An Officer, Yes but a Gentleman .

An officer, yes but a gentleman . . . ? Eugen Brandeis, Military Adviser, Imperial Judge and Administrator in the German Colonial Service in the South Pacific

CENTRE FOR SOUTH PACIFIC STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES

Pacific Studies Monograph No. 21

An officer, yes; ? but a gentleman . • • • A Biographical sketch of Eugen Brandeis, Military Adviser, Imperial Judge and Administrator in the German Colonial Service in the South Pacific

Dirk H.R. Spennemann

SYDNEY 1998 © Centre for South Pacific Studies 1998 This work is copyright. Apart from those uses that may be permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 as amended, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission of the author. All or part of this work may be copied by members of educational institutions and libraries for the purpose of research, study or teaching provided the source is acknowledged. Printed by the University of New South Wales Printing Unit Sydney NSW 2052

Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Spennemann, Dirk H.R. 1958- An officer, yes; but a gentleman ?... Abiographical sketch of Eugen Brandeis, Military Adviser, Imperial Judge and Administrator in the German Colonial Service in the South Pacific. /by Dirk H.R. Spennemann- Sydney, NSW.: University of New South Wales, Centre for South Pacific Studies, 1998. 1 v. (Pacific Studies Monograph, no. 21) ISSN: 1035-6894 ISBN: 0 7334 0454 5 DDC 996.83 1.Colonial administrators-Marshall Islands. 2. Corporal punishment Marshall Islands. 3. Marshall Islands-History. 4. Legal system-Marshall Islands. 5. Samoan Islands-History. I. University of New South Wales, Centre for Pacific Island Studies. II. Title. III. Series. Contents

Preface ...... v Introduction ...... 1 Early years ...... 2 Brandeis in Samoa ...... 5 First posting to Jaluit ...... 14 Climbing the career ladder ...... 17 Second posting to Jaluit ...... 20 The typhoon of 1905 ...... 32 Brandeis as administrator ...... 37 Brandeis, the "flogger" ...... 40 Brandeis' backers ...... 47 A summing up ...... 51 Endnotes ...... 54 Bibliography ...... 77

iii

Preface

The colonial administration of Germany's possessions in Micronesia was only for of short duration. In the Marshalls it lasted from 1886 to the annexation of her possessions by Japan in 1914, and in the rest of Micronesia from its ac quisition from Spain 1898 to the outbreak of World War I. In its administra tion Germany did not have the luxury to draw on a pool of people experi enced in colonial affairs. Rather, the administration had to be entrusted to promising young candidates who possessed overseas experience of some sort of the other. During research into the German colonial administration's management of the aftermath of several typhoons which struck Micronesia in 1905 and 1907, the activity, or rather non-activity, displayed by Eugen Brandeis in his function as the Landeshauptmann (district administrator) of]aluit (Marshall Islands) stood out. In order to understand his actions and attitudes, it became necessary to re search his background and life history prior to arriving in the Marshalls. The following biographical sketch is the result of this work. Without doubt Eugen Brandeis was a very colourful character. His life spanning the entire period of the German Colonial Experiment, his marriage to a Zanzibar princess ,and his active role in the various theatres of colonial intrigue could provide the storyline for a fascinating historical novel-one where the dry truth, as it is portrayed in this biography, does not have to get in the way of a good story.

I gratefully acknowledge the Adelhauser Museum for Natur- und Acknowledgments Volkerkunde Freiburg for the permission to reproduce the interior shot of the Brandeis' residence in Jaluit. I am indebted to John Lodewijks for accepting the work for publication in the Centre for Pacific Island Studies Monograph Series. Above all, however, I am indebted to my wife Jane Downing for bearing with me through the gestation period of what started off as 'a little bit of background research'.

v vi Introduction

The German Colonial Service in the Pacific Islands has recently come under scrutiny by German-speaking historians. Its officers in the Pacific have been compared favourably to those serving in Africa. Hermann Hiery in his treatise on the German South Seas Colonies states that: "... German Pacific colonies ... represented an ideal that allowed Germany to show off, enhancing the prestige of a country still striving to be acknowledged as an equal by the old, traditionally accepted world powers. If Germany had not been able to gain economically or strategically important territories in the South Pacific, it had at least "acquired" the "best" people, inspiring the envy of the other European powers .... [the] colonial administrations in the Pacific were given much more time and latitude to develop, pursue, and implement their policies than in Africa. As it was not a place where laurels could be gained, the Pacific was also spared the political careerists and military adventurers who had such a disastrous impact on Ger many's African colonies .... In German Africa public officials, especially those who filled the top positions, were largely drawn from the aristocracy, and many of them translated their idea of a class society into a race society. The Pacific, by contrast, was the domain of the German middle classes. They arrived on the scene usually with a univer sity degree and administrative training behind them."1 In the light of this background, then, the career of Eugen Brandeis, Lan deshauptmann (district administrator) ofJaluit (Marshall Islands), stands out as he represented an exception.2 As will be shown, Brandeis had a very dif ferent background and education than his predecessors in the office, Dr. Wil helm Knappe, Franz Sonnenschein, Max Biermann and Ernst Schmidt-Dargitz who had been lawyers, and Dr. Georg Irmer who had been a historian, all of whom had joined the Ministty of Foreign Affairs or other government service after their studies. Eugen Brandeis was the first chief administrator of the Marshall Islands who was not a career diplomat but came to the position via a different route. To what extent this influenced his administrative skills and his responses to an indigenous community in need will be the focus of this study. Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Sources The sources which have been published on Brandeis' life are fairly limited. The main sources are the brief entry in H.Schnee's Deutscbes Kolo niallexikon, an entry in Fabricius' history of Nauru during the German pe riod, a commentary in Stevenson's 'a footnote to bist01y' and the short entry in Huber's Deutsche Ve1fassungsgescbichte.3 Unfortunately the latter three sources are flawed.4 What follows is a curriculum vitae of this German colonial officer, who started his career in the military, tried his hand as a businessman and engi neer, became an adviser to a Samoan chief vying for supremacy, and rose to the rank of the Landeshauptmann of the Marshall Islands, administering an entire colony on behalf of the German Empire.

Early years

Eugen Brandeis was born on 23 September 1846 in Freiburg im Breisgau in the southern German state of Baden, as one of the sons of a Catholic family.5 During the heady days of the first German parliament in 1848 and the revo lutions of 1848/49 increased pressures for personal freedom and democracy were brought to bear on the various governments. A revolutionary uprising in Baden which took place in April 1848 was squashed by federal troops. In the years following the failed attempt to unify Germany, reactionary gov ernments prevailed. During this period many left Germany, mainly emigrat ing to the United States, but also Australia.6 As Eugen Brandeis parents stayed on, it would appear that they were not involved in the revolutionary or progressive movements of the times. Even though Baden earned a reputa tion as a liberal German state, there is no evidence that the Brandeis' were among them. It is of some interest to note that Brandeis is often described as a 'Bavarian', as for example in the 'Cyclopaedia of Samoa,' which draws on Stevenson's 'a footnote to histo1y', who described him as 'a Bavarian captain of artillery, of a romantic and adventurous character' .7 This is the ultimate irony as it is a great insult for a Badenser to be called a Bavarian, given the continued and deeply ingrained rivalry between the two southern German states.s

· The army In 1863 or 1864 Brandeis began tertia1y education, studying mathematics for five semesters (2.5 years), first at the Technical University of Carlsruhe,9 the capital of the Grand Duchy of Baden, then at the considerably more presti gious Albert Ludwig's University of Freiburg.10 In 1866 he joined the 5th

2 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Baden Infantry Regiment as a scout (advantageur). He could well have se1ved in the Prusso-Austrian War ofJune!.July 1866, during which the Bavar ian-Austrian Coalition was defeated. This event led to the subduement of the southern German states under Prussian supremacy, among them the Grand Duchy of Baden and the Kingdoms of Wlirttemberg and Bavaria. In 1868 Brandeis became a lieutenant in the Grogherzoglich Badisches field artillery regiment, and in this function took part in the Franco-Prussian war of 1870/71, during which a united Germany under Prussian command defeated France. Brandeis was decorated with the Iron Cross second class, an Imperial Order, and the knights cross, second class with swords, of the order of the Zahringen lion, an honour awarded by the Grand Duchy ofBaden.ll In 1873 he joined the 6th Silesian foot artillery regimentlZ and was promoted to the rank offirst Lieutenant13 in 1875.

In 1876 or 1877 he left the army.14 According to Stevenson, Brandeis as a Civilian life captain of artillery had "served in war, but wearied of garrison life [and] resigned his battery",15 Brandeis' formative years in civilian life are somewhat undear,16 According to Stevenson, Brandeis, went to the USA, "found employment as a civil engineer, visited Cuba, took a sub contract on the Panama Canal, caught the fever and came (for the sake of the sea-voyage) to Australia" ,17 This brief and innocuous summary takes on a different complexion if we look further into his activities.

What can be reconstructed, based on various scattered sources, is that after Haiti leaving the armed forces Brandeis worked from 1877 to 1881 as a trader or merchant in Gonaives, Haiti, in the Carribean. Haiti had a history of unstable government with factional power shifts and continual changes in government. It was certainly not a place for the faint hearted and it is indicative of Brandeis' character that he went-and stayed-there. From 1879 to 1881 Brandeis served as the German Honora1y Consul in Haiti.IS A newspaper source claims that he was given the position after he had shown leadership and a cool calculating head during one of the many upheavals which were prevalent in Haiti's history at the time, thereby protecting the lives (and property?) of fellow Germans.19 It would appear that the events mentioned were the overthrow of the government of Boisrond-Canal (1876-79) by forces sympathetic to Lysius Felicite Salomon (1879-88).20 In July 1879 serious conflict arose in the Haiti Chamber of Deputies that resulted in a riot during which several prominent people were killed and the centre of Port au-Prince was burnt down. The disturbances spread to the provinces, among them Gonaives, though with less violence.21 Sometime in 1881 Brandeis was also promoted to Captain of the Reserve,22 suggesting that he was still, to a degree, under militaty command even

3 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

though residing overseas. This needs to be contrasted with the fact the Germans residing overseas normally lost the support of their respective (state) governments fairly quickly. It could imply that Brandeis operated in Haiti not entirely on the basis of a private citizen, but that he had formal connections with the German government, openly formalised after he was appointed consul (1879) and recognised after the completion of his service through this promotion.

Cuba It is reported that he worked in 1882 (and 1883?) as an engineer for a rail way company in Cuba, then under Spanish control.23 It would appear that Brandeis worked on the extension of the first Cuban railway system from Nueritas to Havana.24 While Cuba, at the time ofBrandeis presence, had just overcome a period of instability, it was still a potentially volatile country.

Panama In 1884 we find him as an engineer working on the Panama Canal for the Panama Canal Company.25 Work on the Panama Canal had begun in early 1881, and from 1882 engineers were in charge, employing large numbers of engineers as subcontractors.26 In 1884 insurrection occurred with political instability and open rebellion breaking out in 1885. Again, it seems, Brandeis was involved in these happenings. The summer of 1885-1886 was very wet which, combined with the massive excavations and the rubbish tips of the workers camps, provided fertile breeding grounds for various mosquito vectors. The resulting swag of mosquito-borne diseases wreaked havoc among both the engineers and the work force. Many engineers, who had no other choice, left Panama for health reasons.27 Brandeis seems to have been one. Brandeis' choice of workplace may have been purely circumstantial. He had training in military engineering as a captain of the field artillery and it was not uncommon for men with military training, especially officers, to become civil engineers. His study of mathematics would have be a boon as we11.2s On the other hand it might not have been circumstantial at all. We should con sider that both projects, the railway in Cuba, but more so the construction of the Panama Canal were of strategic importance and thus intelligence about the projects was of interest to a German government about to become a colonial power.29 At present further details on Brandeis activities in the Carribean are not known. We are also uninformed on why he went there in the first place. Both Cuba and the Panama Canal Zone belonged to the Spanish sphere of influ ence and it may well be significant that one ofBrandeis' brothers was an offi cer in the employ of the Spanish armed forces who distinguished himself in the Philippine theatre of the Spanish-American War of 1898, earning a pro motion to general.30

4 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

The period of his life after his departure from the Canal zone is completely Brandeis in unclear. It is asserted that he moved to Australia for health reasons and found Australia employment at the Imperial Consulate in Sydney,31 with Consul Frankh in charge.32 His ultimate supervisor was Dr. Richard Krauel, German Consul General for Neu Guinea and the South Sea Islands, and German Minister in London, later to become head of the colonial section of the German Ministry for Foreign Affairs.33 It is unclear why Brandeis should have been employed there, as there would have been quite a few capable Germans, and some with an engineering background, in Australia. On the other hand, if we as sume that Brandeis had maintained formal connections with the German government, then his appointment is much easier to understand.34 At this time, Krauel, in collaboration with Herbert van Bismarck, Imperial Chancellor Otto van Bismarck's son, was actively involved in shaping German colonial policy, and ensuring that German influence in Samoa should prevail. Brandeis' skills in crisis management and his military background must have appealed to Krauel and his staff.

Brandeis in Sa1noa

In late 1886 Brandeis moved to Apia, Western Samoa, where he 'suddenly appeared' as one of the lowly clerks in the offices of the "Deutsche Handels und Plantagen-Gesellschaft der Si.idsee zu Hamburg" (D.H.& P.G.).35 Since he did not look the part of a clerk, but had a military air about him, he was soon the 'centre of observation and rumour. '36 Shortly afterwards he was ap· pointed by Theodor Weber, head of the D.H.& P.G. office in Samoa, to run a small trading store at Vaialua, that had been erected close to Leulumoega, where the Samoan chief Tupua Tamasese Titimaea had retired. Soon after that, Brandeis became engaged not only in trade, but also in advising Tamasese. In recollections about that period Brandeis is described as "a small, dark, but distinguished looking German."37 The American trader Moors saw Brandeis as "a polite and affable man", but was wary of his intentions, viewing Brandeis as insincere and a mere implementor of German interests. Quite rightly so, as this 'little dark man at Vaialua', according to Moors, set about purchasing 120 rifles from the D.H.& P.G. office in Apia with the full knowledge of the German Consul Dr. Oskar Sti.ibel, and began drilling the Samoans loyal to Tamasese in military practice.38 Brandeis political activities shall not be discussed in great detail here, as they are described by Steven· son39 and assessed by scholars of Samoan history.4o

5 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Brandeis as Brandeis role was formally to constitute a government for Tamasese and to premier cause the enactment and enforcement of a number of policies, laws and reg ulations, which on the whole, were favourable to the German interests. In view of this mandate and his background, one wonders how proficient he was in civilian administration (see below). According to Samoan interpretations he was not merely an adviser but the Pulefou Premier of Tamasese with the title Ali'i Ta'ita'i i le Malo, and as such wielded substantial influence and power.41 Brandeis was at pains to pub licly define the Tamasese rule as 'an independent Samoan government with a European premier freely chosen by its members.'42 During this period of Tamasese's government Brandeis drew a salary of US$ 2,400, partially sub sidised by the D.H.& P.G, while Tamasese received only US$1,960, which furthermore included his household expenses.

figure I. Eugen Brandeis In the Prussian uniform of a Captain. The caption of the original publication reads "Eugen Brandeis, captain of artillery" (after Cyclopaedia of Samoa I 907).

Medals from left: Iron Cross, second classj order of the Ziihringen lion, ''-"'. second class; Franco· · Prussian war medal for combatants; cross of merit of the Zihringen lion; and the Jubilee medal of the Grand Duchy of Baden,

An expatriate chief of police drew US$ 1,200. This inequality raised some concerns, but apparently not in the Tamasese camp.43 It highlights the signif icance of Brandeis' position. Tamasese's regime was discredited in the eyes of most Samoans as well as the non-German colonial powers due to the methods used to stifle or elimi nate any political opposition and to impose the demands of a centralised regime over what had been a decentralised mode of governance.44 Brandeis had also become involved in land disputes with traders of other na tionalities, among them H.J. Moors, which caused conflict with their repre-

6 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

sentative consuls, especially as Brandeis-Tamasese were seen as puppets of the D.H.& P.G interests. The British High Commissioner for the Western Pacific, Sir John Bates Thurston, for example, was well aware that Tamasese was a German puppet and that the actual government business was controlled in the first instance by Brandeis and ultimately by Sti.ibel in Apia.45 Brandeis issued a number of regulations that were in fact supported by Thurston, who in turn issued several Queens Regulations under the Western Pacific Orders in Council. Among them were to forbid the few British residents from bathing naked and from riding recklessly through Apia.46 While these regulations were hardly of great import in themselves, they were important components in a German strategy to legitimise the Tamasese regime.

Figure 2. Tupua Tamasese Titimla (alter Cy - clopaedia or Samoa 1907).

By 1888 Brandeis had pushed the matters too far. In 1887 he induced Tamasese to levy a capitation tax ('poll tax') that was much too high for the Samoans and inevitably led to disquiet. A $1 poll tax, covering a six-months period, was levied on every Samoan male capable of climbing a coconut palm (and hence making copra), as well as every Samoan female capable of help ing in the production of copra. The tax was the equivalent to 50-70 lbs of co pra, or approximately 40-50% of the income from commercial sources for these six months.47 Delinquency in payment saw a 100% increase in the levy

7 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

for the first five days after the deadline, and if it was not paid by then, one month forced labour and imprisonment.48 As a result, three dissenting chiefs were deported to Jaluit.49 Malietoa Laupepa, contender for the title of supreme chief of Samoa, was deported to the German colony of Cameroon. Brandeis finally alienated the majority of the non-German foreigners when he attempted to sell off the property of a trader who refused to pay his taxes.so The 1888 tax collection again let to widespread dissent, especially as non-payment would force Samoans to mortgage their land to the D.H.& P.G.

Figure 3. The proclamation banning cricket. Note that the TULAFONO document is countersigned by Brandeis, as are all mole proclamations by Tamasese. E.ILIB.1··T;I FAASAMOA. MA~'fA ~ t.~ TW~U.

0 au o Tuiaana Tamas~se le Tupu. Ou te poloai atu nei i le t:ulafono e faapea: L - Ua sa Klikiti, e amata ·i le aso nei. 2. -· A solia e se ta.Si lenei tulafono, e faasalaina o ia i le LIMA o ta la. 3. - A solia e se nuu Ienei tulafono, e faasalaina lena nuu i le SELAU o tala. Laumua o Samoa.,. Mulinuu, i le aso 19 o Iannari 1888. · . 0 au .o Tufaana TAMASESE, le Tupu o Samoa . . BlANDBIS ..

8 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

A clause allowed the D.H.& P.G. to collect the tax copra as well as the puni tive mortgage copra with priority over all the other trading companies. It appears that Brandeis interpreted the regulations hard and fast and thus be came unstuck shortly afterwards when he imprisoned a Samoan pastor for giving copra from a tax-mortgaged land to the British trading company W.A. McArthur & Co.-a copra payment caused by a debt that preceded the tax and the tax mortgage. McArthur & Co. who had equal rights with the D.H.& P.G. to trading under the international treaty complained to Thurston, who in turn notified London and rebuked Brandeis.51 Faced with a case where the apparent prima f acie evidence of a Samoan having broken the German-inspired law disappeared because the payment was that of an older debt, Brandeis thought it wise to release the prisoner. This rash action and the subsequent backdown damaged some of his stand ing, forcing him to more drastic measures. Indeed, as Samoan resentment grew,.-encouraged by many of the Anglo-American residents-the Brandeis' controlled Tamasese regime became more and more autocratic. In April 1888 all public assemblies were prohibited and further deportations threat ened. The prohibition of assembly extended to include cricket-a stab also at the foreign opposition and at British cultural influence in Samoa (figure 3). In May 1888 a fierce revolt broke out which the German government, rely ing on the called-in navy, found hard to control. The Tamasese forces under Brandeis' leadership were defeated in September 1888 and escaped annihi lation only under the protection of German naval guns. The political power of the Brandeis-Tamasese regime was at an end. Buoyed by their success, the anti-Tamasese forces led by Mata'afa continued to attract support from Samoans.

At this juncture in time, on 10 November 1888, a new consul arrived, Dr. The demise Wilhelm Knappe, formerly Imperial German Commissioner of the Marshall Is- lands .52 On 13 December 1888 Brandeis wrote an inflammatory letter to Mata'afa who reacted to the threat. In mid December 1888 the Germans landed a naval force to disarm the Mata'afa forces. Rather than achieving their goal, the German forces suffered defeat in an ambush near Vailele plantation, with 16 German soldiers killed and over 30 wounded. The D.H.& P.G. suffered economic losses, mainly in its plantation investments, that reduced the profits and threatened the survival of the company. This defeat led to Wilhelm Knappe purposefully or unintentionally misinterpreting the situation and declaring war on the Samoan faction not friendly towards the Germans, which in turn led to a major diplomatic incident. Subsequently Knappe was formally reprimanded by the German Chancellor Bismarck,53 and the documents were made public.54 After these events, Brandeis' role had become untenable, and he is reported to have left Samoa on 5 February 1889 on the Lubeck. 55 An article in the German-language Ctncinnatti Volksblatt of 12 February 1889 states that

9 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Brandeis had been recalled to Berlin on the previous day, a message that must have come via cable from Sydney.

