ by Slovakian, Carpathian Polish (Goral), Ruth­ ntury noyance of the Turkish defenders, the fighting enian, Roumanian, Serbian, Croatian peoples id for hajdus danced the hajdu dance in the moats as well as by the ethnic group of the Gypsies. ntru­ under gunfire. (Takacs 1921: 87). The over­ (Martin 1965, 1969, Elschek 1980). Mody whelming importance of the resistance against It is important to emphasize the widening of the Turks was manifested in the dance culture the social distribution of the hajdu dance. Ear­ 1?-the by the metamorphosis of the hajdu dance from lier, as a dance of the herdsmen and soldiers, it ewar the custom of herdsmen into the first national was performed in camps, castle courtyards and nand dance of the Hungarians, which in turn be­ inns. By the end of the sixteenth century, how­ iafter came a symbol of the heroic struggle in the ever, it was already being danced in palaces

121 and even at the royal court by noblemen and Finally, Janos Kemeny , ruling Prince of Trans­ aristocrats as well. On university festivals, at ylvania in his me~irs recalls at the end of the balls organized in connection with sessions of 17th century his nurse, a "soldier woman", who the parliament and even at coronation cele­ was an excellent hajdu-dancer. (Kemeny 1980: brations the dance was performed . In 1572 the 36). first significant Hungarian poet, Balint Bal­ These examples illustrate that the hajdu­ assi, himself a wealthy nobleman, caused a dance became a theme of the contemporary na­ sensation with his virtuoso performance of a tional literature. Those "fighting with pen and herdsman dance at the coronation festivities in sword" not only danced, but included the hajdu Pozsony (lstvanfi XXV: 326). In 1615, Gyorgy dance into poetry, chronicles and memoirs. Thurz6, the nador (palatine) of Hungary, sent Travellers from abroad recorded the hajdu a dancegroup of hajdus from northern Hun­ dance in artistic engravings and drawings with gary to a festival at the University of Witten­ scenes of weapon dancers performing to the berg (Mednyanszky 1829: 304-309). Count tunes of the Turkish pipe, the drum and bag­ Miklos Zrinyi, poet, warlord, and governor of pipes before the fortress (cf. Birckenstein Croatia also commemorates the hajdu-dance 1686). Moreover, stylised melodies of the hajdu in his baroque epic poem in the middle of the dance appear in contemporary Polish and Ger­ 17th century. (Zrinyi 1651, "Obsidio Szige­ man musical compositions. (Kurti 1983). In tiana" IV: 37-39). Pal Esterhazy, one of the sum, the hajdu dance appeared in Hungarian richest magnates of Hungary, later palatine literature as a symbol of the heroic struggle and also a gifted composer performed a hajdu­ against the Turks and also inspired foreign dance with weapons at the royal court, during writers, artists and composers. the Diet of 1647. (Rethei Prikkel 1924: 134). After the Turkish occupation was over and a

3. Csardas-dancers in the Great Hungarian Plain, mid-nineteenth century. A scene of soldiers' recruitment. In the center, a peasant lad takes leave of his girl-friend, two other pairs are dancing with free improvisation . In the background a gypsy orchestra, in the foreground gypsy children . - Chromolitography of an unknown artist.

122 } rans- ,fthe ,who L980:

1,jdu- y na- 1 and iajdu } J.oirs. iajdu

.with } o the

bag- ~ 1stein 1,ajdu t . Ger- 3). In arian 4. Round verbunk dance, a popular survival of the historic soldiers' recruiting dance tradition . The start of the uggle dance. Szany, County Gyiir-Sopron, 1971. ,reign and a new era began in Hungarian history, the haj­ ings. Hungarian, Gypsy, Slovakian, Goral, dus completely lost their important role and Ruthenian, and Roumanian folklore contains privileges . The Habsburgs attempted to erad­ dances which are related to the hajdu dance icate all memories of the insurrectionist up­ style in their formal and musical features and rising under Rak6czi (1703-1711) in which the sometimes even in their name. (Martin 1965, hajdus played their last important role . Thus, 1969, Elschek 1980, Kresanek 1959, Kotonski > for example, playing the Turkish pipe or taro­ 1956). gat6 was forbidden, because it was also a re­ The continuation of the hajdu dance style is minder of the rebellion. In this changed histor­ not limited to the peasants and herdsmen. On ical context the hajdu weapon dance lost its the elite level, its elements became incorpo­ former symbolic relevance. By the eighteenth rated into the new Hungarian dance and music century the hajdu dance once again reverted style, the uerbunkos or recruiting dance style, and became restricted to the herdsmen and which in the national Romantic era during the peasant strata. 19th century became an expression of the na­ Although the two centuries long national tional culture in the modern sense. (Lanyi­ role of the hajdu-dance came to an end, it did Martin - Pesovar 1983, Pesovar 1972, Sza­ not ·disappear without leaving remnants. bolcsi 1961). Rather, it survived in an unconspicuous way in The hajdu dance in the sixteenth and seven­ different social strata and among various eth­ teenth century could not yet be categorized as nic groups in modified forms. a national dance style in the modern sense. The most authentic continuation of the Only from the turn of the nineteenth century, hajdu-dance can be found in the instrumental we may speak of such a national style in East­ herdsmen dances, which were preserved until Central Europe. Janos Horvath, a historian of the 20th century by rather isolated groups. In Hungarian literary populism, distinguishes be­ peripheral regions the dance had its own sep­ tween two kinds of attitudes in the elite toward arate course of development. Several branches the peasant culture. On the one hand, there is 1ent . In tion . In of it were isolated from one another, and be­ an "unselfconscious, instinctive" application of 1 artist. came endowed with regional-ethnical colour- elements from folk culture prior to the eight-

