Ninteeenth and Twentieth Century Historical and Institutional Precedents of the Hungarian Dance-House Movement

Mary Taylor

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CUNY Graduate Center The Institute of Ethnology of the [email protected] Hungarian Academy of Sciences and The Hungarian Heritage House Advisers: Mr. Ferenc Sebo˝ and Ms. Ágnes Fülemile ......

This paper seeks to lay out a broad history of the latest wave of folk revival in Hungary, the Tanchaz (Dance-house) Movement. In order to do so, It will examine the engagement with folk forms by the (mostly urban) elite and the academy in connection with nation- building/nationalism in 19th and 20th century Hungary; the rise of specific institutions and practices connected with Hungarian folk culture and their continuity or discontinuity over time; the sudden territorial and population shift that would leave a legacy of ethnographic and folkloristic material covering a territory much larger than the truncated Hungarian state that emerged in 1920 from the treaty of Trianon; and the specific conditions preceding the tanchaz movement and in which it arose. Focusing on the Bouquet of Pearls Movement of the 1930’s and 1940’s as an institution connected to folklorism and nationmaking, the paper reveals both continutities and discontinuities with theTanchaz Movement that would aries in the 1970’s. After a brief survey of the emergence of Tanchaz, the paper ends with suggestions for further research.

95 Student Conference 2004 Introduction This paper in progress seeks to explore a martial law following the 1848 revolution, broad history of the latest wave of folk that Hungary would once again gain gover- revival in Hungary, the Tanchaz (Dance- nance of the territory of historic Hungary . house) Movement. In order to do so, It will As the historical processes that had brought examine the engagement with folk forms about the nation state system and the domi- and traditions by the elite and the academy nance of a capitalist mode of production in connection with nation-building in 19th took off in Western Europe, the Hungarian and 20th century Hungary; the rise of specif- nobility embraced the language and idea of ic institutions and practices connected with the independent nation state and formulated Hungarian folk culture and their continuity resistance to the Hapsburg Empire by or discontinuity over time; the sudden terri- stressing their distinguishing national char- torial and population shift that would leave a acteristics. Essential to the transformation to legacy of ethnographic and folkloristic the nation-state was a shift of the under- material covering a territory much larger standing of nation from the nobility (those than the truncated Hungarian state that with rights) to include ‘the people of Hun- emerged in 1920 after the treaty of Trianon; gary’. Tamas Hofer has pointed out that only and the specific conditions preceding the in Eastern Europe did the study of peasant Tanchaz movement and in which it arose. culture arise almost exclusively for the use of Focusing on its precedents and emergence, inhabitants as part of national cultural histo- this paper will not discuss the later institu- ry. Essential to national awakening, he tionalization of the Tanchaz Movement or argues, are the institutions of national cul- its present status. It will, however, suggest ture. The decades leading up to the 1848 directions of research that promise to pro- war of independence, marked by efforts at vide further historical depth. national reform and Romanticism, would witness the establishment of National Muse- Nation-state making um, the Hungarian Academy of Science, the By the time of the 1848 revolution, Hun- National Theater, and the establishment of gary had been a Christian state for over 800 Hungarian as the official language. The con- years, having established what we might call cept of an ethnic Magyar, Hungarian lan- a multiethnic society. Not only were there guage speaking nation-state did not easily small numbers of non Hungarians living in allow for multiethnic/multilingual notions the Carpathian basin at the time of con- of the polity, causing tension with non Mag- quest, colonization of the region was active- yar populations-especially with the Romani- ly promoted by the Magyars, who invited ans of Transylvania, and with Croatia (a sep- foreign experts for development, and offered arate kingdom which had come under the nobility status to those who were willing to Hungarian crown in the 11th century). This settle in the border areas. From the time of internal tension would help to seal the victo- Ottoman occupation of the central part of ry of the Hapsburgs in 1848. the country in 1541, throughout the Habs- The borrowing by the nobility from “the burg occupation beginning in 1690, the ter- people” to build a unique national tradition ritory of historic Hungary would be divided through the adaptation of folk forms would in various politico-beurocratic configura- lead to the elevation of the csardas to the tions. It was not until 1867, after a period of national dance. The so-called csardas, a