Brandeis role in This notice in the Cincinnatti Volksblatt, then raises the question as to the the eyes of official role Brandeis played. Brandeis' role in these events is described by foreigners Robert Louis Stevenson in his 'a footnote to histo1y'. Stevenson, though, vis ited in Samoa briefly in December 1889, ten months after Brandeis had actu ally left.56 Liking it, he returned to live, and eventually die, in Samoa in mid- 1890. Hence Stevenson's judgement of this period is based solely on hearsay and conversations with key players, even though he had met Brandeis earlier in Jaluit inbetween his two Samoan stays. That American trader H.J. Moors rates Stevenson's account of Brandeis as "accurate and fair", is not surprising if we consider that much of it seems to have been based on Moors' own opin ions.57 Stevenson interpreted Brandeis as a "man of notable appearance" and "a generally upright, loyal person", but also as "a Bavarian captain of artillery, of a romantic and adventurous character", "hasty and eager"' if not even as "an overhasty white with eyes and ideas."58 This assessment was then picked up in the secondary literature on the period and repeated by various authors, such as Paul Kennedy who labelled him a 'Bavarian adventurer'.59 Stevenson viewed Brandeis as a person who "had that natural love for the tropics which lies so often latent in persons of a northern birth; difficulty and danger attracted him; and when he was picked out for Secret duty, to be the hand of Germany in Samoa, there is no doubt but he accepted the post with exhilaration."60 Yet, Brandeis had good reason to particularly impress Stevenson in order to colour RLS's perception of him and his role in Samoa before Stevenson reached Samoa. At first Brandeis was very apprehensive of Stevenson, know ing that Stevenson had been in Samoa in the preceding December. Brandeis must have realised that Stevenson, once in resident Samoa, could and would one day publicise the Samoan events with more 'clout' than the dry political communiques issues by aggrieved governments. Brandeis seems to have been successful in portraying himself as 'a political refugee from Samoa".61 Brandeis and Stevenson met only twice, both in the Marshalls in 1890. Fanny Stevenson recalled that meting on the 19th of.Tune 1890: "Jaluit, the German seat of government for the Marshalls. \Vie could see the commissioner's house, painted a terracotta red, looking very pretty under the green trees. Went on shore, a blaz ing hot day .... The commissioner received us at his door, of fered us wine, and while we were drinking it in came Captain Brandeis, a slender, sallow man with a small head and the most extraordinary eyes of glittering blackness which seemed to shrink from meeting one's gaze and yet to challenge it with nervous de fiance. He was pale, and I thought he was prepared for an un pleasant meeting with Louis; that wore off very quickly, and the two were seen deep in conversation, I talking twaddle with the

10 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

commissioner that Louis might have the captain alone. Louis is fascinated by the captain, and I do not wonder; but his eye is too wild, he is too nervous, and his nose it not to be depended on-a weak and emotional nose. A man, I should say, of the most heroic deed, sometimes preternaturally wise and sometime pro portionately foolish; a born adventurer, but never a successful one."62 Another, much harsher assessment of Brandeis comes from the American artist John La Farge, who unlike Stevenson, did not meet Brandeis in person, but who, again like Stevenson, stayed in Samoa shortly after the Brandeis reign and who conversed on the subject with other key players. "Brandeis, the German dictator, that is to say the German official who controlled Samoa for a time, representing both Germany and Samoa"63 In a different context La Farge described Brandeis as "the former German ruler here."64 Both statements attesting to Brandeis power, but the former certainly with a negative flair, unlike Stevenson's more romantic view.

But was Brandeis basically 'a romantic and adventurous character' genuinely Adventurer or concerned about the material welfare of the Samoans, as Stevenson would Secret Agent? make us believe,65 was he a German dictator as La Farge described him, or was he a scheming German Agent provocateur with a history? In April 1886 the Germans had recognised Tamasese as the supreme chief of Samoa and the British government had conceded this fact. On the occasion of the Washington conference, however, the German, British and An1erican governments agreed not to recognise Tamasese as 'King' of Samoa. It re mains unanswered whether Germany was honest about this undertaking, or whether it was a convenient diplomatic strategy at the highest levels that could be purposefully undermined at the local level. Following the collapse of the Washington talks German warships used their gun power to enforce Tamasese's paramount status, and Brandeis 'appeared' as premier. It is somewhat incongruous that someone who had acted as the Honorary Consul for the German government in Haiti and who had worked for the German consulate in Sydney would serendipitously arrive in Samoa at this junction in time and would start his career in Samoa as a mere minor clerk with the D.H.& P.G. Indeed, in the Samoan setting where it was important to create at least the illusion of impartiality by the German government, Brandeis could not possibly admit that he had been a German Honorary Consul, a posi tion of respectability, import and power. An entry on Brandeis in a contemporary newspaper clipping states verbatim: "... and upon the request of the German consulate in Apia [Brandeis] was called to Samoa in autumn 1886, where he filled the position of a German adviser to the paramount chief Tamasese. In this position he had tried for two years to bring about the success of German interests.".66

II Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

This openly admits the high level involvement in Brandeis position and that he acted on behalf of the German government even though-at the time the German authorities officially distanced themselves. In January 1887 the US Secretary of State, Bayard, had received a memorandum from his consul in Apia prompting him to write to the German minister in Washington: "It is stated in substance that a Mr. Brandes [sic], lately connected with the German Consulate in Apia, has been sent under pay and with the title of general to give milita1y instruction to Tamasese in promotion of his rebellion against the Government of Malietoa."67 Tantamount to duplicity, the German government formally distanced itself by stating that it was: "not aware that a certain Mr. Brandes(sic] at Apia sustains, or has sustained relations with the German consul at that place, or that he has become associated with Chief Tamasese. The Imperial Government, moreover, has received no information concerning any representations made by Chief Malietoa on account of what has been done by Mr. Brandeis.68 Becker, Stilbel's successor as German Consul, distanced himself from Bran deis after the receipt of a complaint from the Malietoa court.69 Stevenson quotes Becker as saying: "I have nothing to do with the gentleman Brandeis. Be it well known that the gentleman Brandeis has no appointment in a mil itary character, but resides peaceably assisting the government of Leulumoenga in their work, for Brandeis is a quiet, sensible gen tleman."70 A statement, which Stevenson calls a 'supererogation of deceit', especially as Brandeis, according to what Stevenson was told, "was exposed . . . to much dictation and interference, and to some 'cumbrous aid,' from the consulate and the firm."71 Gilson mentions that Stevenson's interpretation of Brandeis as one genuinely concerned about the welfare of the Samoans is not borne out by the eco nomic policies passed by the Tamasese government. On the contrary, the main beneficiary of these policies was the D.H. & P.G.72 It is clear that the D.H. & P.G. had the main interest in resolving the Samoan situation in Germany's favour, as it tried to control the entire commerce and copra-pro duction in Samoa unencumbered by competing traders and other nations' consuls. That the German government was prepared to go along with it is understandable since (i) concession companies ran the administrations of New Guinea (the Neu Guinea Compagnie) and the Marshall Islands (Taluit Gesellschaft); and (ii) the German government could disassociate itself from the actions of the companies-as it eventually did-if and when they back fired.

12 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

In the white book on Samoa, a letter of chancellor Otto von Bismarck to Consul Sti.ibel has been reprinted, which states inter alia that "The statement that the supporters of Tamasese "await faithfully the commands of the German government" clearly indicates that until now Dr. Knappe has not fully understood our relationship to the Samoans."73 On the other hand, as Kennedy shows, the very severe and repeated very public reprimand of Knappe is out of proportion to his actions and was des tined more for foreign than for domestic consumption.74 Knappe was the scapegoat who could be sacrificed to rescue the German Samoa policy.

Brandeis' years in Samoa must have been a formative period for his attitudes Samoa as a for towards the other two colonial powers, the United Kingdom and the United mative period States of America. LaFarge, based on hearsay, reports Brandeis as having said: "A nation, which in all decisions of foreign policy must take into councils the senate and sixty million people cannot have a for eign policy worth of the name."75 and as reputedly having told the U.S. representative in Samoa: "You are really weak-like all Republicans-always at the mercy of little home events, and any one of you will trade for some per sonal advantage. You can have no policy, that any one of you in politics would not break through, to play a trick on the political adversary. And then you have no fleet or army, to show others what you could do. Before you can make up your mind to do anything we shall have taken Samoa for ourselves."76 If true, either literally or in general terms, both quotes show Brandeis as an autocratic character with a very strong disdain for democratic principles of governance. Centralised and hierarchical power with unequivocal lines of command, aims and policy seems to have been his ideal-an ideal that he could live out in his capacity as Tamasese's premier, and that later on he could relive in the Marshall Islands when he was in sole command of a colony, well out of reach of direct supervision from Berlin. The Samoan experience seems to have shown him that the United States of America were not a major force to be reckoned with77 and that the British would come to an amicable arrangement with Germany if pressed.

13 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

First posting to Jaluit

Since Brandeis' position in Samoa had become untenable, he was forced to leave Samoa in February 1889. Yet, as he had provided faithful service to the German interests, a position had to be found. Aman of his capacity had to be kept in the service. Brandeis returned to Berlin, presumably for a debriefing on the German posi tion in Samoa and the key players involved. He apparently found, for a brief period, employment in the secret administration of the Foreign Office in Berlin.7s In July 1889 he was sent to Jaluit as the acting secretary of the German administration, and later as the acting administrator.

Germany and The administration of the Protectorate of the Marshall Islands was managed the Marshalls by the Jaluit Gesellschaft on behalf of the Imperial German government. The Jaluit Gesellschaft was formed in 1887 by a merger of the trading interests of the D.H. & P.G. (which had bought the property and stock of the bankrupt Godeffroy & Co.), the Hernsheim & Co. trading company of Hamburg, and A.Capelle & Co. from Likiep Atoll, which combined almost all trading inter ests in the Marshall Islands, except for those of the Australian trading com pany Burns Philp & Co. and the Pacific Islands Company. The Jaluit Gesellschaft with trading stations on 18 of the 33 atolls and islands domi nated the trade. Since the Jaluit Gesellschaft was managing the administra tion of the Marshall Islands as a concession company and was paying for the Imperial Government's administrative staff,79 the D.H. & P.G as a joint ven ture partner possessed enough influence to ensure that Brandeis would find an appointment.so In 1887 at the height of the head tax debate three dissenting Samoan chiefs were deported to Jaluit until 1889. Malietoa had been deported to the Ger man colony of Cameroon as it was deemed unwise to move him to Germany, where domestic political pressure could have been exerted for his release. In 1888 Malietoa was moved to the German naval base of Wilhelms haven near Bremen, due to his deteriorating health and then to Jaluit. Wilhelm Knappe, the former Imperial Commissar of the Marshall Islands, had accompanied Malietoa on the trip from Germany to Jaluit en route to his new post of the German Consul in Samoa.s1 By the time Brandeis had to leave Samoa, Malietoa had signalled to the German government his willingness to place himself under the emperor.s2 When Brandeis was sent to Jaluit, preparations

14 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

had already been made to move Malietoa back to Samoa83 and Malietoa re turned to Samoa on board SMS Wolf on 11 August 1889.84 This prevented the antagonists from meeting again.

The Deutsches Kolonialblatt of 1 January 1890 mentions that Brandeis was Brandeis acting in Jaluit for secretary Eggert who was on furlough and who did not re appointed turn to his post.85 Brandeis was formally appointed secretary of the German secretary administration in Jaluit, a position in which he served from May 1890 until the end of 1892. In Jaluit he would have worked with Christian Johannsen, then station chief of the island of Nauru, administered via the Marshall Is lands and subordinate to the Jaluit office. Before his posting to Nauru on 9 May 1889, then with eight years experience in the South Pacific, Johannsen had been assistant secretary of the German consulate in Samoa and thus would have known Brandeis.86 The Commissar of the Marshall Islands and Brandeis' direct superior was first Franz Sonnenschein (then on furlough) and later Max Biermann, the former Vice-Consul in Samoa.87 Biermann must have known Brandeis in Samoa and both were quite new to the Marshalls. Yet Brandeis had over six months more experience at Jaluit, and we are left to wonder to what extent Bier mann, who commenced his duties on 17 April 1890, relied on Brandeis' judgement. On 7 May 1890 the head of the colonial section, Wilhelm Krauel appoints "Hauptmann der Landwehr, Eugen Brandeis" also as an Imperial judge.88 This implies that by this time Brandeis must have also formally become a civil ser vant of the Imperial German administration.89 In.January 1892 Brandeis was appointed acting Imperial Commissar and maintained this position until the end of the year. In this capacity he repeatedly inspected the atolls of the Marshall Islands.9o He first visited the central atolls in January 1892 and the southwestern atolls in June, followed by an inspection of all atolls in Decem ber 1892. This inspection tour was the prerogative of the Commissar and was conducted on board a German warship sent for that occasion from the Ger man naval base in Tsingtao (Kiaochow, China),91 or coming up from Apia en route to Tsingtao.92 The last inspection trip was made on board SMS Sperber which brought the new commissar, Ernst Schmidt-Dargitz93 from Apia and which took Brandeis on 12 November 1892 to his new post in Herbertshi:ihe, German New Guinea.

The period of Brandeis' service in the Marshall Islands is characterised by a Brandeis systematic assessment of the resource potential of the protectorate of the activities Marshall Islands, the structuring of the administration through the formulation of regulations, the establishment of administrative processes,94 the con- fiscation of 'ownerless' land,95 and the development of copra plantations under the control of the Jaluit Gesellschaft.96 Where possible, steps were taken to limit foreign trade and competition. To facilitate major planned develop-

15 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

ment, the extending of credit to the local population was prohibited in 1890.97 This effectively ended the indenture of the local communities to the trading houses and competitors to the Jaluit Gesellschaft and paved the way to introduce a head tax on copra. While the regulations were formally pro mulgated by the Commissar Max Biermann, the overall thrust of the legisla tive programme is resemblant of the programme Brandeis implemented in Samoa.

The ABCFM in The period of Brandeis' service is also characterised by conflict between the the Marshalls German administration and the Protestant missionaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions ('Boston Mission').98 At the time of the German colonisation, the ABCFM missionaries had already estab lished a firm presence in the southern Marshall Islands and had begun their expansion to the northern atolls.99 The German administration, which had made Jaluit the sole port of entry to the Marshalls, were concerned about the volume of trade conducted by the missionary vessels and the uncon trolled coming and going of the missionaries and their disciples. Neither Wil helm Knappe nor Max Biermann, or their secretaries were liked by the ABCFM for their understandably pro-German but also anti-American stance. The arrival of Dr. Georg Irmer in December 1893 was seen as a major im provement.JOO Apartisan history of the ABCFM in Micronesia states bluntly: "After several years the oppression of the German Kommissar, the Berlin Government sent out a new man to replace the first one, and he proved to be much more friendly and understand ing. He at once began to cultivate good relations with the mis sionaries ... This was a happy replacement for the hatred and smouldering spirit of revolt that had prevailed."101 It can only be surmised to what extent Brandeis' own attitudes towards the American missionaries in particular contributed to the overall development of affairs. His experiences with the 'interference' of Americans in his Samoan dealings had certainly not endeared them to him. His Catholic background may have exacerbated the issue as well. There is also the statement by the American missionary C.F. Rife who commented that the German district ad ministrator for the Carolines, the Marianas and Palau, Vice-Governor Dr. Vic tor Berg,102 while staying for a prolonged period on Kosrae following the 1905 typhoon, made a very favourable impression on the American missionar ies-a statement that needs to be seen in direct contrast to Berg's counter part in the Marshall Islands, Brandeis (see below).103 During his period in]aluit, Eugen Brandeis served under Franz Sonnenschein (in absentia) and Max Biermann, both old Samoa hands,104 Prior to Bierman n's arrival Brandeis must have expressed himself as fully (and solely?) in command, as the German (Catholic) missionary Schneider who visited Jaluit in December 1889, mentions him as the 'Landeshauptmann', well before he was appointed in an acting position,105

16 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Climbing the career ladder

After the completion of his tour of duty in Jaluit and upon the arrival of Schmidt-Dargitz as the new Commissar on 12 November 1892, Brandeis de parted for New Guinea on 10 December 1395,106 \Vie do not know whether Brandeis requested a continuation of his contract in Jaluit and this was de clined, or whether he wished to move to New Guinea.

On 20 January 1893 Brandeis formally took up his position as one of the two Imperial Judge in District Imperial Judges employed by the Neu Guinea Compagnie, having ar Herbertshohe rived in Herbertshi:ihe, Rabaul, German New Guinea on 17 December 1892.107 As the Imperial judge he was the only Imperial German representa tive in the eastern part of the protectorate. Brandeis' tenure was the stan dard contact for New Guinea and other colonial postings: three years.1os Immediately after his arrival Brandeis became embroiled in controversy. The parting district judge, Geissler, seems to have advised Brandeis on some of the policies of the Landeshauptmann Georg Schmiel e. 109 While acting for the German government Schmiele was employed by the Deutsche Neu Guinea Compagnie, a trading ("concession") company similar to the Jaluit Gesellschaft, which controlled the trade in the Marshall Islands. In a letter to Imperial Chancellor von Caprivi, Brandeis points out that he had been hired as an Imperial judge to execute his duties in the Bismarck-Archipelago, and that Schmiele's order to also deal with the Solomon Islands110 was not part of the original appointment. It is unclear why he did not wish his district to in clude the Solomon Islands. While a larger district conveyed more power, Brandeis may have not liked the idea of spending much of his time visiting the district. Rather, he may have preferred to 'hold court' at Herbertshi:ihe. He further argued that as a Kaiserlicher Beamter, an Imperial Civil Servant albeit on a contract to the Neu Guinea Compagnie-he was not obliged to follow the orders of Schmiele who was a full employee of the Neu Guinea Compagnie. 111 To side-step the issue, Schmiele suggested in April 1893 the establishment of two judicial districts, a western one with a seat in Friedrich \Y/ilhelmshafen, and an eastern one, comprising the Bismarck Archipelago and the Solomons, with a seat in Herbertshi:ihe (Kokopo).112 On 19 September 1893 Schmiele formally proposed his plan to Reichskanzler von Caprivi.113 It was approved and took effect on 5January 1894. 114

17 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Brandeis as the sole German representative in the area must have lobbied to be formally recognised not only as a judge but also as the defender of the German interests in general. This lobbying paid off. In June 1894 Schmiele, acting upon the orders of Reichskanzler von Caprivi of 21 February 1894, transferred the Consular authority to the Imperial Judges and appointed Brandeis as ConsuJ.115 It is quite possible that this was a 'sweetener' to pla cate Brandeis. This was a promotion in status, especially as the status of (former) consul could be used as a bargaining chip for future positions. According to a contemporary newspaper article,116 Brandeis requested to be relieved from his position in August 1894. The accessible files do not indicate why Brandeis did not wish to see out the three-year contract, let alone re new it. In view of the overall situation, however, it would seem that the po sition of an Imperial.Judge in New Guinea was not a post where a prolonged stay would improve the chances for promotion in the colonial service. The Deutsches Kolonialblatt mentions that Brandeis was formally recalled on 14 December 1894, acting on the order of Imperial Chancellor Bismarck of 14 October 1894.m

The Tolai It would appear that if Brandeis did not actively move into an area rife with uprising conflict, political unrest followed him. In view of Brandeis' past, it is only fit ting that during 1893 an uprising occurred near Kokopo, when the Tolai re acted against the expansion of trading empires (eg. Queen Emma, Hern sheim & Co.; D.H. & P.G. and the Neu Guinea Compagnie) and the impact of plantations on their land and their cultural traditions.11s In September 1893 300 Tolai warriors attacked Herbertshi:ihe, with the Germans barely being able to repel them. Punitive raids were mounted without tangible results, and Landeshauptmann Schmiele arrived in an attempt to achieve a settle ment. Even the arrival of the German warship SMS Sperber in end of November 1893 did not bring about a negotiated settlement. A punitive ex pedition executed by the German government in collaboration with the crew and the firepower of the German warship brought the Tolai to submis sion. The former Prussian caval1y officer, August Karl Kolbe, on employ by the Neu Guinea Compagnie as their police officer was implicated in the af fair, disciplined and removed from his position.119 Karl Kolbe does not seem to have led the punitive expedition in a professional manner, not only get ting lost on the way in, but also firing on a detachment of SMS Sperber on the way out. Brandeis must have been in the middle of all this, yet he does not figure for mally in any of the events or any of the files.120 It would appear that as Im perial judge he may have seen himself beyond the issue-even though he must have been threatened during the September 1893 attack-or he may have assumed a stance whereby he would leave it to Schmiele and the Neu Guinea Compagnie to sort out the mess. On the other hand, we can assume that Kolbe would have consulted with Brandeis at least in the period before

18 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

the arrival of SMS Sperber as both were the only men with formal military training.

After his December 1894 recall to Berlin, Brandeis' career seems to have Berlin been in peril. The Deutsches Kolonialblatt, in its summary of colonial ap pointments, mentions that Brandeis had been appointed, again, as Secretary of the Jaluit administration, to serve under Georg Irmer, and that Arno Senfft was the acting Secretary for the time being.121 In the event, though, this proved to be not correct, and Brandeis remained in Berlin, effectively unem ployed. Had Brandeis pushed the patience of German Colonial Affairs too far? It is not clear where the information of his posting to the Marshall Islands came from and whether it was genuine information, as it is contained in the unofficial part of the personnel notices. On the other hand, the Deutsches Kolonialblatt as the official organ of the Imperial German Ministry of Colo nial Affairs would not publish grossly inaccurate or spurious information. We can only speculate, but it is quite possible it had been intended to send Brandeis to Jaluit, but that Dr. Georg Irmer, then Landeshauptmann, was the person responsible for this offer to be withdrawn. As will be discussed later, Irmer was the first appointment to the post in the Marshall Islands who had not been posted to Samoa on an previous appointment. Further, Irmer was on friendly terms with the American Protestant missionaries who had been in conflict with Brandeis.122 Be it as it may, Brandeis' career was not terminated and he was able to climb the career ladder even further, as he was called to serve in the Berlin head Figure 4. Brandeis sig~ office of the colonial office. The Deutsche Kolonialzeitung of 22 June 1895 nature mentions that the Imperial Judge Brandeis had been called to the Colonial Section of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to start a temporary position.123 There he worked for almost three years from mid-1895 to March 1898, in a non-budgeted extra numerary position,124 presumably mainly at the Pacific desk. This seems to indicate that he had friends in the colonial service who looked out for him. In late 1898 he was posted back to Jaluit, this time as Landeshauptmann.

