Peasant Dance Traditions and National Dance Types in East-Central Europe in the 16th-19th Centuries* Gyorgy Martin Martin, Gyiirgy 1985: Peasant Dance Traditions and National Dance Types in East-Central Europe in the 16th-19th Century. - Ethnologia Europaea XV: 117-128 The author analyses the interrelation between elite culture and popular culture as it appears in the modern history of East Central European folk dances. Ac­ cording to his opinion, differences among popular dance traditions of various zones in Europe reflect phase shifts in the historic development: some regions preserved medieval and renaissance dance forms while other regions adopted more modern styles. In contrast to the spread of courtly and elite dance forms among the common people, the appearence of "national dance types" represents the conscious incorporation of peasant dance traditions into the national culture. In the 16th-17th century the Hajdu (Heyduck) dance might be considered as an early forerunner of these "national dance types". Originally a weapon-dance of herdsmen and soldier-peasants , this dance acquired a sort of national signifi­ cance during the centuries of war against the Turks and was practised in all layers of contemporary society . Later in the 19th century, during the era of na­ tional awakening, the creation of "national dance types" was guided by national ideologies and followed a remarkably similar pattern among Hungarians, Slov­ aks and Transylvanian Roumanians. The late Dr. Gyorgy Martin (1932-1983) was head of the Folk Dance Department of the Institute of Musicology, Hungarian Academy of Sciences , Budapest . The focus of this discussion is the relationship cient and complex manifestation of total art between folk culture and high culture, be­ ("Gesamtkunst"). In the study of dance it is tween popular and elite culture as exemplified more difficult to differentiate between popular by East-Central European folk dance. I con­ and elite levels than it is in other art forms. tend that the examination of dance in this cul­ This difficulty is illustrated clearly by the al­ tural region reveals processes that are charac­ most total lack of written records. This is the teristic of other European, and even non-Eu­ case even in the most aristocratic branch of au­ ropean regions. The cultural history of East­ tonomous dance art, the classical ballet. It is Central European dance tradition may con­ precisely this lack of fixed and written records tribute to a general understanding of the rela­ in the process of perpetuation and diffusion of tionship between folk and elite cultures. dances which creates ample opportunity for a Dance is considered to be the most ancient dynamic interplay between popular and elite and most universal, the easiest to understand, culture. and in all times the most popular art. Cultural In the history of East-Central European historians trace its roots back to the dawn of dance cultures the concept of the so-called na­ times, to ages before even the existence of mu­ tional dance culture, is particularly significant. sic or poetry, or at least agree that dance was It expresses not only the similarities which one of the most important elements of the an- connect the peasant and noble, the popular and 117 elite components of a given national culture, The more slowly developing East European but also the continuing interaction between regions were dominated by the male dances of these components. The most conspicious ex­ a late medieval character and the improvised pression of each national dance culture is that couple dances of the Renaissance. While the national dance type which is recognized as such medieval weapon dances, collective and indi­ by compatriots and foreigners alike. The devel­ vidual male dances and the unregulated couple opment of national dance types in East-Cen­ dances were generally practiced, the oldest tral Europe is the concern of this paper. chain dances survived only sporadically and The different eras of European dance history the newer country dances did not play a nota­ were characterized by distinct dominant styles ble role. (Wolfram 1966, Martin 1968, 1975). and fads, the impact of which varied greatly Due to the centuries long Turkish occupa­ from region to region, depending on how speed­ tion, the dance culture of the Balkan people ily they spread and how readily they were re­ was for a long time isolated from the general ceived. As a consequence of these significant European trends, and is still defined by the me­ regional differences, characteristic dance terri­ dieval forms of the collective, chain and circle tories developed, each with its own idiomatic dances. In this region the most general Eu­ dance styles. Therefore, the regional differ­ ropean new-style dances, the couple dances, ences practically reflect phase differences. In are an exceptionally rare and new phenome­ other words: in each characteristic dance zone non. (Wolfram 1962, Jankovic 1933-1964, of the Continent different dance genres domi­ Martin 