123 eenth century. On the other hand, a conscious make it an organic part of the social life populism appears from the 18th century on. throughout the nation. Two simultaneous cur­ (Horvath 1927). The national role of the hajdu rents - "upward" and "downward" - character­ dance is an example of the earlier, unconscious ized these efforts: the creation of new artificial type. Its popularity was facilitated by the his­ dance forms for theatrical and public use, toric pressure, and seemingly, by the partial which were selectively taken from peasant diminishing of the cultural gaps between vari­ dance traditions; and the rapid dissemination ous social strata. of these new dances among the rural popula­ The development of modern national dance tion, what was the "folklorization" of the na­ types was a direct result of the conscious effort tional dances. of the elite who wanted to mobilize all strata of This effort, that lasted for several decades the society . Romantic national ideology played contributed to the integration of dance in each a primary role in the selection of particular folk national language territory. This process fol­ dance types as the representatives of national lowed a similar path among the people of the character . The national elites wished to de­ Carpathian Basin : the Hungarians, Slovaks velop and stylize the dances according to the and Transylvanian Roumanians, despite eth­ aesthetic principles of the age. They strove to nic and language differences. adjust these peasant dances to the taste of the The development of characteristic national nobility and the urban middle classes by reg­ dance types took place from the last third of ulating and eliminating regional differences the eighteenth century to the middle of the and refining their performance. In the formal nineteenth century. During the first phase of changes introduced to the dances we can read­ this development, the national elites selected a ily identify elements of certain western and peasant male dance of a kind which, in their neighbouring influences, such as French, Ger­ opinion, represented suitably the historical man and Polish . (Martin 1979b, Pesovar 1965, past, the national character and also symbol­ Szentpal 1954, B. Egey 1956). ised the political desires and goals . In the reorganization of dance life the elites In Hungary the verbunkos, the recruiting had two aims: they wished to raise the folk dance, became the national dance of the Hun­ dance to the level of theatre dance and connect garians. Recruiting in eighteenth century was it to composed music; and further, they tried to a frequent occurrence during which village

5. "Cumanian ver­ bunk", a popular va­ riant of the historic soldiers' recruiting dance. Kunszent­ mikl6s, County Bacs­ Kiskun, 1959.

124 life

~ ~ur- r .ter- icial use, ,ant tion ula- na-

:1des ~ach fol- 'the vaks t eth- onal ~d of 'the ~ se of \. ted a 6. "Lassu magyar' (slow Hungarian) dance. Three men dancing in front of the gypsy musicians. Their move­ their ments show traces of the old male solo dances. Afterwards, in the quick phase, the men will dance in pairs with ,rical the women. Bonchida - Bontida, Transylvania, Roumania, 1969. nbol- iting lads were persuaded to join the army by drink­ dle of the nineteenth century, after the male Hun- ing, revelry, music and the uerbunkos dance. dances a national couple dance was chosen as ·was In the eyes of the national elite (noblemen) this well. The attempt to introduce a national trait Hage dance was a symbolization of the military past, into social revelry was the goal with this. With the courage, and of the struggle for indepen­ the Hungarians the improvised individual dence. The Slovaks selected the herdsmen's cs