In late 1897 or early 1898, at the age of 52, Eugen Brandeis married a Marriage woman almost half his age. Antonie Ruete, then 29, daughter of Seyyida Salme ("Emily") Ruete, Princess of Oman and Zanzibar, and the Hamburg businessman Heinrich Ruete. 125 Antonie came from an illustrious background. In 1866 Seyyida Salme, one of the 18 daughters of Sultan Said Majid of Zanz ibar married Heinrich Ruete, an agent for the Hamburg trading company Hansing. She was forced to flee Zanzibar on board of a British warship be cause it was illegal for an Islamite princess to marry a Christian. As Emily (her adopted name) was the sister of the reigning sultan, the elopement caused a serious stir and potential political unrest in Zanzibar. However, she was per-

19 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

mitted to sell her possessions and to transfer the funds to Germany. The German government, however, prohibited the sale of her slaves, or at least the transfer of any proceeds from that sale!126 Unfortunately, Heinrich Ruete was a speculator and lost most of her money. With his death in an accident in 1870 Emily Ruete-Salme was left without income or residual funds to support her family. She tried in vain to obtain support from the European royalty. The circumstances attained major political and diplomatic dimensions when Emily Ruete tried to obtain more funds from Zanzibar. In 1886 the German Government used her and her son in a naval mission to pressure Zanzibar, but then dropped her when it was politic to do so.127 To a degree Emily Ruete and Eugen Brandeis, albeit of very different social status, had much in common. Both were vestiges of a German Colonial past when traders and trading houses carved out a colonial empire with tacit backing by the German government, but with methods that in the late 1890s were deemed unacceptable as Germany vied with the other colonial powers to become a spearhead of civilisation. Where possible, the unpleasant past was repressed in both the public and the government's psyche, even though on occasion the skeletons would come out of the cupboards. Shortly after their marriage, Antonie Rlite accompanied Eugen Brandeis to his post inJaluit, where she stayed for three years (his first three-year tour of duty), followed by a nearly one-year long trip back to Germany in 1901/02 (as opposed to his 6 months furlough), 12s and another two-year period on the atoll.

Second posting to Jaluit

Brandeis was acting Landeshauptmann in Jaluit from 1898 onwards and be came formally appointed as such in February or April of 1900.129 It is most remarkable that it took the German Colonial administration two years to de cide whether to make Brandeis' appointment permanent or not. We are un informed about the reasons behind this delay. Georg Irmer had left Jaluit in late 1897 to take up a position in the head of fice of the German colonial administration. The naval physician and anthro pologist Dr. Augustin Kramer, who visited Jaluit in late November 1897, mentioned that the people on Jaluit were awaiting their new Landeshaupt mann, but were not informed who it would be.BO

20 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

It is very intriguing to note that Kramer, very much a political animal and 'general intriguer' as Kennedy put it,131 makes no mention whatsoever of Brandeis, even though he comments on the fact that at the time Kramer's book was published (1906) Dr. Georg Irmer served as Consul General in Genoa, a position Irmer did not hold until 1900, well after the period covered by Kramer's narrative.132 It appears that Brandeis was left out purposefully. Albert Hahl, en mute to his post as Governor in Rabaul, stopped briefly in Jaluit in September 1899, and mentions "Administrator Brandeis and his charming wife Antonie" in his memoirs, but makes no further comment.133 The outgoing Governor, von Benningsen, while travelling through Microne sia to formally accept the Carolines, Palau and Marianas as part of the German Colonial empire also stopped inJaluit, and is equally non-committal.134

Malietoa was not the only Samoan chief exiled to the Marshall Islands. In Brandeis and June 1893, following a military conflict with the Germans, Malietoa's rival Mata'afa Mata'afa was deported to the Marshall Islands, where he remained until 1898 when he too was returned to Samoa as an German ally.135 Mata'afa was mainly under the 'supervision' of Dr. Georg Irmer, whom he had known from Samoa, but who's actions in Samoa had been substantially less inflammatory than Brandeis'. 136

21 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Mata'afa's stay only briefly overlapped with Brandeis' presence on Jaluit (for about two months).137 During the previous deportations Brandeis was not present (then being in New Guinea). We should consider that Brandeis' post ing as Landeshauptmann on Jaluit meant that he was responsible for the safety and security of the Samoan chiefs exiled there by the German gov ernment. The Samoans occupied three Marshallese houses at the back the Landeshauptmannschaft.138

Figure 6. Mata'afa and According to the reminiscences of Antonie Brandeis, Mata'afa and Eugen his retinue on Jabor, Jalult Atoll, in 1897 Brandeis got on well together, with no residual antipathy. On the other (Source: Kramer 1906) hand, if we consider the dramatic power differential between the two, and Mata'afa's hope to be permitted to return to Samoa, any open antagonism would have been impolitic-this even more so as Mata'afa's return to Samoa had already been announced. After Brandeis had arrived in the Marshalls, all new Samoan exilees were sent by the German government representative in Samoa, Wilhelm Solf, to Albert Hahl in New Guinea, with the request that he make arrangements for accommodation. Although not stated in the files, Solf and his superiors were not about to inflame the feelings of the Samoans by sending them to the Marshalls and thus to Brandeis.139 That Brandeis was the stumbling block becomes apparent if we observe that in 1909, after Brandeis departure, Samoans Exiled from their home island by the Germans had again been sent to the Marshalls.140

22 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Figure 7, Living room of the Brandeis household in Jabor, It is illustrative of Brandeis attitudes that he stresses in the file notices that Jalult. Note the he did not ask Mata'afa upon his repatriation to Samoa to return the small Samoan canoe model, made by Mata'afa, on possessions etc. which had been bought by the German government-and the side board at left. (Photo: Antonie hence were German government property-in order to avoid an appearance Brandeis 1899?, in of stinginess. It is telling that Brandeis even considered this issue at all. Brull 1995, p. 136). Mata'afa seems to have made a Samoan canoe model as a farewell present for Brandeis (figure 7).141 Two years later the canoe model was no longer in Brandeis' possession in Jaluit, but exhibited in the Freiburg Museum142 sug gesting that it was not of a great personal importance to Eugen Brandeis and he sold or donated it to the museum.

As the Landeshauptmann Brandeis was the single most powerful individual in Life in jaluit the Marshalls, of equal rank to the Governors in New Guinea or Samoa, only answerable to the colonial section of the Foreign Office in Berlin. Thus he could demand-and expect to receive-respect from the Marshallese as well as from all non-Marshallese residents there, regardless of their nationality. Yet in terms of status in the German Foreign Office, Brandeis was substantially less important than Dr.Albert Hahl in New Guinea or Dr. Wilhelm Solf in Samoa. The 'colony' of expatriates in Jaluit was comprised of about 40 individuals and events of national importance, such as the Emperor's birthday brought them together (figure 9).143 Antonie Brandeis describes her experiences in

23 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

the Marshalls as published in the Deutsche Kolonialzeitung from the position of a privileged European woman.144

160 162 164 166 168 170 172 174 --'-----;--+-- ! i---_L _ ___,_; __L, 20 ---'.---l __ l_. __ 1· ~~·,!-- -i----f- - 18

---+-----+---·--U--1:----+----t-- 16 ' I I I Bokakl · ------:·----·- ·T----,·------i------__:_·-f·-----f--· 14 I I I l ; I ---+-'I--Enewetak-- Blkini--Ronglap--Rongnk----l---;---~b I I ·- 12 a I Utnk . () i ' CJ' ? ;1 ..,~ '! l I I = I Taka I I [ Ailinglnae IAlluk I ' I l Jemo_ 1 ·Me11t \ I -----:-~:~-g----i--·WoJho·fl K~~i;;-~-f; Wot1.;--J-----·l1-- 10

1 ~ .... , f 8> Ma!oelap I Enkup 1 Uja~ ! • ~ J ; 1 ,Lae tNamu I I.\ J ~------~--Lib --.·Jabat\ Aur .___ __, __ 8 / i d j Majuro Arno I / ATgi•pl•p / ~ilj' · -,. --··----"Narridiic----:-~rJaluit--·--R-:-1r-i~rikr1k"- 6

i • Kill 1' ' I 1------+----E__bo __ " --+--·----·~ ______L 4 I 0 3 0 ' ! 2 ---·----r--- nautical miles

Figure 8. Map of the Marshall Islands showing the placed mentioned in the text

Upon arrival the Brandeis'' moved into a house provided by the Jaluit Gesellschaft as per contract with the German government. Augustin Kramer

24 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

had been given the empty building as temporary accommodation after Dr. Irmer had left and the new Landeshauptmann had not yet arrived. Kramer described the residence in November 1897 as a medium-sized, single storey building, with a verandah on all four sides. There were three large rooms each with doors to both the lagoonal and the ocean side.145 The Jaluit Gesellschaft not only maintained the house and the outbuildings for the Lan deshauptmann and his secretary, but also a substantial garden associated with the Landeshauptmann's residence. Antonie Brandeis describes their house as furnished "with new and good furniture from Hamburg."146 Eugen Brandeis questions the expenditure of RMK 3,700, paid by the]aluit Gesellschaft under the terms of contract, as ex travagant.147 A photo of the Brandeis' living room shows a typical colonial room, featuring an imported heavy Empire ('Gri.inderzeit') sideboard, a similar style table surrounded by four Thonet chairs and a small writing table (figure 7). The ornaments are a turtle shell on the wall above the side board, the canoe and some knick-knacks on the table. As was 'standard', the Brandeis' employed a Chinese cook and a Chinese house boy, both recruited from Hong Kong, as local domestic help was deemed unreliable.14s However, Antonie Brandeis also brought along her personal maid, a Sudanese woman, who caused a stir among the Marshallese as she was only the second black person to reside there.149 Little is known about the Brandeis children, both girls, except that they were born in]aluit.

Conflict developed towards the end of Brandeis' first tour of duty. In 1901 a Strike on Mejit strike broke out on Mejit Island where the Marshallese demanded higher wages for the loading of copra onto trading vessels. As Mejit Island does not offer a safe anchorage or lagoon, the trading vessels had to heave to while the cargo was transhipped via boats. The presence of several trading vessels off Mejit at the same time created a demand for the same labour pool, which allowed the Marshallese to exploit the situation to their advantage. The Jaluit Gesellschaft, and the German administration, blamed the An1erican Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) missionaries for the action. In view of the small number of police, Brandeis was forced to negotiate rather ilian to enforce his views and arrest the Boston missionaries. 150 The punishment for this 'impertinence' was not long in coming. Brandeis fined the people of Mejit, as a whole, to pay 100,000lbs of copra to the government. He had chosen to impose a fine in form of copra rather than money, as the former was easier to collect and easier to manage. To place the fine in context, we should note that this represents about 80-90% of the annual copra production of Mejit. If one adds to this the normal tax copra, which have been low given Mejit's size and small population, then the peo ple of Mejit had less then 10,000lb of copra (about RMK 600) as a cash in-

25 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

come. In addition, Brandeis seems to have issued considerable sentences of imprisonment against some of the involved.JS! The whole issue is not listed in the criminal statistics for the year 1902 or 1903 and it seems that it had not been entered into the punishment books for a purpose.1s2 The issue became public though, as the Jaluit Gesellschaft upon collection of the copra fine became embroiled in an argument with the Landeshaupt mannschaft as to the rate at which the copra should be assessed. The Jaluit Gesellschaft wished to use the rate for tax copra ($ 0.04/lb), while the Lan deshauptmannschaft used the commercial rate of $0.06/]b as its basis.153 The ensuing tangle then involved the Jaluit Gesellschaft's head office notifying Foreign Affairs in Berlin, which resulted in a fluny of internal file memos shuffled between various departments. The Foreign office was less concerned about the costs of the copra, even though it eventually commented on the case and acquiesced to the demand of the Jaluit Gesellschaft for a $0.04 rate-but stated that in future a com mercial rate should be used, should such circumstances reoccur.154 The bulk of the file commenta1y is concerned with the appropriateness and legality of the actions taken by Brandeis. Brandeis' actions against Mejit had also created a compensation claim by Williams, an employee of the Jaluit Gesellschaft who had lost trade as a result of the copra fine. Brandeis himself had proposed to compensate Williams to the tune of RMK 3,000, as Williams had lost almost his total annual business, both in terms of copra (profit $0.02/]b) and mark-up on trade bought for the copra ($0.0l;lb).155 The Foreign Office awaited the arrival of Brandeis on furlough in Germany to clarify some of the points. The justice department argued that Brandeis should have taken into account the need for compensa tion when he made his judgement against the Mejit people, but had failed to do so. In a file commentary by the justice department to the colonial office the rel evant administrator made the comment that Brandeis needed to be coun selled as to the extent of his powers to issue sentences of the kind he was want to do. It was stressed, for example, that the active law in the Marshall Islands did not contain any provisions against boycott or public nuisance.156 Passive resistance, as conducted by the Mejit people, could not be construed as a case of obstruction or of resistance against government officers in the execution of their duties and thus Brandeis' case had no legal foundations. Similarly, the wholesale punishment of the population of Mejit for the ac tions of a few, and the terms of 100,000lb copra had been queried in the confidential minutes. The justice department requested a formal repri mand.157 Brandeis, however, had a backer in the form of desk administrator Rose, a former consul in Samoa, who argued that Brandeis should only be advised to be more circumspect in the future. Rose likened Brandeis' activities to those of"a captain with respect to his company, that of a teacher to his class, where

26 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

the collective is punished for the disobedience performed by individuals". He continued in Brandeis' defence that one could not manage without such pun ishment in all countries where a "legal structure of the natives stands in the earliest beginnings of development"l58 Moreover, Rose quoted that he himself had done similar to Brandeis and that his sentence had achieved the desired outcome.159 While Brandeis' action was acceptable per se, Rose queried whether Brandeis should have become involved in the matter in the first place. Regardless of that, the way Brandeis handled the affair was seen as ham fisted, and it was feared that "the uniniti ated reader could gain the impression that the refusal to provide labour for a certain set wage was regarded as a criminal act". 160 In the file correspondence on the Mejit case Rose comments on the need to educate the colonial officers that they have to limit their actions to those sanctioned by the criminal code-if this were the intent of Foreign Affairs.161 This statement aptly highlights the discrepancy in approaches to colonial jus tice between the colonial affairs "at the frontier," where all was fair in love and war, and the head office in Berlin, where diplomatic implications had to be considered. It also highlights the lack of detailed and tight supervision exacerbated by time and distance-and the divided opinion in the headquar ters itself, where 'old hands' held sway, who had dispersed ad hoe justice themselves and who felt for the plight of the colonial officers to ensure that German rule and status was upheld. In the final summation of the Mejit case, the German government had to re turn RMK 2,000 of the initial fine of RMK 6,000 to the Jaluit Gesellschaft and to pay another RMK 3,000 to the trader Williams in compensation for lost earnings. Thus, the 'income' of RMK 1,000 had to be offset by the fact that a precedence for compensation of traders had been set, that the justice meted out was with little foundation-a fact that could be exploited by opponents of German colonial rule-and that the stature of the Landeshauptmannschaft had been reduced in view of the subsequent back down. While not an exam ple with disastrous consequences, the Mejit case was a portend of things to come. Whilst the conflict was ultimately not a major threat to the German colony, in view of the lack of guns owned by the Marshallese, it was a clear act of de fiance towards the Landeshauptmann, who lost face. In order to regain status he had to deal severely with the instigators.162

Brandeis' relationship with the Protestant missionaries of the ABCFM, espe- Brandeis and dally with their leader in the Marshall Islands, C.F.Rife, was mixed. At their the American initial encounter in February 1902, Rife characterised Brandeis as follows: missionaries "He had several complaints to make concerning some of the teachers and others, and I afterward found some of them to be without foundation. He seems to be more influenced by the evidence of a single white man, (and they are all traders), than by

27 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

the evidence of a several natives, even though they may be good Christians".163 Their relationship worsened as Brandeis seems to have broken some of the arrangements and undertakings made by Dr. Georg Irmer five years earlier. Furthermore, Brandeis seems to have done so in a backhanded manner when he was about to go on furlough in Germany in 1902 and could not be ques tioned in person. It is quite possible that the Mejit affair was at the heart of the differences. During his furlough it was von Bunsen as acting Lan deshauptmann who had to deal with some of the anger. As Rife had an under taking from Irmer that the latter could always be counted upon, Rife seems to have sent a letter of complaint to Irmer, then German Consul in Genoa. But rather than commenting from there, Irmer must have forwarded the matter directly to Berlin, where the Colonial Office seems to have taken immediate action and reprimanded Brandeis.164 Following this reprimand their relationship seems to have improved, as Rife writes on 6 May 1905 that "our relationship with the Landeshauptmann remains good, very good I should say. "165

It is significant to point out that Georg Irmer felt bound by an undertaking he had given some five years earlier, at a very different location, and much below his current standing. It shows a sense of probity and personal respon sibility, rather than short-term political manoeuvring to achieve an outcome. It is quite possible that Irmer's action to pass the issue up the chain was mo tivated by a distaste for Brandeis, even though he could have dealt with it on a private basis.166 In 1903 Brandeis returned to his post in Jaluit. Neither the colonial litera ture (Deutsches Kolonialblatt, Deutsche Kolonialzeitung) nor the files give any indication on his actions during his second tour of duty with two major exceptions: The Ysabel affair and the handling of the typhoon of 1905.

Conflict with In 1899 the Australian trading company Burns Philp intended to use its Burns Philp steamer Ysabel " for trade in the Marshall Islands." In view of its operating capital, Burns Philp was a threat to the Jaluit Gesellschaft. To deflect the threat and to safeguard the monopoly of the Jaluit Gesellschaft, Brandeis proposed to levy a tax of RMK 1,000 on each round trip by the steamer, and an additional levy of RMK 15,000 for any vessels sent to supply the steamer while operating in the Marshalls.167 The latter sum, however, was seen as too high by the Foreign Office. Nonetheless, following an agreement between the Jaluit Gesellschaft and the Foreign Office an Imperial Regulation was issued which levied a tax on all trading vessels operated on behalf of companies not resident in the protec torate.16s In view of these charges, Burns Philp dropped their plans for trade in the Marshalls, but revived them in 1904 with the Ysabel arriving in Jaluit. On its first trip Burns Philp was required to pay RMK 4,500 for the first month

28 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

of trading and RMK 150 for each day after that.169 Burns Philp seems to have paid the amount on two occasions.170 Matters changed when the Ysabel re turned for the third trip. By that time Brandeis had simply doubled the tax levy, resulting in a tax of RMK 9,000 for the operation of a steamer for one month.m The Jaluit Gesellschaft through Brandeis seems to have been de termined to keep Burns Philp out of the Mars halls-the Jaluit Gesellschaft for commercial reasons, and Brandeis in order to keep the British out of med dling in German affairs and territories wherever and whenever he could. Even though the Burns Philp supercargo was prepared to sign an undertaking to pay the exorbitantly high tax levy by bank draft payable upon return to Sydney, the insistence on the requirement to pay in cash upon arrival in Jaluit meant that the Burns Philp steamer had to turn back.172 This sparked an outcry upon return to Sydney and led to formal representa tions via diplomatic channels. The formal diplomatic complaint by the British government created considerable problems for the German government, es pecially as an 1886 Anglo-German agreement stipulating freedom of com merce in all protectorates and possessions in the Pacific prohibited the levy ing of protective tariffs. Clearly, Brandeis, acting on his own account, had run afoul of long-standing bilateral agreements. According to the recollections of the then German Governor of New Guinea, Albert Hahl, the levy was too high and the enabling regulation "extraordinarily clumsily formulated."173 Burns Philp felt also aggrieved that any tax or tariff on its ships in the Mar shalls would in fact benefit its competitor theJaluit Gesellschaft as that com pany was responsible for the administration of the archipelago for the Ger man government. Since the British government was no longer prepared to merely accept a re scinding of the Brandeis' formulated regulation, and as the German govern ment was not prepared to risk any further diplomatic embarrassment or even trade sanctions against German interests in the South Pacific, the German government cancelled, effective 31 March 1906, the 1888 contract between it and the Jaluit Gesellschaft for the administration of the Marshall Islands. 174 The Marshall Islands were to become a station subordinate to the German Governour in Rabaul, New Guinea, bringing it in line with the administration in Pohnpei or Saipan. While the British government was prepared to let the matter rest there, Burns Philp was not and initiated a campaign of publicity and pressure on British parliamentarians.175 The Ysabel affair became a cause celebre highlighting the protectionist practices of the Jaluit Gesellschaft and the German government,176 not only in Australia,m but also in Germany17s and in the House of Lords. 179 In 1905 Burns Philp asked for compensation of £17,500, (RMK 350,000), based on an estimate of profit forgone on trade goods and copra due to the disallowed third voyage.1so After protracted wrangling,1s1 the German government offered £1,500 (RMK 30,000) compensation, compared to a reduced BP claim of £6,000. In the end, a comprise of £4,100 (RMK 82,000) was reached.1s2

29 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Brandeis' handling of the affair seems once again incompetent and heavy handed. His tactics, for the short term, kept Burns Philp out of the Marshalls trade, but his brinkmanship ultimately led to the undoing of all he had achieved, ultimately costing the government-and the Jaluit Gesellschaft which had to reimburse the German government for the compensation pay out-more than it had gained by keeping Burns Philp out. It is clear that Brandeis acted on behalf of the Jaluit Gesellschaft, and that at least their lo cal representative would have lobbied him on the matter. Yet, ultimately, it was Brandeis' regulations which caused the diplomatic flurry between the United Kingdom and Germany and the cancelling of the contract for the Jaluit Gesellschaft to run the administration of the Marshall Islands.