96 Mary Taylor: The Hungarian Dance-House Movement composed piece borrowing from folk motifs, spanning interests as broad as nation-build- and popularized by Bela Weckheim and ing, economic development, and private Mark Rozsavolgyi, would, by the mid 1840’s, business, would be well integrated in the become de rigueur at balls such as those Gyongyos Bokreta (Bouquet of Pearls) organized by the Protection Association. At Movement of the 1930’s and 1940’s, to these dances expressing Hungarian national which we will turn shortly. independence, the use of the Hungarian lan- guage and the sporting of ‘national dress’ Ethnographic Collection, (which meant either clothing in national Technology, and the living style or, clothing made of locally produced memory of historic Hungary textiles) were also encouraged. (Nemes, Tamas Hofer, citing debates between 813). These cultural politics would continue ethnographers and symbol creators, has after the failed revolution, with the founding pointed out that in Eastern Europe the of the Liszt Academy of Music, and the ethnographic sciences produced material on opening of the Great Market Hall. Increas- which national symbols could be based. ingly, but especially from the 1880’s on, we Ethnographic collection would precede the see national reform expressed in Hungary’s foundation of a separate field of ethnogra- participation in industrial fairs-the discovery phy. The Hungarian Academy of Sciences and display of items considered uniquely was founded in 1830 “to serve national Hungarian, and their production for the development and the interests of economic market. The 1885 national cottage industry reform”(Pallas lexicon). Beginning in 1832, exhibition would feature ‘lifelike peasant the academy undertook the collection and rooms’, and in 1896, ethnic villages were publications of folksongs “with the intention “displayed”, along with inhabitants in City of 1) scientific research and preservation and Park at the celebration of the Hungary’s mil- 2) to serve the formation of a national taste” lennium. Instructive is the metamorphosis (Sarosi, 188). While the Ethnographic of Matyo embroidery into merchandise. Museum was founded in 1872 as the Ethno- From the turn of century on, the National graphic Department of the National Muse- Cottage Industry Association (Orszagos um, and 1896 would see the formation of Haziipari Szovetseg) worked to propagate Hungarian Ethnographic Society, the first and popularize Matyo embroidery –which department of Ethnography would not be would appear among Hungarian items at the formed until 1934, at Pozmany University. Turin world’s fair of 1911 (Fugedi, 14). On To grasp Ferenc Sebo’s claim that “the club that same year, archduchess Isabella the movements of the 1970’s emerged against a ‘chief patroness of cottage industrial art’ background of 150,000 collected and tran- would organize a ‘matyo wedding’ at the scribed tunes, with much research and prac- Isabella ball during carnival season ‘to popu- tical experience”(Sebo, 1998, 37), we must larize handicrafts’. As part of this process, turn to the history of the ethnographic col- the local intelligentsia placed orders with lection of music. peasant women, providing lucrative employ- The collections of Bela Vikar, the first in ment. They would soon be followed by mer- Europe to record folk music with the use of a chants. (Fugedi). This balance of interests phonograph, date as far back as1895. The nurturing this occupation with folk forms composers Bela Bartok and Zoltan Kodaly