9 Ethnologia Europaea XV, 2 125 tions, balls became popular events in cities and The view, that the peoples of Europe are not villages alike during this period. At these balls conscious of the fact, how closely related their an attempt was made to replace the western, cultures are to one another, has been fre­ mostly German dances (cf. Martin 1983, Valyi quently expressed. This statement is even 1956, Kaposi - Pesovar 1983: 24---26). more valid within smaller regional units and A peculiar paradox was that by adapting holds true in the case of dance as well. Today folk dances for ballroom use they were necess­ the peoples of Eastern Central-Europe are not arily stylized and this occurred somewhat yet aware of the fact how far their specific na­ based on the model of western social dances . tional dance cultures have common roots and The new dances that evolved by stylization how similar was the way by which their na­ were soon popularized as a consequence of tional dances were evolved. Public opinion con­ widespread institutional promotion. Through siders these dances to be individual and unique the activities of dancing-masters and dancing­ and originating from the distant and hazy past schools the national dances were fitted into lo­ of the nation . In reality the differences in the cal folklore. By the turn of the 19th and 20th peasant dance culture of the various peoples centuries the unificatory impact of the national were created by the different rhythm and pha­ dance types in each national language-terri­ ses of the development of smaller or bigger re­ tory had its result and the dance types devel­ gions . The differences deriving from retarded oping during the period of national reform development were emphasized by the national were consolidated. Subsequently they have elites, they filled them with ideological mean­ been regarded at home and abroad as the most ing and put them into the service of their own significant and even exclusive representatives political objectives during the period of na­ of the national dance cultures. tional awakening. The ultimate goal of the po­ r litical and cultural efforts of the period was the achievement of national independence and the demonstration of the distinct cultural standing of independent national communities. Stress­ ing one-sidedly distinctness was justified as long as national independence had not been achieved . But the objectives of national inde­ pendence have by and large been accom­ plished. Today we can look back upon the en­ thusiastic youth of the development of national cultures as adults. In my view we have reached such a phase in the history of research when, instead of further cultivating historical myths, research has to bring to light the real historical interrelationships in the interest of unpreju­ diced national self-consciousness.

* The text of Gyiirgy Martin's (1932-1983) lecture wa s written for the working session of the Ethnolo­ gia Europaea held at Matrafiired, and was read by him on October 15, 1983. Two weeks later , on Oc­ tober 31, 1983, Gyiirgy Martin suddenly passed 7. "Gyors csardas" (quick csardas). The standardized away. He could not prepare his paper for publication. national dance performed with additional improvisa­ The text was arranged by Tamas Hofer, with the as­ tions in local style. Apatfalva, County Csongrad, sistance of Bertalan Andrasfalvy and Mrs. Eva V. 1956. Huseby-Darvas. The bibliography and the references