Brandeis' Brandeis departed Jaluit in January 1906, two months before the transition departure from Landeshauptmannschaft to Bezirksamt. Antonie Brandeis and child had already left before a severe typhoon struck in June 1905 (to be discussed be low).183 Secretary Ludwig Kaiser, former station chief of Nauru, was left in acting position.184 It is unclear on whose recommendation Kaiser was ap pointed acting administrator,185 The responsibility of managing the typhoon battered economy of the Marshall Islands must have been substantial. On 27 May 1906, five months after taking office, Ludwig Kaiser committed sui cide.186 The German government physician Dr.Gustav Schwabe became act ing Administrator from the time of Kaiser's suicide until the first quarter on 1907, when he was relieved by Secretary Joseph Siegwanz.187 At the time of his departure from Jaluit, Brandeis would have been 59 or 60 years old, not yet at the normal retirement age of sixty-five. 1ss Thus, under normal circumstances, he should have been able to serve at least one more three-year post in the colonial service. Having completed one tour of duty as the Secretary and two tours of duty as the Landeshauptmann, Brandeis could not be expected to accept the position of a district officer subordinate to Hahl in New Guinea, who, at least on paper, had been his erstwhile equiva lent. Thus continuing on at Jaluit would have been well below his stand ing.1s9

The Brandeis seems to have maintained some contact with his home town ethnographic Freiburg, as his wife commented in an article in the Deutsche Ko/o collection of nialzeitung that she was engaged in compiling a collection for the Freiburg Antonie ethnographic museum as well as other museums.190 A request initiated by Brandeis the then director of the Freiburg museum resulted in numerous ethnograph ica being collected at the beginning of Brandeis posting to the Marshall Is lands as Landeshauptmann. Arecent histo1y of the ethnographic collection of the Adelhauser Museum for Natur- und Vi:ilkerkunde Freiburg showed that even though Eugen Brandeis received an official accolade by the director of the museum, and be received an inscription on a marble memorial of donors and even though all entries in the inventory books are in bis name, it was in-

30 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

deed Antonie Brandeis, and not her husband, who was the driving force be hind the ethnographical collection. It was Antonie Brandeis who put to gether the collection and added valuable ethnographic commentary to it.

It would appear that Antonie Brandeis saw herself as a budding ethnologist Figure 9, The house of the Landeshauptmann and aimed to provide not only the items, but also the context in which the of )alult In I 897 material culture collected needed to be seen and interpreted.191 This is (Kriimer 1906) borne out by subsequent events. Antonie Brandeis arrived in Berlin in Au tumn 1901 on a one-year holiday, with the aim to study ethnology during her stay in the country.192 It is unclear how far her intentions could be realised. Eugen Brandeis himself was on furlough to Germany from October 1902 to March 1903. 193 Antonie Brandeis published a series of articles, starting shortly after her ar rival in Jaluit. First a descriptive paper on the island group, 194 then a legend from Nauru,195 followed in 1908 by a set of memoirs in three instalments in the Deutsche Kolonialzeitung196 and an article on Nauru.197 In addition she published a well received cookbook for the tropics.19s

31 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Figure 10. Social It is significant that she signed her articles 'Antonie Brandeis geb. Ruete' C!'~hering on the occasion of the (Antonie Brandeis nee Ruete), an indication that she was not a mere colonial efllperor's birthday (28 official's wife, totally subservient to her husband's role. January 1900 l) at the house or the Lan~ Over twenty years his junior, Antonie Brandeis had grown up with a different d~shauptmann of Jalult (~fter Brandeis I 90Bc) background to her husband. Even though her youth was spent with the fam ily finances in dire straits, she grew up at a time when a united Germany un Ailtonie Brandeis· is the der Bismarck exerted its influence all over the world, at a time when nation sOle woman in the cen .. tre ·of the photograph, alism, rather than provincialism reigned. Eugen Brandeis, on the other hand, while Eugen Brandeis stands in centre of the had grown up at a time when Germany was fragmented and the small states top row. enjoyed autonomy from Prussia.

The typhoon of 1905

Let us now turn to the typhoon of 1905, which was the point where the au thor's initial interest in Brandeis arose. At the end of June and early July 1905, later in the year than usual, a severe typhoon struck the Marshall and Caroline Islands. Published descriptions of the cyclone and its effects on the

32 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Marshall Islands are given by Jeschke, Erdland, Rife and Schwabe; its effects are also described in files held as archival record.199 The German Colonial Office record series of the annual reports of the German District Administra tor for the Marshall Islands does not contain any annual reports for the finan cial year 1905/06200 and the German files on the shipping accidents in the Marshall Islands also lack any pertinent matter on the typhoon of 1905, even though several vessels sank,201 Unlike reports on the effects of the typhoon on Pohnpei a couple of months earlier, there is no evidence that any of the German government files held in Jaluit were destroyed.

On June 30th, 1905 a strong typhoon passed over the southern Marshall Is Typhoon lands, severely affecting Nadikdik (Knox), Mile, Arno, Majuro and Jaluit impact Atolls. Other atolls, namely Aur, Maloelap, Ebon, and Ujelang were affected to a lesser degree. On Mile Atoll gigantic waves washed over the islands as the storm surge was compounded by a high tide. According to eye-witnesses, largest were as high as the tops of the coconut trees.202 Jeschke assumes a wave-height of 12 to 15m.203 Even if we take exaggeration into account, a wave height of at least 5-7m can be estimated. Three small islands on the southern coast were completely washed away, and some other narrow islands in the southern part of the atoll were breached in many locations. Neigh bouring Nadikdik Atoll was completely washed over, several inhabited islands reduced to the bare reef platform and the human population of that atoll completely extinguished save for two who survived a 24-hour drift voyage on a breadfruit tree to the southern coast of Mile. Over 227 Marshallese lost their lives on that day on the affected atolls of the Marshall Islands, most of them on Nadikdik and Mile. Many more were injured. The lagoons were re ported to be full of floating debris: trees, bushes, houses, broken canoes, wooden utensils and corpses. The concentration of drift material in the wa ters of the Marshalls during July and August 1905 was so high that it consti tuted a serious shipping hazard, making the anyway limited relief operations not any easier.204

The typhoon in 1905 had damaged not only the coconut palms and thus cre Aftermath ated substantial economic losses for the Jaluit Gesellschaft and the German government, which had to waive the collection of tax (copra) in 1906, but also, and for the Marshallese more importantly, the typhoon had also de stroyed the breadfruit and Pandanus trees. This caused a severe food short age not only in the following year 1906 but also in 1907, which coupled with reduced resistance against illness and the newly erupted measles epidemic reduced the population.205 Between January and June 1906 on Jaluit alone some 50 people died of starvation. On Ebon, for example, the people lived mainly on "pasrok" for the duration of the starvation period.206 The next main fruit to be available were bananas, which came back into fruit in February 1906,201 that is eight months after the typhoon.

33 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Figure 11. The impact By the end of 1905 the lack of food on Mile Atoll became obvious. None of of the typhoon of 30 the Mile people, however, wanted to leave the atoll, even though neigh June 1905 on )alult (photo B. Janssen) bouring atolls, such as Amo and Majuro, were less well populated.2os This re (Source Erdland 1905). luctance is well understandable if one considers that Mile, Arno and Majuro had waged an ongoing conflict with open warfare until the beginning of the German colonial period (1885) and the disarmament of the Marshallese. 209 When all available surface coconuts had been consumed on Mile, the old (seed) nuts were excavated and eaten. The chiefs of Arno and Majuro, setting their old rivalry aside, sent canoe loads of coconut and Pandanus. Despite this self-directed, "grass-roots" inter-atoll relief effort people continued to die on Mile. Between January and June 1906 at least 50 people starved to death.210·

Typhoon relief Immediately after the typhoon a preliminary damage assessment was made but was limited to Jaluit Atoll. Because the postal steamer Germania had been in Jaluit harbour during the typhoon, the news of the typhoon could be sent to Pohnpei and to Berlin (via HongKong) shortly after the event. By July 4, 1905, before the Germania left Jaluit Atoll, the administration had reached the following decisions: to order timber from San Francisco to re build the houses; to hire (temporarily) Chinese carpenters in Hong Kong; and to order supplies etc, as building supplies were in very short supply.211 However, the short term decision-making wave seems to have waned very quickly. Four weeks after the typhoon event the relief vessel SMS Seeadler arrived. Sent by the German government to investigate the effects of the April typhoon on the eastern Carolines, it had been diverted to Jaluit. The commander was shown around Jaluit on July z7rh, but as he was not

34 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonlal Administrator

requested to provide any assistance, he left Jaluit on 29 July 1905. 212 There seems to have been no concern whatsoever to ascertain whether the islands to the east ofJaluit, ie. the direction from where the typhoon had come, had been affected by the typhoon and whether the people living there were in need of assistance. The first formal patrol by Brandeis occurred three and a half months later when SMS Condor, coming from Samoa, visited Jaluit and the Marshall Islands from 10 November to 27 December 1905. The administrator conducted an inspection of the Nauru, Ebon, Ailinglaplap, Maloelap, Mejit and Majuro. Arno, also on the schedule, was omitted due to lack of time.213 Mile and Nadikdik, the atolls worst affected by the typhoon, were not even placed on the schedule, let alone visited. Why was Mile not included in the original list of atolls to be visited, and why was the visit to Arno dropped? There is n'o official reason or explanation on file, but by way of argument we can point out that on both atolls the trading station of the Jaluit Gesellschaft had been destroyed and not reestablished at the time of the trip.214 Thus the omission of these atolls was not likely to result in any official complaint as there was no trader present to file the complaint and the Marshallese were not likely to use the German administrative complaints system-and even if they had, their case would have been discounted. This level of relief effort is quite at variance to that shown by the German ad ministrator in Pohnpei who, once the naval relief vessel SMS Seeadler had ar rived, embarked on a detailed inspection of the affected atolls of the Eastern Caroline lslands.215 Likewise, when Berg, Vice Governor Pohnpei, arrived in June 1906 for an inspection tour of the Marshall Islands, he ordered the postal steamer Germania to take him to Mile, having learned that the peo ple there were starving. On Mile he distributed several thousand pounds of rice, and ordered several Mile people to be evacuated to other atolls.216 However, this was a solitary exercise, as Berg was mainly in the Carolines seeing to his own administrative patch which was plagued with similar ty phoon-related problems.217 In effect, for more than a year the administration led by Brandeis and Lud wig, Kaiser, the secretary appointed by him, was not concerned with the wel fare of the Marshallese under its 'protection'. The management of the aftermath of the typhoon of 1905 was clearly af fected by the changes made to the administration. Independent of the ty phoon, effective 1 April 1906, an administrative reorganisation occurred whereby the administration of the Marshall Islands was downgraded from a Landeshauptmannshaft, an autonomous administration directly answerable to the Imperial Colonial Office in Berlin, to a Bezirksamt, a district office an swerable to the Imperial Governor General in Herbertshohe, Rabaul, New Britain.21s Eugen Brandeis was the last Landeshauptmann and scheduled to leave the Marshalls in late 1905. This was an opportune moment to effect the change over. It was initially intended to make Jaluit fully subordinate to

35 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

the Imperial Vice Governor in Pohnpei (responsible for the Carolines, Palau and the Marianas), but this was abandoned, possibly in the light of the events surrounding the management of the aftermath of the 1905 typhoon. In the event, the autonomous administration in Jaluit was downgraded to a district administration under the Governor-General in Herbertshohe (Rabaul, New Britain) and administered through Pohnpei, with Vice-Governor Victor Berg in charge. 219 The transition in the decision making process meant that the German admin istration of Jaluit was in utter disarray. Brandeis' leaving Jaluit after the ty phoon and his handing over to Kaiser and then to the German government physician clearly came at a critical juncture in time. The commander of SMS Condor, Captain Puttfarcken, expressed his concern at the state of affairs in Jaluit in 1906.220 The appointment of the Ludwig Kaiser, former Secretary, as the acting Lan deshauptmann, placed an individual at the helm who was already stressed to the limits. As mentioned before, a day before Berg was due to arrive for his first inspection of the Marshalls, Kaiser committed suicide. It would appear that not only were Marshallese left to starve (see above), but also very little progress had been made in clean-up and the rebuilding of the economy. Fol lowing Kaiser's suicide the German Government physician, Dr. Gustav Schwabe, was appointed acting administrator. Schwabe was clearly under a great amount of stress following the typhoon event, reflected in the quality of the reports submitted by him.221 Dr. Schwabe himself stated that he felt himself unable to perform both jobs and was incompetent at running the government administration, and definitely incompetent in conducting the annual inspection of the outer atolls, where administrators normally heard complaints, sat court on civil and criminal matters, settled land disputes, de creed public works such as roads and the like.222 As a result little had changed by the time the German cruiser SMS Condor again visitedJaluit on 11 December 1906. The commanding officer comments on the fact that the lack of a well qualified colonial officer was a problem even one year after the devastating typhoon. He notes that "all buildings of the government were still in exactly in the same conditions as ... one year ago: roughly patched up after the devastations of the typhoon ... [and that] even debris of collapsed houses had not been completely removed". Amajor contrast was provided by the buildings of the Jaluit Gesellschaft where the living quarters, as well as business buildings had all been newly erected.223 In hindsight it is clear that the German administration failed to provide ade quate help in the aftermath of the disaster. People were left starving, some atolls were not investigated for up to six months, and the rebuilding of the administrative headquarters on Jaluit progressed very slowly. In addition, the ongoing needs of all atolls, both those affected by the typhoon and those un affected, were not attended to. The departure of the German administrator, Brandeis, occurred at a time when his presence and administrative skill was

36 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

dearly needed. In view of the lack of telecommunications, which were not installed until 1910224 no one could coordinate the matter from a distance. The first six months after the typhoon were under Brandeis 'leadership', which seems to have lessened as time went by. It seems Brandeis should have used his judgment and stayed on until his replacement arrived.225 By comparison, Victor Berg's effort in the mitigation of the Carolines ty phoon of April 1905 on Pohnpei and the remainder of the Eastern Carolines appears very professional and also very compassionate to the needs of the Micronesians. Given his performance he was a person well disposed and versed in disaster relief. Indeed, his actions saw an investigation of the living conditions on Mile and Arno, with corrective action immediately initiated.

Brandeis as administrator

Hermann Hiery, in his treatise on the German empire's South Seas posses sions states that "at least one month away from communications with Berlin, German governors in the Pacific enjoyed great influence. Policy making fell to them, de facto if not de jure."226 Indeed. Until early 1905 the external communications of the Marshall Islands relied on various trading vessels running to Sydney, HongKong or San Fran cisco, and it was common to give each of them a similar letter in case one of the ships was unduly delayed or met with mishap. To rectify this shortcoming the Jaluit Gesellschaft undertook to operate a subsidised regular postal ser vice with the new purpose-built 1000 GRT inter-island vessel Germania, servicing the Sydney-Micronesia-HongKong-Micronesia-Sydney run. The ves sel could accommodate 20 first class passengers in 10 cabins, 12 second class passengers and 50 passengers on deck.227 With the commencement of the service the time for mail delivery between the German colonial office in Berlin and the district office in Jaluit was cut to 'only' 63-69 days, while the Berlin to Rabaul mail took 42 to 49 days.22s This time delay could be re duced by arranging mail to Yap, Guam (both from 1905 onwards), HongKong or Sydney and onwards transmission by cable to Berlin. For obvious reasons this was limited to short messages. Even with these advancements in com munications technology it would have taken on average 20 days (from Yap; 30-40 days from HongKong) for a message to reach Berlin.219 This time delay fundamentally implies that the German colonial administra tors, like their counterparts from other colonial powers, had to be self-suffi-

37 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

dent and capable of handling any situation as it arose. Unlike France and the United Kingdom, however, Germany was a new colonial power with no ex perienced corps of colonial officers to draw on. Thus it made use of many personnel from the trading houses and 'invented' some of the procedures as it went along.230 But this inexperience also implied that the good adminis trators were handed on from post to post and quickly rose in the ranks, to be replaced, inevitably, by people of lesser or no real experience, or by experi enced but somewhat incapable people. German colonial officers were civil servants and were moved from one ad ministrative position to another, gradually increasing in rank and status un less untoward actions occurred. The German Colonial Office files attest to the standard squabbling of administrators of equal rank but varied number of service years, and also show that some administrators in the Marshall Islands took to drink and had to be removed from their post, such as Wilhelm Stuck hardt,231 or committed suicide, such as Ludwig Kaiser. It is also obvious that on occasion officers were moved up the rank and returned to their previous place of employ. By the turn of the century this cadre was usually well trained in colonial administration and law232 and could fulfil the requirements for the position, unless overloaded with work or tasked with an area too large to administer without a sufficient number of support staff.

Figure 12. Eugen Brandeis in civilian attire. The caption reads HEugen Brandeis, Landeshauptmann der Marshall lnseln". Note the 1handle .. bar' moustache, but the ah~ sence of the full beard, compared to figure I.

The limited range of action taken by Brandeis, then raises the question whether Brandeis was a capable colonial administrator. Some contemporaries certainly thought he had the capacity to become one. H.J. Moors, an Ameri can trader in Samoa, in his summing up of Brandeis stated that:

38 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator "I have no doubt but that Brandeis, had he come into power in a more legitimate manner and been actively supported for a few years might have developed into a very useful administrator. But ther~ was no way of divesting himself of hatred of the Malietoa party, which he had earned by drilling Tamasese's forces, and of all the foreigners, whose opinions largely influenced the Malietoans, believed him still under great obligations to the German firms".233 Let us consider that Brandeis' life experience was based on the capitalist cul ture of a colonial trader, which would regard environmental hazards as in evitable and natural disasters, such as a major typhoon, first and foremost as an economic problem. Environmental hazards including sickness and death were a 'given' in the tropics. During his period as an engineer at the Panama Canal Development he had survived a fever and must have witnessed many workers dying after they succumbed to mosquito-borne diseases. 234 The other area of his life experience covers the military career. Here again, mili tary objectives had priorities, military casualties met without comment unless extremely severe, and collateral damage to civilian property and life had been a matter of fact and its occurrence thus widely accepted. It is unclear to what extent-if at all-humanitarian considerations would enter into this equation. None of this trained him as an administrator. In all his previous life the rules had been laid down for him and he had been embedded in an existing struc ture, such as the military. Later, he was in charge of workers under his com mand in countries where the political situation was unstable, and where the power differential was such that no one would have dared to question, let alone criticise his decisions or actions. Apparently his administration skills were already found wanting when he acted as premier for Tamasese. Steven son mentions that "Men say (and it seems to fit with his hasty and eager character) that he would legislate by word of mouth; sometimes forget what he had said; and on the same question arising in another province, decide it perhaps otherwise. I gather, on the whole, our artillery captain was not great in law."235 His formative years as a formal member of the German Colonial Service and thus a 'Beamter' (a civil servant) were spent in .Jaluit. Yet, for the first year in office Brandeis was fully in charge, as Landeshauptmann Franz Sonnen schein236 had left on 29 March 1889 and his successor, Max Biermann, did not commence his post until April 1890.237 It can be speculated that Brandeis' attitudes to emergency management had been formed during his period as a private trader and engineer and had not been sufficiently modified during his service in the colonial office. Brandeis record as a legal administrator in the Marshall Islands is at best patchy, at worst incompetent or arbitrary.2is Some examples underline this point:

39 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

On 7 December 1889 Brandeis discharged the US citizen Frederick Lee upon request of the captain of the vessel Charles G. \Vi/son, thereby exceed ing the authorities vested in the Landeshauptmann. The incident was for mally followed up by the US government, resulting in a mild reprimand by the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs.239 The collective punishment method meted out in response to the Mejit strike, clearly transgressing the legal framework, has already been men tioned. An ambitious project carried out in 1891/92 by the German colonial section was the compilation of indigenous law practices in all German colonies.240 Upon a request by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs all Administrators in charge of districts compiled a document outlining the practices-all districts, that is with the exception of Jaluit, where Brandeis was in charge of the legal sec tion at the time.241 It would appear that eventually a document was com piled by Arno Senfft from a desk in Berlin, but not by the office holder.242 In 1892 Brandeis submitted the judicial statistics for 1891, only to be again reprimanded as the reporting was not according to regulations; the Colonial Secretary was rather unhappy, writing a file notice to the effect, but was es sentially prepared to let it pass, but the Ministry of Justice was not so forgiv ing.243 Brandeis' reporting skills and diligence had certainly not improved by the time he became Landeshauptmann. For example, there are no criminal statis tics for 1899 and 1900.244 From 1901 to 1905 a total of 25 cases are on record against Marshallese and none (!) against non-Marshallese.245 This is not because the administration was extremely well run and the populace was extraordinarily well behaved, but because Brandeis 'cooked the books', as did not record all punishment dealt out. And this he did for a very good rea son.