1979). nated . A closer scrutiny reveals, however, that In the development of national cultures (in all of these genres were parts of the general the modern sense of the term), dance played a dance history of Europe during different eras. vital role , especially among the East-Central (Pesovar 1967, Martin 1975). European peoples . In the era of national Ro­ The West European zone's dance culture is manticism, these people were conscious that dominated by the so-called country dance their dance culture was different from that of which is a combination of the couple- and Western and South-Eastern European people group-dances. The repertoire of movements in alike. East European people were inspired by these dances is simple. By contrast, the spatial this awareness to develop their dances into na­ choreography is complex and involves disci­ tional symbols . Thus the national dance cul­ plined, diversified group movements in unison. ture of these people reflected phase differences Individual dancers are paired and, at the same in their respective developments. time, they are parts of a larger dance collec­ The representative national dance types al­ tive, which does not allow for any individual ways emerged from the popular genres of the improvisation. respective period and region. Accordingly, in The country dance evolved from the 17th German and Austrian regions, as well as in century on. It became dominant in Western Czech and Polish territories, the walking, Europe among the people who led the bour­ whirling and jumping variants of couple geois development and had an impact in North dances became the national dances (Walzer and Middle Europe as well. This genre, which and Landler, polka, polonaise, mazurka and presupposes a well organized and consciously krakowiak). Among the peoples of the Carpa­ guided dance life, reflects the popularization thian Basin - Slovaks, Hungarians and Trans­ and folklorization of elite culture. In Western ylvanian Romanians - the role of national Europe this genre , which carried the imprint of dances were played by male dances (hajdu­ courtly and bourgeois culture, by the nine­ heyduck dances, verbunkos, calu§) and impro­ teenth century completely suppressed those ol­ vised, free couple dances (friska, csardas). Fi­ der, medieval and renaissance dance catego­ nally, the national dances of the Balkan peo­ ries, which, by contrast, have remained typi­ ples - Roumanians, Serbians and Bulgarians - cal, in other, more peripheral parts of Europe are collective chain dances (hora, kolo and (cf. Sharp, 1909; Sachs 1933). horo). 118 pean es of ,ised , the indi- mple ldest and 10ta- 75). :upa- ~ople 1eral ime- :ircle Eu- nces, ' ome- .964, ·s (in ,ed a ntral I Ro- that at of ~ople 1. Hajdu-soldiers dancing in front of the fortress Kapronca (Koprivnica, Croatia) 1686. Three soldiers are per­ id by forming a classical weapon-danc e accompanied by a "turkish pipe". - Etching of Justus van der Nyport, from the Birckenstein volume. o na- cul- mces These dances always emerged from the curred that the very same dance type was ele­ !S al- sphere of popular culture. The upper strata of vated to be the national dance - although with f the society generally accepted the latest European time differentiation and distinct ethnic modi­ Y, in dance styles which took time to be adopted by fication and colouring - of several neighbour­ 3.S in the lower strata. These were not appropriate to ing peoples, who had similar culture and his­ king, become national dances because of their inter­ tory. lUple national character. Popular dance of the East alzer European people was identical with the peas­ From the written sources of Hungarian dance and ant dance until the nineteenth century, and history of the past five centuries three dance irpa- consequently the national elites , seeking for types are known which became "national " rans- symbols of national identity, turned to the ru­ dances , practiced by the whole country and all ional ral dance traditions. (Rethei Prikkel 1924, strata of society, in given periods of history. zjdu- Szentpal 1954). Not only Hungarians but also foreigners re­ 1pro- The dance history of the Slovaks, Hungar­ cognized these as representing the Hungar­ ). Fi- ians and Roumanians in the Carpathian Basin ians . Such national dance types were: the peo- shows in several temporally subsequent exam­ hajdu weapon dance in the 16th and 17th cen­ ins - ples how the emergence of national dance tury, the soldiers' recruiting dance verbunkos and types occurred through the geographical and in the eighteenth century and the first half of social diffusion of a peasant dance . It even oc- the nineteenth century and finally, the csardas 119 L from the last third of the nineteenth century. gle. The hajdu dance was at its height during The two centuries of the hajdu dance history the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The coincided with the florescence of other parts of period was characterized by ceaseless warfare, Hungarian culture.