97 Student Conference 2004 would begin their collections in 1905 and Later, under Ortutay’s direction, with guid- 1906, respectively. The Hungary that they ance of Bartok, Kodaly and Laszlo Lajtha, documented using new technologies applied 107 records would be released by the Patria with methodological rigor was historic Hun- record company as the Patria series. While gary, a roughly thousand-year-old political- these were not accompanied by the type of territorial entity that would be dismantled a documentation that had accompanied the few years later with the treaty of Trianon. earlier Bartok project, others would be pro- Thus the wealth of material left to academic duced in this manner by the Folk Music and folkloristic posterity thanks to the use of Research group of the Academy of Sciences revolutionary recording technology and formed under Kodaly in 1953. It was this methodological rigor would contradict the wealth of documentation that awaited the new definition of Hungary- designed and revivalists of the 70’s, helping them to, in the reinforced by the Great Powers and happily words of Sebo “figure out the basic tech- accepted by the neighboring states from 1920 niques behind this unique and ancient play- on. The content and availability of these ing style”(Sebo, 2001). The emergence of ethnographic collections would have effects tanchaz, then, and the forms it would take, on the features of the Tanchaz movement. must be understood in a context where this With funding provided by Ministry of Cul- material was available, not only in living ture on the condition that it accessible to form in certain isolated peasant communi- public, a phonogram collection was estab- ties, but also stored according to a method- lished by Bela Vikar at the Department of ology aimed at the salvage of disappearing Ethnography of the National Museum. forms and their playback in the future; From 1936-44, under auspices of The Acad- accompanied by technical instructions for emy of Sciences, and later, the Museum of the reconstruction of this vanished form. Ethnography, a large number of recordings Finally, all this was paired with a commit- of folk music were made in the studios of ment to public availability. Hungarian Radio under direction of Bela In 1920, the treaty of Trianon would place Bartok, Oszkar Dincser, Zoltan Kodaly, and two thirds of the territory of historic Hun- Gyula Orutay, (Kelemen, 51). In 1936: gary outside of the borders of the new nation under Bartok’s direction, 4 experimental state. While this created a political body that records were produced based on recordings more closely resembled a monoethnic made by Vilmos Seemayer. Each record (of nation-state, it would also created a huge which only fifty were produced) was accom- Hungarian ethnic minority in neighboring panied by transcriptions of the music, lyrics, states, and an influx of refugees from these and background on collectors and perform- regions to Hungary in the 1920’s. The ers, as well as photographs (Sebo, 2001,112). monoethnicity of the state would be further These transcriptions had been made by honed after WWII when, under the direc- playing records at a slow speed to provide tion of the Allied Great Powers, population information not revealed by simply playing transfers would take place between the states the music-Together these materials “provid- of the region (see Balogh). Yet, by this time, ed listeners with an important guide, one folklorists and the developing discipline of that would enable them both to understand ethnography had already amassed a collec- an all but forgotten world of music and make tion of artifacts, films, musical recordings, it a part of themselves”(Sebo, 2001, 112). and studies reflecting the folk cultures of

98 Mary Taylor: The Hungarian Dance-House Movement greater Hungary. Living Hungarians inside translation), in fact, he was involved with and outside the new borders were left with a reworking and embellishing dance material national identity and territorial relations and costumes. The success of the movement that did not match the new borders, and the can be contributed to a conflux of forces. In ethnographic sciences, the suppliers of addition to the Budapest city council, The national symbols were left in a Hungary Gyongyos Bokreta’s sponsorship base quite different in territory and population included The Ministry of Defense (when than that which they had documented. The concerning Transylvania and the regions of fact that pre-Trianon Hungary had been northern and southern Hungary forfeited at recorded using powerful new recording Trianon), and other forms of state and devices and techniques is extremely impor- municipal subsidy; including the Ministry of tant in understanding the content of the folk Culture and the Municipal Tourism revivals to come. The role of ethnographic Bureau). This sponsorship base allowed collection and its origins in historic Hun- Paulini to pay his performers and produce a gary are apparent in the Gyongyos Bokreta journal, the Bokretasok Lapja. By 1934, the Movement, to which we now turn. Gyongyos Bokreta had been given the exclu- sive rights to organize a folk group by the Ministry of Religion and Culture (Palfy, Bouquet of Pearls: 122). In the words of Imre Romsics “In order to hinder those outside the associa- Folklore, or Folklorism? tion, a meeting was held at the Ministry of The activities of the Gyongyos Bokreta culture in June, 1934, where they agreed to (Bouquet of Pearls) movement spanned the prevent by law any activities of folk art out- years between 1931 and 1944. The side the Association”(Romsics, 24). Gyongyos Bokreta was the project of Bela The Gyongyos Bokreta also had an active Paulini-a newspaper journalist (with degrees relationship with ethnography-being both in engineering and fine arts) who had earlier championed and policed by ethnographers. experimented with theater productions set Istvan Gyorffy- the first to teach the disci- to the folk tunes collected by Zoltan Kodaly. pline on the university level, claimed to have Through the formation of the Bokretas suggested the idea to Paulini (Palfi, 120). By League, Paulini brought together a number 1936, however, the Gyongyos Bokreta’s of resources to bring provincial folk dancers working over of the material for the stage from all over historic Hungary to the stage had come to the attention of Ministry of in Budapest each year on Saint Steven’s Day, Religion and Culture, which then placed the itself newly elevated to a national holiday it under the ethnographic authority of the (Palfi, 120). The St. Steven’s day celebra- Hungarian Ethnographic Society (Palfi, tions in Budapest had won the support of the 125). Assigned to oversee the “authenticity city council with the promise of tourism. of dances and costumes”, ethnographers While Paulini’s stated intent was to preserve inspected dances and costumes, checking folk styles intact, arguing that “We should them against the ethnographic record, as leave the village art for the village, on the well as conducting new research for this end. one hand to be sensible, and on the other Yet, without any real authority for enforce- hand for reasons of purity” (Palfi, 131. my ment, their conclusions had little to no effect on the performance materials (Palfi, 126).