Brandeis, the ''flogger"

As part of the briefing document for the 1919 Versailles Peace negotiations the historic section of the British Foreign Office put together a document discussing the treatment of the indigenous peoples under German colonial rule. 246 Inter alia, it detailed the cases of fifteen of the "better known" proved atrocities. It should not come as a surprise that Brandeis is one of them, incidentally the only case in the Pacific. The secondary literature

40 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

glosses over the issue, stating that as a Landeshauptmann, Brandeis "flogged with an excess of zeal. "247 Flogged with an excess of zeal? Let us look into this matter in more detail. The Peace Handbook "Treatment of Natives in the German Colonies" states: "Landeshauf tmann Brandeis.-This official, when in charge of the Marshal Islands, contrary to legal decrees, ordered natives to be flogged repeatedly and did not allow the flogging to be en tered in the punishment book. Although this was admitted by the Colonial Office, he was subsequently granted an order for meri torious service. "24s The same source also uses his case in the general discussion on flogging: "In theory all floggings are supposed to be entered in a punish ment book, but in practice this was frequently not done. Thus Landeshauptmann Brandeis, of the Marshall Islands, who "seems to have flogged quite systematically" for educative reasons, was convicted of this offence, but received a Prussian order. The Colonial Department wrote to him as follows:- "The right of the authorities to order floggingfor general edu cational reasons is certainly to be denied. You [Brandeis] do not seem to have kept always within bounds in this direction, partic ularly not in the case of people who had received the punish ment of imprisonment imposed by police or the courts." (Dr. Miiller, Reichstag, Dec. 4, 1906)."249 In this context it worth noting that the criminal justice statistics for cases against the Marshallese population for the years 1899 to 1910 are very en lightening. Not only are the statistics incomplete, with no criminal proceed ings recorded for 1899 to the second quarter 1901, and none for 1905, there are also extremely few cases registered for the period for which Brandeis filed records. The annual average for the administrative period when Bran deis was in charge was 8.25 cases, whereas the average for 1906 to 1910, when Brandeis had left, was 56 cases/year (table 1).250 Not only did the number of convictions increase, but the pattern of punish ment changed as well. If we break down the convictions according to the method used by the annual statistics from 1906 onwards, then it become ob vious that the court under Brandeis either did not pass any pecuniary sen tences, or that such cases were dealt with outside the legal framework and never came to trial. In the post Brandeis years (1906-1910) 47% of all convic tions entail a fine, while 36% of the sentences carried imprisonment (and forced labour) under six months. Under Brandeis (1901-1904 data) no fines were issued and 64% of the sentences passed entailed less than six months of imprisonment (and forced labour). As the post-Brandeis data are not broken down by the specific nature of the crime, we cannot assess whether the severity of the sentences had changed. Certainly, the nature of crime seems to have changed. While the bulk of criminal acts during the Brandeis years were crimes against property, the majority of crimes committed in the post-

41 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Brandeis years were crimes against persons. Also the crimes against the state, which included insubordination and resistance against officials, increased from zero to over 15% (in 1909).

Table I Number of legal cases and sentences issued against Marshallese, 1899· 1910.2 5 I

Crimes and offences against Year State Persons Property Other Total Comments 1899 no records filed for 1899 (*) 1900 no records filed for 1900 (*) 1901 0 1 4 0 5 no records for first halfof 1901 1902 0 2 9 0 11 1903 0 0 3 5 8 1904 0 0 0 first quarter only 1905 no records filed for 1905 1906 0 0 0 0 31 1907 1 20 11 15 47 1908 . 11 40 15 14 80 1909 9 24 15 7 55 1910 6 12 30 22 70 (*) with a file notice commented on this omission

One might, therefore, come to the conclusion that either the Marshallese under Brandeis' rule were extraordinarily law abiding, or that Brandeis dis played a good-natured largesse towards transgressions by the Marshallese. Neither was the case. Brandeis' view of German justice can be exemplified by a letter he wrote in June 1901 disqualifying the general physician Paul Schnee from judicial duties: "The excessive kind heartedness of the acting Government physi cian Dr. Schnee and his impractical nature indicate that he is quite unsuited for the position of a judge. On occasion of his sole appearance fas a judge] in the main hearing of a criminal case he displayed a behaviour which caused considerable mer riment among public and court; this leads to the conclusion that he would be unable to bring himself to sentence a guilty party."252

In the 1890s some floggings had occurred of men and even women in the Protectorate of the Neu Guinea Compagnie,253 but this had been prohibited and subsequently ceased.254 Given their early declaration as a German colony, the Marshall Islands had a series of Marshall Islands-specific regula tions and decrees to ensure a smooth operation of the administration. Among them was the Marshall Islands penal code for indigenous people of 1890,255

42 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

which was repealed in 1914 and streamlined with an amended version of the German New Guinea code.256

The official view on flogging in the colonies was mixed, with influential peo The official ple being very much opposed to it. Jn German Africa, where the German view on class society had often been translated into a race society,257 flogging was flogging more accepted, and hence figures very prominently in the already quoted Peace Handbooks.25s The issue was serious enough, though, that it featured, two years after the event, repeatedly in the colonial debates in the Reich stag.2s9 Despite public comment, the view held by the German colonial office, domi nated by old Africa hands, was that flogging per se was deemed acceptable to the German administration, as Hellwig points out in his reprimand to Bran deis: 'Not all justification can be denied to the opinion that the posi tion of the administrative authorities as organs for the overall implementation of the national interest in the protectorates, es pecially in the trade- and internal security interest, may include the authorisation to apply coercive measures even outside the framework of express regulations, and that in the case of natives, with respect to their lower level of development, these measures may be executed by corporal punishment even if the codified criminal law does not permit their use."260 But even though there was this sympathy for occasional excessive punish ment, Eugen Brandeis seems to have exceeded even the most liberal inter pretation of colonial law. And not all colonial officers subscribed to the view that flogging was a useable tool for 'education.' Dr. Wilhelm Knappe, former German Consul in Samoa and Imperial Commissar of the Marshall Islands, and later Consul-General in Shanghai, stated in a report to the Colonial Office: "I have witnessed the carrying out of the punishment of flogging, both in Samoa and in the Marshall Islands. The impression was a disgusting one, both for white and black. The latter became most agitated and in the Marshall Islands it was only due to pure chance and the presence of a cruiser squadron that it did not de velop into an uprising."261 In Samoa, for example, no flogging of Samoans is listed in the statistics, but on occasion flogging has been used as a punishment tool against Chlnese.262

The issue at hand was the flogging of a Marshallese who had committed adul The politics of tery with the wife of a chief would have been dealt with, in traditional law, flogging by severe punishment of the male, regardless of who initiated the action. 263 adulterers Hiery in his assessment of German colonial attitudes in the Pacific264 argues that Brandeis attempted to tread a fine line between cultural sensitivity and the need to impose a Jaw alien to the indigenous people, a fine line between

43 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

the self determination (in cultural matters) of indigenous people and the ap plicability of generally accepted human rights. In a footnote Hiery comments that Brandeis was one of the most experienced colonial administrators and that he "stemmed from the liberal Baden."265 That may be so, but was Bran deis a small 'I' liberal? Or is Brandeis a good example that the exception con firms the rule? His heavy handed approach in the Ysabel and Mejit cases clearly shows him to be an autocratic government official who was prepared to overstep the boundaries of the law. Adultery had been commonly dealt with in a congregational setting by the ABCFM missionaries, and the Hawaiian teachers. The records abound with examples of church interference in marital matters, from outlawing divorce to not Christening children born out of wedlock, and refusing to educate such children in church schools.266 As in the Mejit case, there was no need for the Landeshauptmann to become involved-unless a formal complaint was brought by the aggrieved party drawing on the German legal system. The provisions of the latter would have been largely unknown in the Marshall Is lands and thus we can assume that if this avenue was followed some other agenda was being played out. Hiery tried to show that imprisonment, as prescribed under the German law for cases of proven adultety, would have been impracticable as prisons did not exist, and as imprisonment was an unknown entity in Pacific Island soci eties. But was it that? The limited case files on record show that Brandeis was quite happy to issue prison sentences ranging from four weeks for cases such as theft, to three years, as in the case of break and enter with a previous conviction. The few statistics for 1901-1903 show that imprisonment was used as a means of punishment by Brandeis.267 The statistics also show that prison sentences were used to punish crimes of a sexual nature, such as the rape of two girls under seven years of age. It worth noting, though, that this particular crime attracted a sentence of one year imprisonment, in severity on par with a sentence for repeated theft. This quite clearly exemplifies that the value system used by Brandeis was different from that used in Germany. In the Marshalls, public flogging, however, was different from imprisonment as it clearly and, most importantly, publicly made a statement that German justice was done and could be seen to be done. The German government had recognised Kabua as the paramount chief of the Ralik chain as early as November 1878268 and from then on continued to strengthen and consoli date the chiefs' positions. The chiefs in effect became the lower tier of Ger man government and, for example, collected the copra tax with some profit for themselves. Prohibiting the sale of guns and ammunition, as well as meting out reprisals, the German administration in 1885 and 1886 put an end to the inter-atoll warfare and thereby effectually froze the relative social position of the vari ous island/atoll chiefs, as well of their respective clans, in the island/atoll hi erarchies. Overall, the chiefs benefited greatly from this as it consolidated

44 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

their position regardless of their performance and conduct. Much of the tra ditional chiefly powers, and display of the exercise of these powers, had fallen by the way side, as the church had outlawed traditional dances and tat tooing, and the German government had outlawed warfare and tried to curb long-distance voyaging. Acase of adultery with a chiefly wife was a public in fringement of chiefly prerogatives. The public flogging sent three key messages to the Marshallese populace: the chiefs were still in charge on a local level, the German authorities (read: Brandeis) sided with the chiefs, and the German authorities were not pre pared to tolerate any disobedience by commoners-a message sent as a fol low up to the Mejit case. Thus it is not surprising at all that none of the Mar shallese complained,269 as the chiefs were pleased and the commoners would not have dared to complain for fear of reprisals. The flogging is well in keeping with the autocratic attitudes Brandeis exhib ited as early as his venture into Samoan politics. Clearly, Brandeis was a mili tary animal that performed well under supervision, but that became a loose cannon once out of reach and thus control.

But while the Marshallese may have been silent, not everyone was prepared Brandeis repri· to accept this. Hellwig's letter of 18 April 1903 quotes as a reference "d.d. manded Sydney of 14 January 1903", indicating that the complaint had been chan nelled through the mail to the German representative to the Common wealth of Australia, resident in Sydney. It is not clear from the files who ini tially reported Brandeis as a flogger to the German government, but it is clear that it must have come from a source the colonial administration could not ignore. It also happened at a time when Brandeis had already come to the notice of Berlin over the Mejit affair. It is quite possible that this case was brought to the notice ofBerlin also on an additional or alternative route, namely by the Protestant ABCFM missionaries via Dr. Irmer. At the time, early 1903, Brandeis was on furlough in Germany, and from the incomplete state of the files it is likely that he was 'carpeted' to explain in person the issues at hand. Hellwig's letter makes reference to three cases, which he, Hellwig, now deems sufficiently explained. But in the same letter Brandeis was formally reprimanded and also told that: "For the future I request ... to abstain from issuing punishments especially corporal punishment against natives, outside a judicial or specifically organised administrative procedure, including one designed for the disciplinary action against disobedient or oth erwise undisciplined prisoners, unless it is deemed necessary to maintain public order and safety. This also includes all those cases where acts of gross misconduct towards traditional chiefs are concerned. I further order that every punishment issued in the course of administrative action be recorded in the files, and that the cases are to be transmitted for my reference."270

45 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Brandeis is further advised that in view of his position as the Landeshaupt· mann he is authorised to issue administrative regulations,m but that any such regulation be subject to approval by the Colonial Office,272 and that corporal punishment for educational purposes would be unacceptable. The latter seems to have been in response to a representation Brandeis must have made to permit corporal punishment by sanctioning its use through regulations. Further, should Brandeis be of the opinion that corporal pun ishment be unavoidable as a tool in criminal proceedings, he would be re quired to justify his views in a submission to the Colonial Office. This effec tively curbed Brandeis' legislative powers.m In the light of this strong comment from the Colonial Office it is rather sur prising that Brandeis chose to make elaborate comments on a proposed leg islation, in which he states at every possible opportunity in the draft legisla tion that corporal punishment would be appropriate, even though not against women.274 He also elaborates that too much corporal punishment would be detrimental and that a maximum of 50 lashes be set, with 25 lashes being the maximum at a single application.275 Further, he states that the use of a cat-o'-nine-tails be preferable to a stick, as the latter could damage liver and kidneys if inappropriately administered.276 In the light of Brandeis' rep rimand by the Colonial Office two years earlier, his submission can only be read as an act of defiance, a purposeful "in your face" document. It was di rected at those who wished to changed the attitude of the colonial service, who were more responsive to the demands of the members of the Reichstag, who, while unable to set colonial policy, controlled the budget allocations. But Brandeis miscalculated and for this, it seems, he had to pay with his ca reer. Heinrich Schnee, in his 1926 treatise "Gennan colonisation, past and fu ture, the truth about the German colonies" provides an articulate apologia for all accusations levelled against the German treatment of the indigenous peoples under her rule. In the light of the accusations against Brandeis and a few others, Schnee's following comment is very enlightening: "I have no wish to exonerate or cloke any German who can be rightly accused of indefensible acts, and even if it were not dis honest so to do [sic], it would be against my feeling of justice and seemliness ... the charges against German colonial methods as a whole are baseless and mere fictions of the imagination. This cannot, unfortunately, be said of isolated cases ... cases remain in which individual offenders were certainly guilty of ill-treat ment of natives. Not even the progress of culture had been able to lighten the dark spots which lurk in human nature. Cases in which white men, pioneers of civilisation, have degraded them selves by ill-treating the natives ... "277 It can be surmised that this a direct or oblique reference inter alia to Bran deis. This impression is reinforced if we consider that the Samoa entry in the Deutsches Kolontallexikon edited by Schnee does mention the events at the time, but does not make any reference to Brandeis.21s Schnee's entry under

46 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Brandeis is also very brief, if not perfunctory, and confined to the main dates of his life with no commentary on his achievements at all.279

Brandeis' backers

Who were Brandeis' backers and friends? There is a certain symmetry in Brandeis' early career. At the time Eugen Brandeis was in Samoa, Dr. Wil helm Knappe was Vice-Consul, and he went on to be the first Imperial Com missar in the Marshalls (1886-0ct 1887), Knappe then returned to Samoa as Consul, but had only a short run in office, largely due to Brandeis. Thus the banishment of the Samoan chiefs to Jaluit in 1887 makes sense, as does the movement of Brandeis to Jaluit in 1889. In addition, Knappe's successors as Vice-Consul in Apia, Franz Sonnenschein,280 Max Biermann,281 Ernst Schmidt Dargitz,282 became Knappe's successors inJaluit. Sonnenschein moved to the Berlin head office, Biermann returned to Apia as Consul and Schmidt-Dargitz became president of the Apia Municipality (and later moved to the head office). In Apia Brandeis had been working with Knappe, Sonnenschein and Biermann, and in Jaluit again with Sonnenschein and Biermann. Given the symmetry of the movements it is extremely unlikely that Brandeis' appointment to Jaluit was coincidental. With the 1894 appointment of Dr. Georg Irmer as the first Landeshauptmann in Jaluit (rather than Imperial Commissar) the Samoa-Jalult nexus was broken and the shuffle of positions between these two outposts of the German empire came to an end. Some continuation occurred, however. The annual reports of the colonial administrators to the Colonial Office are of mixed quality, depending on the administrator's zeal. Dr. Georg Irmer, a trained historian, filed very detailed reports which contain in-depth informa tion on shipping, copra-production, and general political, geographical and economic information.283 Dr. Arno Senfft, secretary to Irmer and interim ad ministrator for the financial year 1897/98 followed Irmer's lead.284 Brandeis, however, filed a shorter report in his first year in office,285 and filed brief and not at all informative reports from then onwards.286 It appears that there was no complaint from the German Colonial Office. Why? And why does he ap pear to have been merely reprimanded for what the Allies in 1919 deemed gross transgressions of humanity? Before going to Samoa, Brandeis had worked in Sydney under the distant di rection of Dr. Richard Krauel, who later became the head of the colonial sec tion of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Obviously Krauel was well aware of the role Brandeis was to play when he acquiesced to-if not engineered-Bran-

47 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Wilhelm In Samoa Brandeis had worked officially through Theodor Weber, previously Stubel Acting German Consul and at the time head of the Samoan office of the D.H.&P.G, while the German Consul Dr. Oskar Stiibel was vety careful to be seen to be able to distance himself from Brandeis' actions. Yet, it is equally clear that Weber supplied Tamasese through Brandeis with weapons with the full knowledge of Stiibel,288 and that Brandeis acted on behalf of the German government and in the interests of the D.H.& P.G. Theodor Weber then went on to become the representative of the D.H.& P.G on the board of di rectors of the newly formed Jaluit Gesellschaft and as such wielded substan tial influence. In June 1900 Oskar Stiibel went on to become the head of the colonial section of the Foreign Office, a position he held until November 1905.289 Given their past, we can safely assume that Weber, Krauel and Stiibel had a vested interest in the future of Brandeis' career. But there were also others in the colonial office, who backed Brandeis. Among them was Rose, former German Consul in Samoa. Even though Bran deis and Rose's stay in Samoa did not overlap, Rose must have had respect for Brandeis actions and aims. Rose, so Kennedy, was also obsessed with the preservation of Deutschtum in Samoa and thus can be regarded as a man of Brandeis' ilk.290 When Brandeis came under fire about his handling of the Mejit affair, it was Rose who covered for him to the maximum extent possi ble. It is likely that other old 'Samoa-hands' would also have ridden shotgun for Brandeis if needed.

Wilhelm But some, obviously, did not. Wilhelm Knappe was certainly not one of Bran Knappe deis backers. Following the collapse of the Samoa Affair in 1889, he had been recalled to Berlin in mid-1889 and made a public scapegoat for all that went wrong in Samoa.291 Oskar Stiibel went back to Samoa in July to salvage the situation left by Knappe. It was Knappe as the official German representative and not Brandeis who took the fall, even though Brandeis actions were in strumental. Knappe then experienced a severe set back in his diplomatic ca reer in the Foreign Office and retired on 2 December 1889, joining the Na tional Bank of South Africa as a director. In 1895 he was recalled to the For eign Office and appointed consul in Canton. Stiibel on the other hand, equally fully implicated in Brandeis' actions, looked out for him, and it is not a coincidence that Brandeis career in the colonial service more or less ended with Stiibel's departure from the colonial office. Since the normal tour of duty in the German South Seas was three years, it would appear that Brandeis had been given a renewal of his post sometime in early 1903, following his furlough.

48 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

The Deutsche Kolonialzeitung of late February 1906 mentioned in a note item that: "The commissioner of the Marshall Islands, Brandeis, has been given leave as of last month and has commenced his return home. Most likely he will not return to the South Pacific. With him the last remaining commissioner leaves the service and only Governors stand at the top of the administration of the protec torates, of which there are now seven." 292 This would indicate that he could continue on employment in the colonial office, but not in an overseas posting. The Deutsches Kolonialblatt of 1 April 1906 reports that Landeshauptmann Brandeis has arrived fromJaluit on fur lough ('home leave'), a formulation that would indicate that it was expected that Brandeis would either return to the Marshalls or would be assigned a new duty.293 This is fully consistent with Brandeis having completed a second three-year tour of duty. With the exception of Brandeis receiving an award of honour (in 1908), there is no reference to Brandeis in the colonial newspapers that discuss Brandeis' further career-if any. It would appear that after his discharge fromJaluit, Brandeis no longer figures in the field of colo nial administration.

While Brandeis came from the middle classes, he was certainly not one of the What new breed of colonial administrators who according to Biery were the envy happened? of the other colonial powers.294 On the contrary, Brandeis was a relic of the 'bad old days', and moreover of common birth. Thus, with the absence of powerful backers after Stiibel's departure from the colonial office, there was nothing that could save him. We should consider that in December 1905 his excesses in flogging in the Marshall Islands and the formal reprimand by Hellwig had been publicised in the Reichstag295 and that, therefore, his name had been 'sullied' in a very public fashion. As a consequence he could not possibly be employed by the German government in any leading capacity equal to or higher in rank than his previous posting as a Landeshauptmann. As these documents, among them Hellwig's letter to Brandeis, had been marked 'confidential', and some classified 'personal,' it is clear that the let ters had been leaked to the German parliamentarians by a person or persons in the colonial office who wished to terminate Brandeis' career. Let us con sider that Brandeis had performed valuable, but not flawless service for the German Empire, that he had a range of expertise and experiences, and that he, at his age, could not possibly be expected to continue in Jaluit at a lower rank, quite different for example from the position of Georg Fritz. Fritz had been Bezirksamtmann for Saipan from the beginning of the German rule in the Marianas in 1899 to 1907, when the administration was reorganised, and concomitantly Fritz' position was downgraded from a district administrator ('Bezirksamtmann') to a station chief ('Stationsleiter').296 Brandeis could, justifiably, expect that he was entitled to five or six years of employment in the Berlin head office, after which he would and could retire in honour and

49 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

status. But this would have meant that a 'fossil' like him, with autocratic views and a disdain for parliamentarians, would have wielded influence. The leakage of the documents to the members of parliament put an end to all these options. It is somewhat curious that, given his pivotal role in Samoa, he did not pub lish any memoirs as a book or as articles for the major colonial newspapers as did a number of his contemporaries.297 Even H. von Bunsen, the short-term 'stand-in' for Brandeis, while the latter was on furlough in late 1902 and early 1903, wrote a general interest piece on his experiences on Jaluit.298 While it was quite possible that he was 'muzzled', it would appear more likely that Brandeis, not being a literary man was not interested at all in writing mem oirs. Indeed, Brandeis stands out as one of the few senior servants in the German South Pacific who displayed a remarkable academic disinterest in the area he worked.299

Honours It is also worth noting that contrary to the assertion of the allies in 1919300 Brandeis did not receive a Prussian order for meritorious service or any other Imperial honour. This is very unusual as the order most commonly bestowed on the senior officers in the colonial service was the order of the red eagle, fourth class,301 which was given to inter alia Dr. Arno Senfft,302 Dr. Erwin Steinbach,303 and Wilhelm Stuckhardt,304 all of whom had served in the Pa cific, and in the Marshall Islands. Which Honours did Brandeis receive? The 1907 picture ofBrandeis in the Cy clopaedia of Samoa shows him wearing five medals, the most prominent one being the Iron Cross second class for meritorious service during the Franco Prussian war, followed by the knights cross, second class, of the order of the Zahringen lion; the cross of merit of the Zahringen lion, the Franco-Prussian war medal for combatants; and what appears to be the Jubilee medal of the Grand Duchy ofBaden.305 All these medals had been conveyed after his military service in the Franco Prussian war. In 1908, two years after his retirement, the Grand Duke of Baden bestowed upon Brandeis the knights cross, first class with oak cluster, of the order of the Zahringen lion.306 In this context it worth noting that 1907 was the year when Antonie Brandeis must have written most of her publications, such as the cookbook307 and the articles which appeared in early 1908.308 It would appear that Brandeis, who apparently did not wish to retire at the age of sixty, made a last ditch attempt to resurrect his colonial or administra· tive career and was paid off with a medal. According to Schnee's Koloniallexikon he still lived in Berlin in 1919/1920.309 After this, no trace of him has so far been found.