126 >- not r to literature were compiled by Laszl6 Felfoldi, a co­ Kardos, Tibor 1955: A magyarorszagi hwnanizmus 1eir worker of Gyorgy Martin, on the basis of Martin's lwra. (The Age of Humanism in Hungary) Buda­ pest. fre- other works on dance history and he selected the pic­ r tures for illustration from Martin's material left be­ Kardos , Tibor 1961: A reneszansz Magya.rorsz6.gon. ven [ hind. (The references might give some orientation to (Renaissance in Hungary .) Budapest. and the reader but they don't represent Martin's deep fa­ Kemeny, Janos es Bethlen, Mikl6 1980: KemenJ• day [ miliarity with Roumanian, Slowakian, Polish folk Janos es Beth.Zen M.iltl6s 11u'iuei.(Works of J. K. and not dance research and with East Central European M. B.) (ed. by. Eva V. Windisch) Budapest. dance history.) The bibliography refers to some of Klaniczay, Tibor 1961: Reneszansz esbarokh. Tanul­ na- r Gyorgy Martin's own comparative and historical manyok a regi magyar irodalomb6l. (Renaissance and r works that are accessible in foreign languages. and Baroque. Studies about old Hungarian liter­ na- j These studies might indicate the scope and signifi­ ature.) Budapest. :on- cance of his contribution to Hungarian and Euro­ Klaniczay, Tibor 1964: A reneszansz udvari kultura I pean folk dance research. Magyarorszagon. (The culture of the Renaissance que t i Tamas Hofer. court in Hungary.) Budapest. >ast Kotonski, Wlodzimierz 1956: G6ralski i zb6jnicki. the ~ Krak6w; pies I Kresi!\nek, Jozefl.959: Historieke korene hajdllskeho ,ha- f tanca . Hudobnouedne Studie. III . Bratislava: 136- i 162. · re- > Kiitii, Laszl6 1983: The Ungaresca and Heyduck ded References music and dance tradition of Renaissance Europe. mal } The Sixteenth Ce11tury Journ.a .l XIV. No. 1. 63- ian- Balogh, Istvan 1969: Hajd11.s6.g. Budapest. 104. B. Egey Klara 1956: Szinpadi tancmliveszetiink )Wn Lanyi, Agoston - Martin Gyorgy - Pesovar Erno fejlodese a reformkorban es a szabadsagharc elso 19 3: Korverbun.k. (The round Verbunk-dance) na- szakaszaban. (Developmeni of the Hungarian art Budapest. po- ~ of theatrical dancing in the Reform .Era and the Martin Gyorgy 1965: East European relations of the fir st period of ihe War of Independence) In: Valyi Hungarian dance t,ypes. In : Europa et Hungari'.o. R6zsi (ed.): A magyar balett lortenetebol. Budapest: the ~ Congressus Ethnographicus in Hu.nga.ria (red. Gy. 27-76 . Ortutay et T. Bodrogi) Budapest: 469-515. ling t Beres Andras - M6di Gyo1·gy1956: A hajduscig lorte­ Martin Gyorgy 1968: Performing tyles in the ess- netenek es neprajza11ak iroclalma. (A bibliography dances of the Carpathian Basin . Journal of the ln­ t.he . as } of history and folklore of Hajdu peasan t sol­ tematiomil Folk Music Council . Vol. XX. 59-64 • ,een diers) Debrecen. Martin Gyorgy 1969: Der Siebenburgische Hai­ Birckenstein , V. A. E. B. 1686: Erzheizogliche 1de- ' duckentanz. Stuclia Musicologica. Budapest: 301- Ha11dgriffe des Zirkels und Linials ... Wien. 821. om- Bonfini, Antonius l936-194J .: Rerum Un.gariearwn Martin Gyiirgy 1970: Magyar tanctipusok es ta.11cdia­ en- decades quatuor cum. dimidia. Edited by J . F6gel, leh111.~oh.('l'ypes and dialects of the Hungarian folk mal B. lvanyi, L. JuM z. Leipzig. dances .) Budapest. l,. Elschek, Oscar 1980: Hajduken- und Hirtentanze in hed Martin Gyorgy 1974: Hungarian Folk Dance. Buda­ Geschichte und Gegenwart. In: Historische Volks­ pest. 1en, ). musikforschung. Krak6w: 45-72. Martin Gyorgy 1975: Az elU·~pai tanckulturak es a ths, Harasimczuk, R. P. 1939: Tanze huculskie. Lw6w. kelet-eur6pai t~nchagyoma ny (The European 'ical Hol'vath Janos 1927: A nwgyar irodatmi 11epiesseg dance-cultures arid the East-European dance tra­ eju- Faludit6l Pr:to/i'.ig. 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9* 127 Mosonyi Mihaly 1860-1861: Ket nepies csardas. Szabo\csi Bence 1954: A XVI. szazad magyar tanc­ (Two popular csardas dances .) Zeneszeti Lapok zeneje. (Hungarian dance music of the 16th cen­ Pest: 186-187. tury .) Budapest . Opri§an, Horia Barbu 1969: Calu§arii. Bucuresti. Szabo\csi Bence 1961: A magyar zene evszazadai. Pesovar Erno 1965: A lengyel tancok hatasa a re­ XVIII-XIX. szazad. (The Centuries of Hungarian formkorban. (The influence of the Polish dance in music, 18--19. century.) Budapest. the Reform Era.) Neprajzi Ertesito XLVII. Buda­ Szabo Istvan 1956: A hajdusag kialakulasa. (The pest: 115-142. formation of the hajdu-soldier groups.) Debrecen. Pesovar Erno 1967: Eur6pai tanckultura, nemzeti Szentpal Olga 1954: A csardas . (The csardas-dance) tankulturak. (European dance-culture, national Budapest. dance-cultures .) Tancmuveszeti Ertesito, Buda­ Takacs, Sandor 1921: A regi Magyarorszag j6kedve . pest: 38-43. (Amusement and revels in ancient Hungary) Bu­ Pesovar Erno /1972/: A magyar tanctortenet evszaz­ dapest. dai. (Centuries of the history of Hungarian dance .) Valyi, R6zsi /ed./ 1956: A magyar balett tortenetebol. Budapest . (From the history of Hungarian ballett.) Budapest . Proca, Vera Ciortea 1954: Jocuri populare romfne§ti. Wolfram, Richard 1962: Der Volkstanz als kulturelle Bucuresti. Ausdruckform der siidosteuropaischen Volker. In: Proca, Vera Ciortea 1979: The "Calufi Custom" in Die Volkskultur der sudosteuropciischer Volker . Rumania, Tradition - Change - Creativity. Dance Siidosteuropa Jahrbuch VI. 63-84 . Miinchen . Studies Vol. 3. 1978--79. Jersey, Channel Islands: Wolfram, Richard 1966: Altformen in Tanz der Vol­ I' 1--44. ker des Pannonischen und Karpatenraums. In : Rethei Prikkel Marian 1924: A magyarsag tancai. Volksmusik Siidosteuropas. Siidosteuropaschrif­ (Dances of the Hungarians.) Budapest. ten 7. Bd. Sachs, Curt 1933: Eine Weltgeschichte des Tanzes. Zalesak, C. 1964: L'udove tance na Slovensku. Bra­ Berlin . tislava. Sharp, Cecil 1909: The Country Dance Book. I-IV. Zrinyi, Miklos 1968: Zrinyi Miklos osszes muvei . London . (Complete works of M. Zrinyi.) ed. by Tibor Kla­ niczay vol. I. Budapest .

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