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While the League would exist until 1947, it formed into cultural heritage by muse- would flounder from the time of Paulini’s ums”(39). In the 60’s with the economy suicide upon Soviet occupation. The expanding even further, college students Gyongyos Bokreta would have lasting flooded the cities, with money less of a prob- effects on folk culture and folklorism in at lem; it was harder for the state to retain cen- least two important ways: First, dance tralized control. Youth acquired incomes researcher s have asserted that there is no over which they had control, were well-edu- question that the Gyongyos Bokreta had cated, and they had extra leisure time too. effects on the preservation of folk dance. These resources would be used to be rebel- Gyorgy Martin asserts that “wherever the lious against the older generation. The Gyongyos Bokreta planted its feet, the inter- music scene, according to Ronstrom, was est in tradition remained alive for a good not limited to folk, but to interesting new period of time”(Martin, 108, my transla- sounds, and focus was on process, not prod- tion). Second, others have asserted that it uct. There was a mvement away from big was the Gyongyos Bokreta that “awakened grand performances, flags, and parades, and the different youth organizations (especially towards amateur ethnographic research, and the scouts), and contributed to the complex the development of ‘alternative lifestyles’. practices of the stage performance of Hun- In 1970’s Hungary, the Tanchaz Movement garian dances and customs found today emerged in the context of a number youth (Pesovar, 3). movements and projects concerning the per- formance and preservation of folk forms, Táncház occupying various positions vis a vis the ‘lib- The late 1960’s and early 1970’s witnessed eralizing’ Hungarian state. Among those in a wave of youth movement across the world. the first, the Beat Movement is the most sig- In Europe and North America, the late 60’s nificant. Initial participants of the Beat and early 70’s were marked by a general phe- Movement, influenced by the music and nomenon of folk revival stemming from lifestyle of the Beatles, the Beat writers and what we might call the urbanization process. rock and roll youth culture had had their Owe Ronstrom, examining this general phe- first taste of publicity in the state run Ki, Mit nomenon of folk revival in Europe in the Tud competitions. Among those in the sec- late 60’s and 70’s, suggests a number of pre- ond category belongs the state run Repulj conditions, including rapid growth of popu- Pava (Fly Peacock) radio competitions, lation after WWII, and the rapid expansion which would be the first public venue for of world economy in the 1950’s -leading to some of the tanchaz musicians. What kind of migration into cities. The first generation relationship does this reveal between the after this consisted of large numbers of peo- state and youth movements? Revealed is a ple with no experience of the countryside, process in which youths would respond to no experience of war, and less insecurity the “manufactured’ programs of socialist about the future (Ronstrom, 39). While peo- planning, or perhaps simply the discontents ple’s lives were radically different from those of urban life, in creative ways, with the mate- of their grandparents, Ronstrom argues, rials and in the contexts available to them, before they were ‘abandoned’, these producing the beat movement, and later, the lifestyles were “well documented and trans- tanchaz. In the words of Ferenc Sebo, “The