50 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

A summing up

Eugen Brandeis' lifetime and career saw the rise and fall of the German colo nial empire, and the rise and fall of a united Imperial Germany. Intimately involved in various theatres of the emerging empire, from Central America and Samoa to the final and formal incarnations such as the Marshall Islands Protectorate. In a way, the pre-Marshall Islands years of Eugen Brandeis career seem to show him in the light of an adventurer. In his thirties he went as a trader to Haiti, as an engineer to Cuba and Panama and later to Samoa-at the time all politically unstable countries. He exhibits a flair for the unstable political sit uation, with an interest in active meddling in local political affairs. Even his marriage to Princess Salima's daughter exhibits this political flair, as her mother had been a controversial figure in the 1880s. Eugen Brandeis was a protagonist in the early acquisition of the German colonial empire, at a time when traders, such as Godeffroy and Sons, were pushing for governmental protection, at a time when the Imperial German government guided by Bismarck ran the colonies through concession com panies, such as the Jaluit Gesellschaft and the Deutsche Neu Guinea Com pagnie. In this context a certain level of recklessness and autocratic power was very desirable. People like Eugen Brandeis were exactly what the admin istration needed at that juncture in time. But as time wore on, and as the colonial management switched from the mode of acquisition andfonnation to a mode of administration and management, a different breed of colonial officers was required. Not an autocratic adventurer but a bureaucratic admin istrator was needed. Some made the transition, such as Georg Irmer who came into the service at the tail end of the transition phase, and some did not. Among those who failed were people like Wilhelm Stuckhardt who be came depressed, went insane and eventually had to be removed from his post, while others, such as Brandeis, carried on but became political liabili ties. Helfferich in his 1905 treatise on the structure of the German colonial ad ministration makes the point that the German government had little experi ence in colonial affairs and that it had to design the structures from scratch in the first twenty years of its existence.310 Brandeis became a casualty of the German colonial experiment. The skilled staff base was very shallow and the Imperial government does not seem to have implemented the staff

51 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

opment programs necessary to facilitate the transition of old staff to 'new age' administrators. The distance between Berlin and the colonies in the Pa cific exacerbated this issue. By the time Brandeis was retired, Germany had a number of skilled adminis trators, but some of the very skilled staff, such as Victor Berg (Vice Governor in Pohnpei) died untimely deaths. The Samoa situation shows that Brandeis indisputably possessed political skills, but that he was not a cautious character. The taxes levied by Brandeis and the ruthless enforcement of these taxes, coupled with the brief dead lines afforded, suggest a trait of brinkmanship and ultimata. Brandeis quite clearly misinterpreted the strength from which he was arguing and eventu ally lost all the gains he had made. The same kind of brinkmanship was played out in the Ysabel affair, when Brandeis continually raised the stakes to keep Burns Philp out of the Mar shalls copra trade. And again, he pushed matters too far, again eventually los ing all the gains he had made. However, Eugen Brandeis' administrative skills, which had been found want ing from early on, did not improve during his career. Brandeis was repri manded by his superiors without any serious consequences, possibly because, during his early involvement in the Samoan affair, Brandeis had acquired some powerful backers who looked after him as long as they could. No stranger to controversy, Brandeis exhibits the character of an old dog that cannot learn new tricks. Even though he had been given many chances, he failed to become a reformed 'new age' colonial administrator-unlike several of his colleagues, such as Wilhelm Knappe, equally implicated in the Samoan Affair of 1886-1889. When Brandeis' backers left the positions of power, Brandeis career was at an end, since he had also accumulated a number of enemies in the service who used the completion of a contract and judicious leakage of implicating documents to terminate his career. \Y/e can conclude this biography by repeating Fanny Stevenson's summing up ofEugen Brandeis: "A man, I should say, of the most heroic deed, sometimes preternaturally wise and sometime proportionately foolish; a born adventurer, but never a successful one."311

52 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Table 2 Key dates in Brandeis life

1846, 23 Sept born in Freiburg i. Breisgau 1863 studies Mathematics at the Technical University ofKarlsruhe 1865 studies Mathematics at the Albert Ludwig's University of Freiburg 1866 Advantageur in the 5th Baden infantry regiment 1868 Lleutenant in the Grand Duchy ofBaden field artillery regiment 1870171 takes part in the Franco-Prussian War 1873 Lleutenant in the Silesian root artillerie regiment 1875 promoted to Premierleutenant 1876 placed on reserve list 1877 takes voluntary discharge from the army 1877-1881 residence in Gonaives, Haiti, as a trader [or a Hamburg trading company 1879-1881 Administrator or the Imperial Consulate in Haiti 1880 Engineer at the railway in Cuba 1884 Engineer at the Panama canal 1886 Imperial German Consulate Sydney 1886, late Samoa, adviser to Tamasese 1889, February leaves Apia on the LUbeck 1889,July acting Secretary inJaluit 1890, May appointed Secretary Jaluit 1892 act Imperial Commissar 1893, 20 January takes up position as Imperial Judge, Herbertshiihe 1894, December 14 leaves position as Imperial Judge, Herbertshiihe 1895-1898 Colonial Office late 1897 /early 1898 marries Antonie Ruete 1898-1900 acting Landeshauptmann Marshall Islands 1900 (?) daughter born in the Marshall Islands 1900-1906 Landeshauptrnann Marshall Islands 1906 retired 1908 receives the knights cross, first class with oak duster, or the order of the Z1ihringer lion 1918/19 lives in Berlin (aged 72n3)

53 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Endnotes

1. Biery 1990, pp -1-2. 2. Unless otherwise specifically referenced this biographical sketch was compiled using the following resources: Brandeis 1908a; Cyclopaedia of Samoa 1907; Fabricius 1992; Hempenstall 1978; Hempenstall & Rutherford 1984; Huber 1982; Kennnedy 1974; LaFarge 1976; Meleisia 1987; Moors 1905; 1986; Schnee 1920; Schneider 1891; Stevenson 1892; 1956; Treue 1940.-The Brandels-Tamasese papers for the period 1887 to 1888 held by the National Archives of New Zealand could not be consulted. The German Colonial Office files were utilised as far as thety had been copied for the National Library of Australia, Canberra. 3. Fabricius 1992; Huber 1982; Schnee 1920, p. 236, Stevenson 1892; Source 1 [Source 1 is an unprovenanced newspaper cutting, sent to the author by the Museum fiir Volkerkunde in Freiburg. The article must have been written after 1900 but before 1906]. 4. Stevenson arrived in Samoa in December 1889 (Moors 1905, p. 15) while Brandeis had left Apia in February or March 1889. Thus any comments made by Stevenson are based on hearsay and cannnot be interpreted as eye-witness history as some have assumed. Huber's entry is equally questionable, and false as far as the time of Brandeis marriage and the name of his mother-in-law and his tenure in the Marshalls are concerned, and Fabricius states that Brandeis arrived in Australia in 1881 (not 1886 as is correct). 5. Brandeis had at least one older brother (Source 1). -Baden was a predominantly Protestant State, while Brandeis was reportedly a Catholic. (C.F.Rife to Judson Smith, Boston, letter dated 13 June 1902, on board of the Carrie and Annnie. American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Micronesian Mission Papers vol. 16. Correspondence 1900-1909. PMB 757, henceforth: ABCFM Papers). As a Catholic, then, he would have been comparatively isolated w.r.t. his peers in the university and possibly also later in life. On the other hand, he would have enjoyed the firm support of the German Catholic missionaries in the Marshall Islands who established a presence during the period of his administration. This support seems to have been mutual and Brandeis appears to have lobbied-unsuccessfully-on behalf of a few Catholic brothers to receive Imperial honours (cf. the 1904 case of Calixtus Bader: Treue 1940, p. 132; Pater Erdland: Treue 1940, p. 264). 6. Such as the parents of his namesake and contemporary, Louis D. Brandeis, US Supreme Court.Judge (cf. Lief 1936 for L. Brandeis biography), who was not a close relative of Eugen Brandeis.

54 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

7. Stevenson 1892, p. 54. 8. One explanation for this could be that most Bavarians were in fact Catholics and that Brandeis origin from Southern Germany (rather than Prussia) combined with his religious affilition would have caused others to assume he was a Bavarian.-Other sources confuse the issue even more. Gilson (1970, p. 382) for example states that he was a former Bavarian cavali)' officer. 9. Technische Hochschule Karslruhe. 10. Source 1. 11. Eisernes Kreuz, II. Klasse; Ritterkreuz II. Klasse des Ordens vom Zahringer LOwen.-Source 1. 12. 6. Schlesisches FuBartillerie Regiment-Schnee 1920, p. 236. 13. 'Premier Leutnant'. 14. Schnee 1920, p. 236; Source 1. 15. Stevenson 1892, p. 54. 16. The issue is further confused by some incorrect compilations. For example, according to W.Fabricius (1992), drawing on German Foreign Office files (Auswartiges Arnt) as well as published accounts, Brandeis began a career as businessman after serving in the armed forces. After his marriage to Antonie Ruete, daughter of Princess Bibi Salima of Zanzibar and the Hamburg trader Ruete, Brandeis acted as a trader from 1877 to 1881 in Haiti. From 1879 to 1881 he served as the German Honorary Consul there. (Huber 1982). Some of this information, however, seems flawed as Brandeis did not marry Antonie Ruete until 1898 (see Antonie Brandeis' own account: Brandeis 1908a).-Fabricius also asserts that Brandeis went straight from Haiti to Sydney (Fabricius 1992) 17. Stevenson 1892, p. 54. 18. Huber 1982. 19. Source 1.-The German government took Haiti seriously as there were substantial German trade interests at stake. The German trade interests continued to grow until 1914, with many Germans intermarrying with the local population, thereby circumnavigating the land ownership provisions.-In 1876 Germany decided to raise the rank of her representative in Haiti and filled the post with a professional diplomat, Dr. Bernhard Graser (Heinl & Heinl 1978, p. 266).-Brandeis, as German consul in Gonaives, would have been subject to the authority of the German minister. 20. Corbett 1995.-Boisrand-Canal was elected to office on 17 July 1876, but served only three of his four year term, facing instability and conflict throughout his tenure. 21. In the event, Boisrand-Canal resigned and left the country. Davis 1967, p. 133; 137; Nicholls 1979, p. 109; Heinl & Heinl 1978. 22. 'Hauptmannn der Landwehr' (Schnee 1920, p. 236). 23. Source 1 states the year 1882, while the entry ofSchnee's Kolonia/lexikon gives 1880 as the date he began to work for the railways.

55 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Oberhauptling Tamasese bekleidete. In dieser Stellung war er etwa zwei Jahre lang bemtiht den deutschen Interessen zum Siege zu verhelfen." (Source 1). 67. Notes to German Legation vol. 10, p. 482, Bayard to Alvensleben, March 2, 1887. H.Ex.Doc. N° 238, p. 43 encl. 36. quoted after Ryden 1933, p. 323. 68. Alversleben to Bayard, 15 April 1887, quoted after Ryden 1933, p. 323. 69. Ryden 1933, p. 323.-This letter had been recieved before the US enquiry on the nature of Brandeis position. It, or the gist of it at least, should certainly have reached Berlin before Alvensleben's response (Ryden 1933, p. 323-324). 70. Stevenson 1892, pp. 55-56. 71. Stevenson 1892, p. 87. 72. Gilson 1970, p. 388. 73. 'Letter Bismarck to Consul Dr. Sttibel,' Apia, dated Berlin 16 April 1889. in: 'Das WeiBbuch tiber Samoa.' Deutscbe Kolonialzeitung NF 1(17), 1889, 136-137. 74. Kennnedy 1974, p. 85. 75. La Farge 1914, pp. 152-153. 76. La Farge 1914, pp. 227-228. 77. LaFrage was ingeneral agreement with Brandeis' view and commented "God willed it otherwise, but the German had measured us, at least as we are today." (LaFarge 1914, p. 228). 78. 'Geheimregistratur' des Auswartigen Amtes.' Source 1. 79. Treue 1940, 1962, 1976 80. Theodor Weber, D.H. & P.G chief in Samoa, must have been a very influential individual in the new company. For example, he served as the first D.H. & P.G representative of the board of the Jaluit Gesellschaft. He died in the first year of the operations of the Jaluit Gesellschaft but his legacy continued. 81. Kennnedy 1974, p. 85; Stevenson 1892, p. 79f. -On the trip Malietoa was guarded by Petty Officer Mensing, destined to become the chief of police on Jaluit. In the event, Mensing was sent back to Germany because his comptence in English language was not adequate for the position (Treue 1940, p. 107). 82. see 'Auswartiges Arnt to Admiralitats Secretar 13 Feb 1889. Enstsendung von Kriegsschiffen nach Australien und den Stidsee Inselns Vol. 5. NLA Mfm 311. 83. Memo 26 June 1889, 'Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial Abtheilung Av, 'Ausfi.ihrung von Beschltissen dser Samoa Konferenz in Berlin, 1899-1890' file n° 2905 NLA Mfm G 18215 84. Kemnedy 1974, p. 99. 85. Deutscbes Kolonialblatt l, 1890, 9.-Eggert had been on employ in the Jaluit Office as the first secretary from 1886 onwards. He seems to have been a qualified surveyor by trade (cf. Fabricius 1992, p. 79-81). 86. Treue 1940, p. 108.

58 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

87. Friedrich Louis Max Biermann.-~' 23 November 1856 (Berlin), t 3 January 1929 (Berlin).-studies law. Referendarsexamen (civil service trainee examination) 19 June 1880; Assessorexamen (graduate civil servant examination) 18 May 1885.--<:alled to the foreign office 11May1886 (on probation); appointed Vice Consul Apia November 1888; Imperial Commissar Jaluit 14 April 1890-February 1892; Consul Apia March 1892; Consul Bombay December 1895; Consul Pretoria March 1898; Appointed Consul in Helsingfors as acting Consul General 28 May 1904 (to start 1 October); arrives Helsingfors 23 September 1904; Exequatur (recognised) 29 September 1904; appointed Consul General in St. Petersburg 25 November 1905; hands over to Consul general Rossler 5 December 1905; departs Helsingfors 6 December 1905; Consul General St. Petersburg January 1906-July 1914; acting position in the Foreign Office August 1914; placed on reserve list 1 March 1915; sent to Petrograd May 1918-18 July 1918; intelligence se1vice (Foreign Office) September 1918-15 July 1920; president of the court of the Imperial Compensation Commission 1920- 1924; retires 25 November 1923. 88. This had become necessary as in 1889 the German Colonial Office decided to set up a district court and apellate court in the Marshall Islands (Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 2, 1889,333) which was operational the year after (Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 3, 1890,75-76). 89. See: Auswartiges Arnt, Kolonia! Abtheilung, Av, Besetzung der richterlichen Stellen auf den Marshall Jnseln. 5 December 1886 to July 1910 Rechtssachen 3lf, file n° 5349; NLA Mfm G8586.-See also notice in Deutsches Kolonialb/att 1, 1890, 48. 90. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 3, 1892, 240; Deutsches Kolonialblatt 3, 1892, 40. 91. The German district administrators were wholly reliant on chartering commercial vessels, usually those of the Jaluit Gesellschaft to be able to move around their wards. To hold a court and to enforce the colonial presence the administrators relied on the Imperial German Navy, which operated two cruiser squadrons in the Pacific, which was divided into the East Asian Station with headquarters in Tsingtao (China), and the Australian Station with headquarters in New Guinea. The German district administrator would normally embark once a year on an inspection tour of the Marshall Islands on board a German Naval vessel, sent for this purpose from the German colonies in Samoa or Tsingtao. Until 1897 there had been two trips per year, but the navy had been keen to cut the service to a single trip (Treue 1940, p. 273). In 1905 the German administration in Pohnpei could acquire a station vessel, the Ponape, which increased the mobility of the German administration in Micronesia. There appears to have been a continuous small-scale conflict between the naval commanders of the German warships, who had to look after their vessels and the well-being of the crew, and the desires of the district administrators to visit as many islands under their jurisdiction as possible. Apart from this, the administration had right of passage on the postal steamer and could, should the need arise, have the vessel redirected to allow visits to some islands. The time table of the Gen11ania allowed for this llexibitlity. 92. Korvettenkaptan Fischer. Kommando SMS Sperber, Reise

59 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Wilhelmsland. Bd. 7 November 1892 to 31 August 1893. Verwaltungssachen 12e. File 2982. NLAMfm G18233. 93. Ernst Schmidt-Dargitz.-* 5 August 1859, t1924.-studies law.-joins foreign office 1886; appointed Vice Consul Apia 1888; Imperial Commissar Jaluit 1893-1894; President of the Apia Municipalty 1894-1897; Vortragender Rat of the Colonial section of foreign affairs; 1897 (from 1910 Vortragender Rat of the newly formed Colonial Office); Dirlgent of the Colonial Office 1913. 94. In 1889 the German Colonial Office decided to set up a district court and apellate court in the Marshall Islands (Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 2, 1889,333), which was operational the year after (Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 3, 1890,75-76).-Also in 1889 the German Colonial administration decreed that German currency be the legal tender for all transactions. The German money replaced the Bolivian, Chilean and Chinese Dollars which had been common until then (Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 3, 1890, 219). 95. The Jaluit Gesellschaft had the sole right to claim uninhabited land and to exploit guano deposits in the Marshall Islands. Original concession dated 21 January 1888, new concession (with limited administrative powers for the Jaluit Gesellschaft) effective 1 April 1906. Letter Auswartiges Arnt, Reichskolonialamt Berlin to Imperial German Governour Rabaul IX RKA Ill 17323/52437 dated 24 December 1905. Contained in Australian Archives, A.C.T. Records Depository, Canberra, Record Series G2, Record Group Y15. -Agreement between the Imperial Foreign Office and theJaluit Gesellschaft zu Hamburg for the whole of the Protectorate. Berlin, dated 21 January 1888; Signed by Fi.irst von Bismarck for the Imperial German Government and by A.Weber and Hanstein for the Jaluit Gesellschaft. - This was followed by a decree in the protectorate itself: Decree respecting the acquistion of ownerless land, the exercise of pearlfishing and the working of guano deposits. Jaluit, June 28, 1888. Signed by Imperial German Commissioner Sonnnescheln. Both documents contained in file A6661/865 held by Australian Archives, A.C.T. Records Depository, Canberra. The agreement granted the following exclusive rights and privileges to the Jaluit Gesellschaft for the whole territory of the Protectorate: 1) the right to take possession of ownerless islands, 2) the right for pearlfishing except in so far as it has been exercised by natives on traditional lines; 3) the right to work the guano deposits, with true regard to the acquired right of third parties. The decree specifies, among other provisons: that persons other than the Jaluit Gesellschaft are forbidden to take possession of ownerless land. 96. For the Jaluit Gesellschaft see their annnual reports Oaluit Gesellschaft 1887 etc.) as well as various works by Treue (1940; 1962; 1986). 97. Deutsches Kolonialblatt l, 1890, 97. 98. This conflict continued well into the 1910s and the German goverment repeatedly had to comment on the conduct of the local missionaries and church leaders (cf. Merz 1910 for an incident on Maloelap Atoll).-In 1912 the ABCFM levied a church tax based on the wato (land allotment) or the entire atoll regardless of the denomination of those levied. The tax was condemned by the German authorities as an illegal procedure as any church tax was to be voluntary, but the protestant church tried to bypass the authorities. (Letter Kaiserllcher Stationsleiter Merz to Kaiserlicher

