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The 'Ulama of Najaf in Iraqi Politics Between 1950 and 1980

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The 'Ulama of Najaf in Iraqi Politics Between 1950 and 1980 The Sacred and the Secular: The ‘ulama of Najaf in Iraqi politics between 1950 and 1980 Fouad Jabir Kadhem 1 The Sacred and the Secular: The ‘ulama of Najaf in Iraqi politics between 1950 and 1980 Submitted by Fouad Jabir Kadhem to the University of Exeter Institute of Arab & Islamic Studies As a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Arab and Islamic Studies in October 2012 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgment. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: …Fouad Jabir Kadhem……………………………………………………… 2 Abstract Najaf has played a pivotal role in the political, religious and intellectual life in Iraq, as well as the wider Arab and Islamic world. However, since the formation of the Iraqi state in 1921, Najaf’s position as political arbiter declined in comparison with Baghdad. The Political activism of young Shi’is had reflected a deep sense of discontent against the Iraqi central state, on the one hand, and the declining role of the Shi’a religious community in the holy cities on the other. The 1958 Iraqi Revolution presented both a challenge and an opportunity to Najafi ‘ulama. Thus, Najaf’s Shi’a marja’iyya had engaged in ideological and political hostilities between Abdu Karim Qasim and the strong ICP, on one hand, and Arab nationalists, backed by Naser’s Egypt on the other. Najaf’s role in the dispute was affected by its regional connections, and hence directed its standing towards Qasim’s regime. This religio-political campaign eventually led to the ousting of Qasim in February 1963. Over the next six years (1963-68), Sayyed Muhsin al-Hakim adopted two contrasting approaches towards Baghdad’s government; he advocated no specific Shi’a demands during the first months (the Ba’th period). Al- Hakim showed a radical turn towards the first ‘Arif’ government, calling for a fair representation within the Iraqi government. Al-Hakim returned to his old peaceful attitude with the arrival of the second ‘Arif government. The rise of the Ba’th party to power in July 1968 brought an end to Shi’a activism. While the Ba’th maintained cordial relations with al-Hakim between July 1968 and April 1969, relations deteriorated rapidly in June 1969 ending in irrevocable divorce. Following al-Hakim’s death in 1970, Muhammad Baqir al-Ѕadr emerged as the most prominent mujtahid in Najaf. Al-Ѕadr gradually moved from his non-intervention approach to a more radical and revolutionary position after the failure of the Najaf uprising in 1977. Al-Sadr’s action was spontaneous and unplanned, lacking all the requirements needed for making 3 it a successful revolution. It ended with al-Sadr’s execution in April 1980, bringing Iraq to new extended phase under the Ba’th regime. 4 Contents Introduction: Najaf and Iraqi politics: past and present PP. 10-18 Chapter one: Najaf from Holy Grave to Holy City PP. 19-44 Foundations: mythology and history, Kufa, Baghdad and Najaf: transforming Shi’ism, al-Tusi: founding the hawza, Najaf in Shadow, Status consolidated: Najaf, the Safavids and the Qajars, The heart of Shi’ism and the heart of Islam, Najaf and Ottoman State, the Ottomans and the Shi’a missionary, Conclusion Chapter two: Najaf: transformations of social classes and pre-modern political landscape PP.45-99 Najaf society: social classes and status, Najaf: religious economy, Najaf: the transformation of religious authority, Najaf and Mecca: sacred locations and mercantile locations, Hawza and the challenge of modern school, hawza: the learning system, Reforming hawza, Marja’iyya, merchants and money, ‘ulama and politics: from the Tobacco Revolution to the 1920 Iraqi Revolution, ‘ulama and militia-bandits: precarious relationship, Shi’a ‘ulama and British: confrontation, compromise and the final combat, Arab mujtahids and political activism, Civil schools and Effendis, Conclusion Chapter three: Najaf and the Iraqi Monarchy 1921-1958 PP.100-164 Britain and the new state, Iraq: the dilemma of nationalist state, al-Husri and Arab nationalism, Baghdad and the challenge of opposition, Najaf and Arab nationalist movement in Iraq, Najaf and the roots of Arab nationalism: Islam and Arabism, Arab nationalism from the Istiqlal to the Ba’th, the Ba’th in Iraq, Secular Communism in 5 Islamic society, Communism and religion: Shi’ism in the context, Marx in Najaf, Communists and Shi’i ‘ulama: the contest over social justice, the ascent of Communists in Najaf, Shi’i ‘ulama: Communist bogy or Arab nationalism?, From the Rising of 1948 to the 1958 Revolution, Conclusion Chapter four: Najaf and Qasim rule 1958-1963 