100 Mary Taylor: The Hungarian Dance-House Movement experience of authentic folk music and dance social event based on the the Transylvanian in the city as compared to the hackneyed tanchaz. The musicians involved in the labour movement songs and the stage reper- organization of the first tanchaz events, and tory was revelatory for musicians and the invited to play at the first tanchaz in public alike”(Sebo, 1998, 36). Yet the Budapest, Bela Halmos and Ferenc Sebo, resources and contexts available to youth were both students of architecture at the movements in most cases were provided by technical university, where they had met the state. Not only would key participants in playing in the symphony . Both had been both movements emerge from state run influenced by the environment brought competitions, but state run culture houses about by the Beat Movement, and were would be key locations for movement activ- experimenting with ‘new’ musical forms. ities. In addition, In the case of the Tanchaz, Halmos had made a name for himself resources were requested from the state in accompanying folk songs on guitar in a the form of courses for folk music and dance Repulj Pava competition, while Sebo had instructors and the establishment of summer been experimenting with singing Hungarian camp. We do know that both the Beat move- verse with guitar accompaniment. Together, ment, and later the Tanchaz movement seeking ‘new’ musical sources’ they too had would be studied by the Institute of Public turned to Martin for access to the recorded Culture, upon which recommendations legacy of Hungarian folk music. would be made about their sponsorship. Yet The social form and name of the tanchaz it would be unwise to regard either Beat were borrowed from the folk traditions of a Movement or the Tanchaz as top down state town in Transylvania called Szek. The projects, or of strongholds of the Party. prominence of Szek in the Tanchaz was part- The founders of the tanchaz movement ly the result of the existence of previous can be divided very broadly into two cate- ethnographic material collected by academ- gories; dancers and musicians. The dancers ics. Yet, perhaps more important is that involved with the organization of the first Gyorgy Martin -the prominent dance tanchaz activities were members of compet- researcher responsible for introducing the ing amateur dance troupes. Their genera- youths - himself was involved in researching tion represented a movement away from the the dance of Szek. Martin would encourage artificial choreography that had dominated them to find not just musical, but culturo- the amateur dance troupes and the State aesthetic influences in the dance culture of Folkdance Ensemble in the preceding Szek, suggesting that they adopt the social decades. Responding to an interest by mem- form of the Tanchaz. No small fact either bers of the troupes to come together in a was the relatively high living standards in casual social context rather than only under Hungary at the time, which provided oppor- competitive circumstances, Ferenc Novak tunities for Eastern bloc tourism, including (Bihari Egyuttes) and Sandor Timar(Bartok the possibility to travel to Transylvania to Egyuttes) would organize the first Budapest experience “living folk culture”. As a result tanchaz. Their search for authentic folk of historical conditions, and partly in forms to replace the dominant choreo- response to ethnic repression, ethnic Hun- graphed repertoires had led them to Gyorgy garians in Transylvania had preserved folk Martin, who encouraged them to organize a traditions that had long since passed within

101 Student Conference 2004 the borders of Hungary. Thus began the This paper in progress has attempted to trips by tanchaz participants to see Transyl- outline some of the historical processes and vania -‘relatively unchanged’, but increas- institutions which preceded the Tanchaz ingly endangered by the urbanization in movement of the 1970’s. As this paper general, and especially by the nation making reflects mainly the periods leading up to the politics of the Romanian state. One of these emergence of this urban folk revival, it does traditions was the tanchaz, the event that not reflect much of the rich literature inspired the name and form of the youth existing on the movement. Without movement in Hungary. This institution was summarizing what has already been written, widespread throughout the region but had I here suggest directions for further many different names. The word Tanchaz research. An investigation of the occupation referred to both the place, the peasant house with folklore by the scouts groups of the where it was held, as well as the dance event 1940’s (especially the cserkesz) and the itself. What made this dance event distinct formation of the amateur folkdance was that, unlike most other opportunities to ensembles (mostly connected with unions)in dance that were attached to occasions such the 1950’s would be fruitful. Absolutely as weddings, funerals., the tanchaz was an necessary for an understanding of both event where dance was at the forefront and youth movements and folk revival during was limited to unmarried youths(Hal- the socialist period is an investigation of the mos,12). Organized by eligible bachelors, Muvelodesi Intezet (or Institute of Public the tanchaz served the purpose of dancing Culture) and the biographies and activities together with and becoming acquainted with of key actors in that institution (Ivan Vitanyi, eligible girls, encouraging courtship and for example). A close look at the focus of the locally appropriate sociability. socialist state on youth is also called for, In Budapest, what had begun as a closed especially as regards KISZ (the young party for members of dance troupes grew socialists) and the network of culture houses. within a short period into a mass phenome- A look into what Verdery has referred to as non, multiplying to the provincial cities as ‘the overproduction of intellectuals” would fast as new competent folk bands could be interesting to apply to this generation, emerge. Key to its success was the decision perhaps especially as it might apply to of Timar and the musicians to open events amateur activities and the much celebrated to the public and to provide dance instruc- ‘second economy’ Finally, an investigation tion. Critics feared that the movement was into the relationship between participation inspired by nationalism. Fans, however, in folk revival and professional activity in the claimed that it reflected a continuation of ethnographic sciences in individual the tradition of Bartok and Kodaly- and thus biographies would be enlightening. of the serious research of folk forms and their integration into modern life.

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