60 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Bezirksamtmannn Ponape, Boston Mission in den Marschall Inseln, date~ 17 October 1912, Jaluit Journal No. 1219/12. Record on file. German Coloma! Records from Rabaul, New Britain. Australian Archives, Record Series G2, File M14, Mission auf den Marshall lnseln. Australian Archives, A.C.T. Regional Repository, Canberra). 99. Mission stations of the American Board of Foreign Missions ("Boston Mission") in the Marshall Islands and the date of their establishment: Ailinglaplap 1886; Ailuk 1899; Arno 1886; Aur 1893; Bikini 1908; Ebon 1857; .Jaluit 1867; .Jemo 1888; Kwajaleln 1892; Lae 1893; Lib 1909.; Likiep 1906; Majuro 1888; Maloelap 1878; Mejit 1893; Mile 1870; Namorik 1868; Rongelap 1899; Ujae 1888; Uterik 1908; Wotho 1896; Wotje 1896.-For church history see Grundemannn 1889; Langhans 1898; Crawford & Crawford 1967. 100. Dr. Georg Irmer-*1853 (Dessau), t 1931 (Berlin).-stud!ed history and politics in Berlin.-joins the Prussian Archive service 1878; his activities in the German colonial society (Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft) brought him a call to the foreign office; Landeshauptmannn .Jaluit; December 1893-March 1898; head office of the German Colonial Service 1899-1900; German Consul in Genoa (1900-1907); German Consul General to the Commonwealth of Australia, Sydney 1907-1911; later on journalist on foreign- and colonial-politics and colonial politician. Fabricius 1992; Huber 1982. Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 7(1), 1894, 13; 17 (28) 1900, 318). 101. Crawford and Crawford 1967, p. 258-259. 102. Dr. Victor Berg, a forty-year old colonial administrator with previous experience in German East Africa, was posted to Pohnpel in 1901, first as a temporary replacement to the incumbent Albert Hahl who was acting Governor General in New Guinea. Berg's Pohnpei career got off on the wrong foot, as he had a strong distaste for the Pohnpeians. After having been severely censured by the colonial head office in Berlin, Berg embarked on an exemplary career in colonial administration, following the official line to the letter both in spirit and in actions, yet developing some sympathy for those he ruled. His handling of the gun buy-back scheme of 1907 was quite successful even though in the event not all guns were traded in. Berg showed himself to be very capable of handling the typhoon situation in the Carolines. Berg died on 30 April 1907 in Pohnpei. The German official records claim that he died of sunstroke and exhaustion while surveying the ruins of the ancient capital place of Nan Madol on Pohnpei, while the Pohnpeians maintain that he died because he dug up the tombs of Nan Madol. Victor Berg is buried in Kolonia, just below the remains of the German church. 103. Rife 1905. 104. See footnotes 87 and 100. 105. Schneider 1891. 106. Deutscbes Kolonialblatt 4, 1893, 78; 96; 145. 107. Deutscbes Kolonialblatt 4, 1893, 145. -See also communication to Berlin. Kaiserlicher Richter der Neu Guinea Compagie N° 2, Herbertshohe 20 Jan 1893.; KA 3143 12 /1/1893. Auswartiges Arnt, Kolonial-abtheilung, Av Rechtsverhaltnisse im Schutzgebiete der Neu Guinea Compagnie. 10 July 1888 to 15 July 1893. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 3 File n° 4782. NLA Mfm G8580.-

61 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

The German newspaper (Source 1) states that he began his position in an acting capacity, which does not seem to be borne out by the file records. 108. Hiery 1995, p. 2; Biskup 1968. 109. Georg Schmiele, resident judge in the Bismarck Archipelago 1886-1891 employed by the Deutsche Neu Guinea Compagnie, Landeshauptmannn 1892-1895 resident in Friedrich Wilhemshafen; died 1895 in Batavia en route to Germany (cf. Biskup 1974, p. 88 footnote 70). 110. The German interests in the Solomon Islands was mainly comprised of Bougainville, but also some islands to the south. The latter came under British authority after the Berlin conference 1899 which ensured the partition of samoa. (Kennnedy 1974 ). 111. Letter Brandeis to Reichskanzler von Caprivi, dated Herbertshohe 10 February 1893 Auswartiges Arnt, Kolonial-abtheilung, Av Rechtsverhaltnisse im Schutzgebiete der Neu Guinea Compagnie. 10 July 1888 to 15 July 1893. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 3 File n° 4782. NLA Mfm G8580. 112. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 4, 1893, 217; 415; Deutsches Kolonialblatt 5, 1894, 4. 113. Landeshauptmannn Schmiele to Reichskanzler von Caprivi, dated Friedrich Wllhelmshafen 19 Sept 1893. Auswartiges Arnt, Kolonial-abtheilung, Av Rechtsverhaltnisse im Schutzgebiete der Neu Guinea Compagnie. 10 July 1888 to 15July1893. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 3 File n° 4782. NLA Mfm G8580. 114. Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 7(1), 1894, 13. 115. Verfiigung betrejfend die Ube1tragung Konsularischer Befugnisse auf den Kaiserlichen Richter des Schutzgebietes der Neu Guinea Compagnie in HerbertsbOhe. dated 4 June 1894, signed Landeshauptmannn Schmiele. Auswartiges Arnt, Kolonial-Abtheilung, Av Rechtsverhaltnisse im Schutzgebiete der Neu Guinea Compagnie. 10 July 1888 to 15 July 1893. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 3 File n° 4782. NLA Mfm G8580. 116. Source 1. 117. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 6, 1895, 573.-Brandeis' successor seems to have lasted for only one year. He was replaced on 14 January 1896 by Dr. Albert Hahl, who was to become Governor General of New Guinea (Biskup 1968). 118. cf. Hempenstall 1978, pp. 128 ff.; Biskup 1974, 88 ff. 119. He subsequently married one of the protagonists, Queen Emma (both t1913 in Monte Carlo). 120. For example, even though resident at Kokopo, Brandeis does not figure in the memoirs of plantation owner and resident of Herbertshohe, Jean Baptiste Octave Mouton (Biskup 1974), nor is he mentioned in other sources. It is unclear whether Brandeis kept his stay low key or whether he was uniformly disliked. 121. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 6, 1895, 269. 122. Greene 1898.-Even though C.F. Rifer was glad to see him leave for Germany in 1898 (Missionm)' Herald 1898). 123. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 6, 1895, 294.-Deutsche Kolonialzeftung 8(25), 1895, 197.-Source 1: "aushilfsweise als Expedient." 124. "Augeretatsmagiger Hilfsarbeiter". Source 1:

62 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

125. Brandeis, A. (1908a).- Seyyida Salme Ruete and Heinrich Ruete had three children, among them a son whom Emily Ruete attempted to install as a ruler In Zanzibar, and Antonie, born in 1868.-ln Brandeis' brief biography by Huber (1982, p. 623) it is asserted that Brandeis married Antonie Ruete before he went to Haiti. Were this correct, Antonie would have been merely 10 years old at the time. Also, Huber incorrectly calls Seyyida Salme "Bibi Salimi". 126. Miiller 1959, p. 192-193. 127. Miiller 1959, p. 193, 199.-ln 1886 she published her memoires (Salme Ruete, Memoiren einer arabiscben Prinzessin, 1886) as well an article on the climate on Zansibar in which she expresses her desire to be of use to Germans and the people of Zanzibar. Miiller mentions that Emily Ruete in fact became so pro-German that she tolerated and engaged in talk and writing that denigrated her people. The mod.e of her departure from Zanzibar (often labelled 'Abduction", such as 'Abduction from the Seraglio' ) and her subsequent economic plight provided much fodder for the gossip columns of the newspapers of the time. (Miiller 1959, p. 193, 199). 128. via Sydney (C.F.Rife to Judson Smith, Boston, letter dated 13 June 1902, ABCFM Papers). 129. February 1900 in Source 1; April 1900 inDeutscbes Kolonialblatt 11(9), 1900, 318, issue dated 1May1900. 130. Kramer 1906, p. 205; Kramer stayed in Jaluit 26-Nov to 12 Dec 1897, and 3 Feb to 29 Mar 1898. 131. Kennedy 1974, p. 149. 132. Kramer also comments on the 1905 trade dispute in the Marshalls (Kramer 1906, p. 212) and the typhoon of 1905. Thus the non-comment on Brandeis seems to have been deliberate. As Kramer had worked for a long timen Samoa he may have well formed a view on the Brandeis period and on Brandeis performance. In addition, it would appear that Kramer knew only too well that any mention of Brandeis would have been most impolitic if he wished to continue a career depending on favours by the Colonial Office. Indeed, in 1909/10 he took part in the extensive German South Seas Expedition to Micronesia. 133. Hahl 1980, p. 58. 134. von Bennningsen 1900. 135. Meleisia 1987, p. 98. 136. According to Kennedy (1974, p. 149) Dr. Georg Irn1er boasted to a Times correspondent that he (lrmer) had trained Mata'afa for the role he was to play in Samoa and was keen to see Mata'afa return to Samoa to take up leadership according to German interests. 137. Brandeis 1908b. 138. The German file on Mata'afa's exile is mainly concerned with the costs of the exile, and the share the other colonial powers were expected to contribute. This sets out the cost of the stay in the Marshalls as RMK 1614.14 for accommodation, clothes and food for Malietoa and his servant. The other retinue was not paid by the German government. ('lnternierung von

63 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Samoanern. 1888-August 1984. Vermischtes Samoa 9. File 2879. NLA Mfm Gl8209). 139. Internierung von Samoanern. Vermischtes Samoa 9. Files 2880-81. NLA Mfm G18209. 140. And ultimately removed to Saipan.-Kommando des Kreuzergeschwaders. Militii1politischer Bericht Eurer Majestat Schiff Condor iiber die Reise von Samoa iiber die Fidschi Inseln nach Nauru, iiber den Aufenthalt in den Marshall Jnseln und die Reiise nach HerbertshOhe und den Karolinm. Dated. Yap 30 December 1909. In: Deutschlands Kolonien in Australien Februar 1900 bis Marz1907. Archiv der Marine. Friedensakten. Series II.D.23b. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Microflim M311. 141. Brtill 1995, p. 137. 142. Freiburger Tageblatt Beilage 13May1900 (after Brtill 1995, p. 144 footnote 119). 143. In 1900 the total non-indigenous colony on all islands of the Marshalls and Nauru comprised of 48 Germans, 10 Americans, 10 Chinese, 8 British, plus some Dutch, Norwegians and Swedes (Deecken 1901). 144. Brandeis 1908 a-c. 145. Kramer 1906, p. 206. 146. Brandeus 1908a. 147. Letter Hernsheim & Grosser to Foreign Office Berlin, dated 17 November 1899. Reprinted in Fabricius 1992, pp. 114-115. This expenditure was almost equivalent to an annual wage for the station chief on Nauru. 148. The German Colonial administration also imported Chinese workers in small numbers. As a German government report states for 1895: "Chinese workers are currently indespensable for kitchen and household duties, since the natives refuse to undertake servant's duties" (Anonymous 1896). Throughout the German period little changed, with Chinese being employed as cooks in guesthouses and on ships, as well as servants and carpenters (cf. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 1903, p. 275; Kramer 1906).-The number of Chinese in the Marshalls never reached the dimensions of Chinese labour in the German colony of Samoa where the German government began the introduction of Chinese labourers in 1903 to work on the copra plantations (Tom 1986). 149. Apart from Tom Tillen, a African-American hotel owner and restauranteur inJaluit in the mid 1890s (cf. Hezel 1983). 150. Treue 1940, p.204 151. Justice Department .133/03. Entschadigungsansprliche Marshall Inseln, Sept 1902 to Nov. 1919. Verwaltungssachen 53h. file 3168 NLA Mfm Gl8285 152. cf. Strafverzeichnisse der Eingeborenen aus dem Schutzgebiet der Marshall Inseln AAKA Rechtssachen 17f, 1899-1911 file 5093, NLA MfM G8584. 153. In the typical pettiness of Hanseatic traders the Jaluit Gesellschaft details in a letter to the Landeshauptmannschaft that they had, in fact, not collected 100,000 lbs of copra, but only a total of 99,660lbs-a discrepancy they were happy to ignore if the tax rate for copra would be charged. In addition, they claimed that they had send the schooner Aeolus specifically to pick up the copra (Hutter and Wolfhagen, Jaluit Gesellschaft Jaluit 10 Sept 1902 to

64 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Landeshauptmannschaft Jaluit, in: Entschadigungsanspriiche Marshall Inseln, Sept 1902 to Nov. 1919. Verwaltungssachen 53h. file 3168 NLA Mfm Gl8285). There is no mention at all, however, that 100,000 lbs of copra would have been a substantial cargo at any rate, and that had it not been for the imposed fine the Jaluit Gesellschaft would have bought the copra harvest at the commercial rate of $0.06 without charging the costs of the vessel. Further, as von Bunsen on behalf of the Landeshauptmannschaft discusses, the Jaluit Gesellschaft had been contractually obliged to collect the tax copra from Mejit at the same time and had to send a vessel at any rate (von Bunsen to AAKAJaluit 11-9-1902). The pettiness w.r.t to the missing 340lb of copra is also highlighted, but von Bunsen recommended that the Jaluit Gesellschaft be reimbursed RMK 20.40 to make up for the shortfall. 154. File notice Bose 5 Jan 1903; also AAKA to Jaluit Gesellschaft Kl 4321/1821, Berlin 29 January 1903. Entschadigungsanspriiche Marshall Inseln, Sept 1902 to Nov. 1919. Verwaltungssachen 53h. file 3168 NLA Mfm Gl8285. 155. Bose file notice 30 Dec 1902, Entschadigungsanspriiche Marshall Inseln, Sept 1902 to Nov. 1919. Verwaltungssachen 53h. file 3168 NLA Mfm G18285; Marginalia on von Bunsen to AAKAJaluit 11 Sept 1902, ibid. 156. Justice Department 31 Dec 1902 to Foreign Affairs. Entschadigungsanspri.iche Marshall Inseln, Sept 1902 to Nov. 1919. Verwaltungssachen 53h. file 3168 NLA Mfm G18285 157. Justice Department 11 Jan 1903. Entschadigungsanspri.iche Marshall Inseln, Sept 1902 to Nov. 1919. Verwaltungssachen 53h. file 3168 NIAMfm G18285 158. Bose 23 Jan 1903. Entschadigungsanspriiche Marshall Inseln, Sept 1902 to Nov. 1919. Verwaltungssachen 53h. file 3168 NLAMfm G18285 159. Deutsche Kolonialblatt 1893, 91-92. Entschadigungsanspriiche Marshall Inseln, Sept 1902 to Nov. 1919. Verwaltungssachen 53h. file 3168 NLA Mfm Gl8285 160. Bose 23 January 1903. Entschadigungsanspriiche Marshall Inseln, Sept 1902 to Nov. 1919. Verwaltungssachen 53h. file 3168 NLA Mfm Gl8285 161. Bose 23 Jan 1903. Entschadigungsanspriiche Marshall Inseln, Sept 1902 to Nov. 1919. Verwaltungssachen 53h. file 3168 NLA Mfm G18285 162. Commando SMS Konnoran 30 November 1902. Cf. Treue 1940, p.204. 163. C.F.Rife to Judson Smith, Boston, letter dated 6 Feb 1902, on board of the Carrie and Annie. ABCFM Papers. Reprinted (in part) in Missionary• HErald August 1902, pp. 330-334. · 164. C.F.Rife to Judson Smith, Boston, letter dated 13 June 1902. ABCFM Papers. 165. C.F.Rife to Judson Smith, Boston, letter dated 6 May 1905. ABCFM Papers. 166. Irmer makes very favourable comments on the ABCFM missionaries in his 1915 book "Votkerdiimmerung im Stilten Ozean". Irmer's and Brandeis' postings never overlapped for any considerable period of time, but both in the Marshall Islands and in the Imperial Colonial Office Irmer suceeded Brandeis at the location, albeit in a higher rank. In the light of the comments by C.F.Rife one wonders at the Irmer/Brandeis relationship. 167. Imperial Commissar to Foreign Office 31July1899; quoted after Treue 1940, p. 174.

65 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

168. Regulation of 23 March 1900, see Deutscbes Kolonia! Gesetz V, 43.-The tax was RMK 2,250 for the first 30 days and then RMK 75 for every additional day, with steamers and sailing vessels with auxiliary engines being charged rwice the amount (Treue 1940, p. 174). 169. Sydney Morning Herald 28 March 1905, p. 4. 170. Buckley & Klugman 1981, p. 148; Sydney Morning Herald 28 March 1905, p. 4. -See also Sydney Morning Herald 24 Septemebr 1904, p. 11. In addition to the high tax, the ,Jaluit Geseelschaft seems to have made life difficult for the crew of the l'sabel as it refused to sell water to the Burns Philp steamer. Water shortages on atolls are not unheard of, however, and the refusal to sell large quantities of water for use in a steam engine as opposed to drinking water can be understandable. The piece in the Sydney Morning Herald is a good example of selective journalism. 171. Regulation of the Landeshauptmann 14September1904(Treue1940, p. 175).-0n top of these there were harbour charges RMK 1,000 and an additional copra export levy of RMK 30 per ton (Regulation of the Landeshauptmann 30 October 1904; rescinded 17 ,July 1905) (Treue 1940, p. 175). 172. Buckley & Klugman 1981, p. 148. 173. Albert Hahl, pers. comm to Wolfgang Treue (Treue 1940, p. 178). 174. Contract berween the ,Jaluit Gesellschaft and the Foreign Office, 21 January 1888 (text cf. Treue 1940, pp. 89-91). 175. Buckley & Klugman 1981, p. 148; -See also Sydney Morning Herald 31 October 1907, p. 10.; 1November1907, p.3 176. cf. Treue 1940, p. 176-177; 177. Treue 1940, p. 176; Sydney Morning Herald 2 November 1905; 28 March 1905, p. 4. 178. Frankfurter Zeitung 14 December 1904 (quoted after Treue 1940, p. 176). 179. Bedford 1905; Sydney Morning Herald 6 April 1905, p. 5. 180. Buckley and Klugman 1981, p. 148.-Sydney Morning Herald 2 November 1905. 181. Sydney Morning Herald 8 August 1905, p.4; 16August1905, p.7; 6 September 1905, p.10; 18 September 1905, p.6. 182. Buckley & Klugman 1981, p. 150.-According to Treue (1940, p. 178 footnote 4) RMK 52,000 were paid in 1907 to Burns Philp, which had initially claimed RMK 250,000. The RMK 52,000 were reimbursed by ,Jaluit Gesellschaft 183. Brandeis 1908a. 184. Criminal statistics for fourth quarter 1905, signed Brandeis 2 ,January 1906. "Strafverzeichnisse fiir Nicht- Eingeborene aus dem Schutzgebiete der Marshall lnsein. 6,June 1903 to 31May1907Rechtssachen18f, file n° 5105, NIA Mfm G8586. The next statistics were signed by Ludwig Kaiser. 185. Ludwig Kaiser CoA Nauru 1899-1902; DCoAJaluit 1903 -1906; Secretary, Like Brandeis, Kaiser came from the German State of Baden. born 21 May 1862 Obergebisbach (Baden), committed suicide on 27 May 1906 and is buried in,Jaluit (photo of burial site in Spennnemannn 1992, p. I 146).-See also.