PP.165-223 Shi’i Religio-Politics: Internal Causes and External Factors, Najaf and Qasim: a good short honeymoon, Countering Communism: formation of Jama’at al-‘Ulama, The formation of the Da’wa and the Ba’th challenge, Al-Ѕadr and the Da’wa, Al-Ѕadr, Jama’at al-‘Ulama and the Ba’th, Najaf’s ‘ulama, Arab nationalists and the ICP, Shi’i ‘ulama, Arabism and the Ba’th, Najaf and Arab politics: Al-Hakim between Qasim and Naser, Naser and ‘Shi’a factor’, Najaf and regional politics: Al-Hakim, Qasim and the Shah, from Burujirdi to al-Hakim: the Marja’iyya’s question, al-Hakim, Qasim and the ICP: the final solution, politics of fatwa, Iraqi Communists: fighting all enemies, Conclusion Chapter five: Najaf and the Arif brother’s phase 1963-1968 PP.224-280 Shi’a political movement and the road to sectarianism, Al-Hakim between the Shi’i Ba’th and the Sunni ‘Arif, ‘Arif, Naser and Ba’th in Iraq and Syria, Al-Hakim and ‘Arif: motives of discord, Al-Hakim and Jama’at al-‘Ulama: awakening Shi’i masses, Al-Hakim and the Da’wa: new phase, Shi’a Islamists: identity and outlook, Najaf and regional politics: al-Hakim and the Shah versus ‘Arif and Naser, ‘Arif and marja’iyya: using all weapons, Khomeini in Najaf, Al-Hakim and Khomeini: the scope of political commitment, Al-Hakim and the dilemma of change: political option or military action?, Najaf and the second Arif, Conclusion Chapter six: Najaf and the Tikriti Ba’th 1968-1980 PP.281-333 The Ba’th in power: divide and rule, Al-Hakim and the Ba’th: cautious welcome, The Ba’th and al-Hakim: the Iranian test, Najaf and Baghdad: from contest to concealment, 6 The Ba’th, Khomeini and Iran: the enemy of my enemy, al-Ѕadr, the Da’wa and the Ba’th: the first phase 1970-1976, Al-Ѕadr and the road to marja’iyya, The Da’wa dilemma, the Najaf uprising in 1977, Al-Ѕadr and the Ba’th regime: the second phase 1977-1980, Khomeini out of Najaf: the road to the revolution, the Ba’th and the Iranian Revolution, Al-Ѕadr and Saddam: the final encounter, Conclusion. Conclusion PP. 334-350 Appendices, 1, Najaf: home of Arab Christianity before Islam Appendices, 2, the evolution of Shi’a learning world from Medina to Najaf Glossary Bibliography Abbreviations AA: Asian Affairs AAS: Asian and African Studies ASQ: Arab Studies Quarterly BJMES: British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies BSMESB: British Society for Middle Eastern Studies Bulletin BSOAS: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 7 EI: Encyclopedia of Islam ICP: Iraqi Communist Party IJCIS: International Journal of Contemporary Iraqi Studies ILM: Iranian Liberation Movement IJMES: International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies IAO: Islamic Action Organization IS: Iranian Studies ISE: Islamic Shi’a Encyclopedia MW: The Moslem (Muslim) World MES: Middle Eastern Studies NDP: National Democratic Party RCC: Revolutionary Command Council, the governing body under the Ba’th in Iraq. RL: Regional Leadership of the Ba’th Barty SI: Studia Islamica 8 Introduction Najaf and Iraqi politics: past and present Soon after the fall of Saddam Hussain in April 2003, the Shi’is of Iraq became the focus of widespread newsreporting. Once the war ended, the Shi’is emerged as an organized power, filling the vacuum of government in Iraq, administering hospitals, mosques and even government institutions. Shi’a organizations, parties, and above all their religious authority, the marja’iyya, came out as a dominating power in the new Iraq. This culminated in the 2005 election when the Shi’a coalition achieved an overwhelming victory to form the first democratic government in the post-Saddam era led by the Shi’a majority. Behind this well-organized action, and far from the capital Baghdad, Najaf has been the key player in the Iraqi arena. This dramatic transformation captured the attention of many observers and commentators, who came out to assert that: ‘The future of Iraq will be decided not in the US-led talks among the approved opposition parties but behind a battered grey metal door in Najaf, 100 miles south of Baghdad, that protects the hawza, the city’s main Shi’a seminary where Iraq’s leading clerics teach’.1 Indeed, al-Najaf al-Ashraf (Najaf, the most honored) represents a unique case study in shaping Iraqi politics. Being one of the most holy Shi’a cities, along with Karbala, Kadhamayya and Samara, Najaf has undoubtedly played a pivotal role in political, religious and intellectual life in Iraq as well as in the Arab and wider Islamic world. Thomas Lyell, the British officer who served in Iraq during the 1920s, wisely pointed out ‘that the understanding of the Holy Cities of Iraq (Najaf in particular) is the key to 2 understanding of the strength and the weakness of the people’.
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