66 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Akten betreffend Grabdenkmaler auf den Marshall Inseln. September 1906 bis Mal 1909. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt AV!! Grabersachen 2h File N° 6793 NIA MfM G8612.- Kaiser started his career in the Marshalls as the chief of administration (Bezirksamtmannn) in Nauru at the time of Brandeis second posting 186. The motive for his suicide is not stated in the files. It is possible that the impending arrival of Vice-Governour Victor Berg and the lack of typhoon relief action in Jaluit was the trigger. According to the ABCFM missionary Rife, Kaiser drunk heavily at a banquet on Saturday evening and continued to drink through the night, shooting himself with a shotgun the following morning, while a church service was going on nearby (C.F.Rife to Judson Smith, Boston, letter dated 20 September 1906, on board of the Carrie and Annie. ABCFM Papers). 187. See dates of criminal statistics and other documents in: Strafverzeichnisse fur Nicht- Engeborene aus dem Schutzgebiete der Marshall Inseln. 6 June 1903 to 31May1907 Rechtssachen 18f, file n° 5105, NIA Mfm G8586.-There are data on the number of legal cases published in sources such as the Deutsches Kolonialblatt, but the data are not broken down to indicate how many refer to Marshallese as opposed to white traders. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 11, 1900, 313 for 1899; 12, 901, 272 for 1900; 14, 1903, 230 for 1902. etc. 188. Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 23 (8), 1906, 78. 189. Yet Georg Fritz, district administrator in Saipan, remained in his position when Saipan was downgraded from a district to a station in 1907. 190. Brandeis 1908a. 191. Brtill 1995, p. 134. 192. Bri.ill 1995, p. 134. 193. The Deutsche Kolonialzeitung of 1 May 1902 mentions that Brandeis arrived on furlough in Germany (Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 15[29,] 1902, 286), but unlike other furlough notices, there is no entry that he had left Jaluit. Likewise there is no entry to be found that he again left for Jaluit or even that he recommenced his duties.-Brandeis temporary replacement as Landeshauptmannn, von Bunsen, signed the criminal statistics for the third quarter 1902 (1October1902) and fourth quarter 1902 (9 January 1903), while Brandeis again signed the statistics for the first quarter 1903 (2 April 1903). Strafverzeichnisse der Eingeborenen aus dem Schutzgebiete der Marshall lnseln. Rechtssachen 17f, file n° 5093, NIA Mfm G8584. 194. Brandeis, A 1898. 195. Brandeis 1904. 196. Brandeis 1908 a-c. 197. Brandeis 1908d. 198. Brandeis 1907. Reviewed by Sander (1907) in the Deutsche Kolonialzeitung and Bohse (1907) in the Deutsches Kolonialblatt. 199. The typhoon, its effects on the Marshallese and the management by the German Government has been summarised in Spennnemannn in prep. 200. Akten betreffend Jahresberichte Allgemeinen Inhaltes auf dem Marshall lnseln vomJuni 1887 bis Oktober 1894. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avii

61 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Denkschriften lh N° 6524. NIAMfM G8605.-Akten betreffend Jahresberichte Allgemelnen Inhaltes auf dem Marshall Inseln vom November 1894 bis Oktober 1900. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avii Denkschriften lh Bd. 2 N° 6525.NIAMfM G8605.-Akten betreffend Jahresberichte Allgemeinen Inhaltes auf dem Marshall Inseln vom November 1900 bis Januar 1911. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avii Denkschriften lh Bd. 3 N° 6526. NIA MfM G8606. 201. AAKA Seeunfalle auf den Marshall Inseln vom Februar 1906 bis Jun! 1916. Schiffahrtsachen 9h. N° 2755. NIA MfM G8606.-But see useful entries on the Carolines in: AAKA Seeunfiille auf den Carolinen Inseln pp. vom Februar 1901 bis Februar 1908. Schiffahrtsachen 9f. N° 2753. NIA MfM G8606. 202. Jeschke 1905; Wilson 1905. 203. Jeschke 1905. 204. Jeschke 1905. 205. Reichstag (1908) Reichstag 12. Legislatur-Periode, I. Session 1907/1909. Denkschrift uber die Entwicklung der Schutzgebiete in Afrika und der Sudsee im ]ahre 1907/08. Teil F.11: Deutsch-Neu Guinea, 1nselgebiet (Ost Karolinen, \Vest-Karolinen mit Palau und Marianen und Marshall 1nseln. Berlin. P. 15.-See also Gustav Schwabe, Arztlicher Bericht fiir die Zeit vom 1 Oktober bis 31. Dezember 1908. DatedJaluit, 8January 1908. InActa betreffend gesundheitliche Verhaltnisse auf den Marshall Inseln von Oktober 1906 bis December 1912. Auswartiges Arnt, Kolonia! Abteilung A•1 Medizinalwesen 3h Bd. 4 N° 5787. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Microfilm G 8595. 206. ABCFM 1906.-Pasrok was an emergency and starvation ("typhoon") food made by pounding the internal part of a driftwood tree to pulp and then mixing it with arrowroot flour and water (Wendler 1911; Humphrey 1887, p. 87). A variation of this seems to be to pound the internal wood of an old coconut palm and mix it with water and arrowroot flour. Both dishes basically added fibrous material, acting as stomach filler, to arrowroot starch (carbohydrates) (Spennemann 1992b). 207. ABCFM 1906. 208. Jeschke 1906. 209. The wars were related to the conflict on Majuro which is first reported in early December 1875 (Hezel 1979, p. 133, Colcord, in: Pacific Manuscripts Bureau Microfilm N° 290). As the intermittent warfare reduced the copra production of Majuro and thus was harmful to the European interests, some traders tried to solve the isues in order to restore peace and thereby Majuro's productivity and their own profits. In May 1876 the German Captain Edward Hernsheim, who had been regularly calling at Majuro, arrived in Majuro on the schooner Coeran and tries to make peace between warring parties (Hezel 1979, p. 133; Missionmy Herald LXXII, Dec 1876, 393). In 1878 Captain Isaiah Bray, Captain of the missionary vessel Morning Star III also made an unsuccessful attempt to settle the war on Majuro (Hezel 1979, p. 136). Captain William H.Maxwell, HMS Emerald, found Majuro in a state of war on June 13, 1881. He too attempted to make peace between the rival chiefs (Hezel 1979, p.140), as did Captain Cyprian Bridge

68 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

ofHMS Espiegle in 1883, who managed to negotiate a peace between the warring factions on Majuro (Hezel 1979:139). 210. Jeschke 1906. 211. Schwabe 1905a; Treue 1940, p. 198. 212. Kommandant SMS Seeadler, Puttfarcken, to Kaiserliches Komnando Kreuzergeschwader Tsingtao. Bericht iiber die Reise des SMS Seeadler in den Karolinen, dated Yap 16 August 1905, Submitted to Marineamt via Kommandant Kreuergeschwader Tsingtao Dated Tsingtao 21 September 1905. In AMAAS Bd. 11, Tatigkeitsbericht Oktober 1904 bis September 1906. Archiv der Marine. Kriegsakten. Series VII.1.2. NLA Mf, M320. 213. Commando SMS Condor to German Emperor, Berlin. Militarpolitischer Bericht S.M.S. Condor iiber den Aufenthalt in den Samoa- Ellice- Gilbert· und Marshall Inseln. Dated South Seas 31 December 1906. Archiv der Marine. Friedensakten betreffend Deutschland's Kolonien in Australien vom Januar 1900 bis Marz 1907. Archiv der Marine. Friedensakten Il.D.23b.Bd.l NLA Mfm M311. 214. According to published data in theDeutscbes Kolonialblatt there were three white traders on Mile Atoll in 1903, four white traders on Arno and none on Nadikdik (Deutsches Kolonialblatt 14, 1903, 275). 215. See narrative in Kommandant SMS Seeadler, Puttfarcken, to Kaiserliches Komnando Kreuzergeschwader Tsingtao. Bericht i.iber die Reise des SMS Seeadler in den Karolinen. Dated Yap 16 August 1905, Submitted to Marineamt via Kommandant Kreuergeschwader Tsingtao Dated Tsingtao 21 September 1905. In AMAAS Bd. 11, Tatigkeitsbericht Oktober 1904 bis September 1906. Archiv der Marine. Kriegsakten. Series VII.1.2. NLA Mf, M320. 216. Jeschke 1906, p. 271. 217. Condor (1906) Commando SMS Condor, Militarpolitischer Bericht i.iber den Aufenthalt SMS Condor in Suva, Marshall- und Karolinen Inseln. Commandant SMS Condor to His Majesty the Emperor. Dated Herbertshohe (NG) 26 Januar 1906. In: Admiralsstab der Marine. B. Acta betreffend Australische Australische Station Bd. 11, Tatigkeitsbericht Oktober 1904 bis September 1906. Archiv der Marine. Kriegsakten. Series VIl.1.2. NLA Mfm M320. [henceforth Condor 1906]. 218. The Marshall Islands became incorporated into the 'Schutzgebiet Neu Guinea and Inselgebiete,' which comprised New Guinea, the Carolines, Palau and the Mariana Islands, with the exception of US-owned Guam. Imperial Order 18.fanuary 1906 (Deutsches Kolonialblatt 17(5), 1906). 219. Letter of the Imperial German Governor New Guinea, Dr. Albert Hahl, to Imperial Colonial Office, Berlin, regarding the restructuring of the German Colonial Administration in the South Seas. Letter dated Herbertshohe (Rabaul) 2 September 1905. AAKA Handel auf den Marshall Inseln. Handels und Schiffahrtssachen 3h. File 2554 Vol.1 May 1887 to July 1908. NLA MfM G8522. 220. He was concerned that the administration of the Marshall Islands from Pohnpei did not work efficiently given the workload of the Vice Governor in Pohnpei. Furthermore, having heard mention of the impending change in administrative practice, he argued against it. Kommando SMS Condor

69 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

(Korvettenkapitan Begas) to German Emperor, Berlin. Militarpolitischer Bericht SMS Condor tiber den Aufenthalt in den Samoa- Ellice- Gilbert- und Marshall Jnseln. Dated South Seas 31December1906. II.D23b Bdl.NIA Mfm 311. 221. Normally the annual reports of the government physician were published by the Colonial Office. Records show that Dr.Schwabe not only requested that his name not appear, but also often did not provide reports for publication.-See correspondence in: AAKA Gesundheitliche Vehaltnisse auf den Marshall-Inseln vom Oktober 1906 bis December 1912. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avi Medizinalwesen 3h Bd. 4 N° 5787. NIA MfM G8595. Correspondence in: AAKA Medizinal-Jahresberichte as den Marshall-Inseln vom Marz 1905 bis Juni 1913. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avi Medizinalwesen 33h N° 6017. NIAMfM G8597. 222. Two factors appear to be at work. For one, the German physicians were hired as private citizens and as physicians on a limited term contract. All they knew of colonial administration was concerned with the running of their practice and the associated hospital and what they had been able to glean from observing the colonial officers in action-if they were inclined to learn these Issues. Several of them were ethnographically or scientifically inclined and preferred to spend their spare time on these pursuits. German colonial officers, on the other hand, were civil servants and were moved from one administrative position to another, gradually increasing in rank and status. -Dr. Gustav Schwabe had provided detailed quarterly and annual health reports before the typhoon, which ceased after the typhoon had struck. After that only very laconic reports were filed (Schwabe 1907, 1908, 1909; see also his reports in AAKA Medizinal-Jahresberichte as den Marshall-Inseln vom Marz 1905 bis Juni 1913. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avi Medizinalwesen 33h N° 6017. NIA MfM G8597). -His admission of inadequacy is reported by Commando SMS Condor to German Emperor, Berlin. Militarpolitischer Bericht S.M.S. Condor tiber den Aufenthalt Jn den Samoa- Ellice- Gilbert- und Marshall Inseln. Dated South Seas 31 December 1906. Archiv der Marine. Friedensakten betreffend Deutschland's Kolonien in Australien vom Januar 1900 bis Marz 1907. Archiv der Marine. Friedensakten Il.D.23b.Bd.l NIA Mfm M311 223. Kommando SMS Condor to German Emperor, Berlin. Mllitarpolitischer Bericht SMS Condor tiber den Aufenthalt in den Samoa- Ellice- Gilbert- und Marshall Inseln. Dated South Seas 31December1906. Archiv der Marine. Friedensakten betreffend Deutschland's Kolonien in Australlen vom Januar 1900 bis Marz 1907. Archiv der Marine. Friedensakten JJ.D.23b.Bd.l National Library of Australia, Canberra. Microfilm. Microfilm M311 224. Solf 1911. 225. Unfortunately, at the time of writing not enough research has been done on the German Colonial administration in the Marshall Islands to be able to assess the internal politics in any great detail. 226. Hiery 1995, p. 3. 227. Treue 1940, 124; Deutsches Kolonialblatt 15, 1904, n°19; Deustche Kolonialzeitung 21 (1904) n° 39. 228. Treue 1940, p. 125; see also the 1906 and 1907 time tables of the Gennania in Jaluit Gesellschaft Hamburg, Fahrplan des Postdampfers "Germania"

70 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

zwischen Hongkong, den Marianen-, Karolinen-, Marshall-Inseln und Sydney [voyages VII-XIV]; Jaluit Gesellschaft Hamburg, Fahrpla~ des Postdampfers "Germania" zwischen Hongkong, den Palau-, Mananen-, Karolinen-, Marshall-Inseln und Sydney [voyages XII-XX]; In; Auswartiges Arnt Kolonia! Abteilung Av "Die Schiffahrt Marshall Inseln". Februar 1891 bis Juni 06 Bd. 2 Schiffahrtssachen 3H. File n° 2745. 229. In 1905 Yap had become a node and repeater cable station operated by the German-Dutch Telegraph Company. By 27 April 1905 it had an operational connection to Menado on Celebes in the Dutch East Indies, and to Guam and from there to the Guam-San Francisco link and henceforth across the USA to Europe. From 20 October 1905, a link from Yap to Shanghai was also operational. r.peutscbes Kolonialblatt 16[21], 1905, 647). 230. Treue 1940. 231. He jumped overboard during an inspection trip to the northern atolls: Spennemann 1998b, 232. cf. Riebow 1898. 233. Moors 1986, p. 86. 234. Anguizola 1980, p. 84-95. 235. Stevenson 1892, p. 102. 236. Franz Leopold Sonnenschein.-* 8 January 1857 (Berlin) t 13 June 1897 (Berlin).-Studies law in Gottingen; Referendarsexamen (civil service trainee exan1ination) 5 March 1880; Assessorexamen (graduate civil servant examination) 14January 1885.-called to the foreign office 20 May 1885; attached to the Consulate in Apia, acting as Vice consul 3 March 1886; acting Imperial Commissar Jaluit 28 June 1887; Imperial Commissar Jaluit 14 April 1888-29 March 1889; colonial section of foreign affairs 1 October 1889; permanent assistant in the colonial section of foreign affairs 1 February 1891; Acting Legationsrat 1 May 1891; commission to serve as chief judge for the government of German East Africa 12 October 1891; Wirklicher Legationsrat und Vortragender Rat for the Foreign Office. 237. Fabricius 1992, p. 143. 238. To assess Brandeis' credentials and performance as administrator and judge, the following files of the Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Abtheilung were consulted: "Rechtsverhaltnisse im Schutzgebiete der Neu Guinea Compagnie." 11 Mai 1886 to 24 November 1886. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd.l File n° 4780. NLA Mfm G8579; 1December1886 to 9July 1888. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 2 File n° 4781. NLA Mfm G8579/8580; 10 July 1888 to 15July1893. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 3 File n° 4782. NLAMfm G8580;16July 1893 to 1903. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 4 File n° 4783. NLA Mfm G8581. - "Rechtsverha!tnisse in den Marshall Inseln. August 1886 to Marz 1896. Rechtssachen 4 f. Bd. 1, file n° 4787. NLA Mfm 8581; April 1896 to April 1911. Rechtssachen 4 f. Bd. 2, file n° 4788. NLA Mfm 8581.-Einzelne Urteile Marshall Inseln. November 1897 to February 1906. Rechtssachen 5h. File N° 4961, NLA Mfm G 8582. Die Rechtsgewohnheiten der Eingeborenen der Marshall Inseln, Qctober 1891 to June 1910. Rechtssachen Bf, file 5011. NLA Mfm G 8582.-Ubersicht tiber die richterlichen Geschafte der Karolinen Inseln, J~!1uary 1901 to Mai 1910. Rechtssachen 15f. file n° 5063, NLA, Mfm G8583.-Ubersicht tiber die richterlichen Geschafte der Marshall Inseln, January 1890 to December 1912. Rechtssachen 15f. file n° 5064, NLA, Mfm G8583.-Strafverzeichnisse

71 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

der Eingeborenen aus dem Schutzgebiete der Marshall Inseln. Rechtssachen 17f, file n° 5093, NIA Mfm G8584.-Besetzung der richterlichen Stellen auf den Marshall Inseln. 5 December 1886 to July 1910 Rechtssachen 31f, file n° 5349; NIA Mfm G8586.-Strafverzeichnisse fur Nicht- Engeborene aus dem Schutzgebiete der Marshall Inseln. 6June 1903 to 31May1907 Rechtssachen 18f, file n° 5105, NIA Mfm G8586.-Bestrafung und Ausweisung fremder Staatsangehoriger auf den Marshall Inseln. Rechtssachen 2lf, file n° 5111, NIA Mfm G8586. 239. Wm. Walter Phelps, head of the Legation of the United States of America in Berlin to Minister of Foreign Affairs, Marschall von Bieberstein, dated 9 May 1890. Auswartiges Arnt, Kolonial-Abtheilung, Av Rechtsverhaltnisse in den Marshall Inseln. August 1886 to Marz 1896. Rechtssachen 4 f. Bd. 1, file n° 4787. NIA Mfm 8581. 240. Biery 1995, p. 2. 241. There is a compilation for Nauru, written by Bezirksmantmannn Jung; see file Rechtsgewohnheiten der Eingeborenen der Marshall Inseln, October 1891 to June 1910. Rechtssachen Bf, file 5011. NIA Mfm G 8582. 242. Senfft 1903a; 1903b. 243. See correspondence and file notices in: Ubersicht Uber die richterlichen Geschafte der Marshall Inseln, January 1890 to December 1912. Rechtssachen 15f. file n° 5064, NIA Mfm G8583. 244. See file notice in Strafverzelchnisse der Eingeborenen aus dem Schutzgebiete der Marshall Inseln. Rechtssachen 17f, file n° 5093, NIA Mfm G8584. 245. See data in Strafverzeichnisse der Eingeborenen aus dem Schutzgebiete der Marshall lnseln. Bd.11899-1911Rechtssachen17f, file n° 5093, NIAMfm G8584.-Strafverzeichnisse fur Nicht- Engeborene aus dem Schutzgebiete der Marshall Inseln.6 June 1903 to 31May1907 Rechtssachen 18f, file n° 5105, NIA Mfm G8586.-Bestrafung und Ausweisung fremder Staatsangehoriger auf den Marshall Inseln. Rechtssachen 21f, file n° 5111, NIA Mfm G8586 246. GBFOHS 1920a; 1920b. 247. Hempenstall 1987, p. 94. 248. GBFOHS 1920b, p. 38. 249. GBFOHS 1920b, p. 9. 250. The annual Brandeis average is calculated for 1901 and 1904 based on a quarterly averages multiplied by four. 251. Reichstag 1908; Strafverzeichnlsse der Eingeborenen aus dem Schutzgebiete der Marshall Inseln. Rechtssachen 17f, file n° 5093, NIAMfm G8584.-1901 to 1904 detailed case statistics with punishment details. An AAKA file comment on the report for the fourth quarter of 1903, signed and submitted by Brandeis, requests that no further detailed quarterly listings of criminal proceedings against indigenous people be submitted and that a statistic added to the annual report would suffice. The report for the first quater is the last such report submitted. From 1907 the offences are grouped as follows: Group I: Crimes and offences against the state and public order (High Treason,Treason, offences against public officers,

72 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

offenced against public order etc.); Group II: Crimes and offences against persons (against public moral [rape etc], murder, bodily harm; against freedom [kidnapping, enslavement]); Group Ill: Crimes and offences against property (theft and embezzlement, robbery and blackmail, fraud, forgery, damage against property, arson); Group IV: Other crimes and offences. 252. Brandeis to AfJ\A 7 June 1901. Jaluit 15 August 1901. No. 58. Besetzung der richterlichen Sellen auf den Marshall Inseln. 5 Dec 1886 to July 1910. Rechtssachen 31fBeiakten. file 5349 NIA MfM G8586. 253. MIA Ledebour, Reichstag 26 March 1906,quoted in GBFOHS 1920b, p. 13. 254. Hellwig, Auswartiges Arnt, Kolonia! Abteiling Berlin, K.P. 311817306, Letter to Brandeis Jaliuit, dated 18 April 1903., marked "Personal" Letter contained in file : Rechtsverhaltnisse im Schutzgebiete der Neu Guinea Compagnie. 16 July 1893 to 1903. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 4 File n° 4783. NIA Mfm G8581. 255. Strafverordnung filr die Eingeborenen im Schutzgebiete der Marshall Inseln. Dated 10 March 1890. and subsequent regulations. This code had been copied to a large extent from the New Guinea Code of 21 October 1888. 256. On 24July 1914 the application of the penal code for German New Guinea was extended to the island territory. -See ''Verordnung des Reichskanzlers, betr. die Ausdehnung der Strafverordnung fiir die Eingeborenen von Neuguinea auf das Inselgebiet der Karolinen, Palau, Marianen und Marshall Inseln." Dated 24 Juli 1914. Text see. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 25(15), 1914, 696.-The original New Guinea code was the "Straftverordnung filr Eingeborene in Neu Guinea." dated 21 October 1888, for the Deutsche Neu Guinea Compagnie. 257. Hiery 1995, p. 2. 258. GBOFHS 1920b. 259. cf. Verhandlungen des deustchen Reichstages XI. Legislaturperiode, II. Part, Sessions of 4 December 1905 (MIA Dr. Mi.iller, GBOFHS 1920b, p. 9); 15 December 1905; 13 March 1906 (MIA Erzberger ); 15 March 1906; 16 March 1906 (see also comment in GBOFHS 1920b, p. 9). (Vol. 214, 364pp., 350; Vol. 216, 1977; 1988; 2032pp., 2047pp., 2051. 2077); Herey 1995, p. 108 fn 108. 260. Hellwig, Auswartiges Amt, Kolonia! Abteiling Berlin, K.P. 311817306, Letter to Brandeis Jaliuit, dated 18 April 1903., marked "Personal" Letter contained in file : Rechtsverhaltnisse im Schutzgebiete der Neu Guinea Compagnie. 16 July 1893 to 1903. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 4 File n° 4783. NIA Mfm G8581. 261. Quoted by member of [German] Parliament Erzberger, Reichstag March 13, 1906. (quoted in GBFOHS 1920b, p. 10).-This text section is also quoted by Hellwig. Some of Hellwig's formulations indicate that the Marshall Islands incident occurred before the penal code of 1888 was formulated, i.e. when Knappe or Sonenschein were Imperial Commissars in Jaluit -and not in response to Hellwig's inquiry as assumed by Hiery (1995b, p. 11 fn 34)(Hellwig, Auswartiges Amt, Kolonia! Abteiling Berlin, K.P. 311817306, Letter to Brandeis Jaliuit, dated 18 April 1903., marked "Personal" Letter contained in file : Rechtsverhaltnisse im Schutzgebiete der Neu Guinea Compagnie. 16July1893 to 1903. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 4 File n° 4783. NIA Mfm G8581.)

73 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

262. Strafverzeichnisse der Eingeborenen aus dem Schutzgebiet Samoa 1903- 1913; Rechtssachen 17b, file 5094. NLA Mfm 8584. 263. Erdland 1914, p. 112; Kramer 1909; Kramer Nevermann 1938, p. 183; 186. 264. Hieiy 1995b, 108. 265. Hierey 1995b, p. 109 fn 30. 266. cf case Domnick, Errichtung von Schulen, Marshall Inseln. 13 Jan 1892 to Dec 1911. Schulwesen lh. file 2761. NLA Mfm G18178 267. Strafverzeichnisse der Eingeborenen aus dem Schutzgebiete der Marshall Inseln. Bd.11899-1911Rechtssachen17f, file n° 5093, NLAMfm G8584. 268. Hezel 1981, p. 298. 269. cf. Hieiy's 1995b, p. 109 comment that the Marshallese accepted the punishment. 270. Hellwig, Auswartiges Arnt, Kolonia! Abteiling Berlin, K.P. 3118/7306, Letter to Brandeis Jaliuit, dated 18 April 1903., marked "Personal" Letter contained in file : Rechtsverhaltnisse im Schutzgeblete der Neu Guinea Compagnie. 16 July 1893 to 1903. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 4 File n° 4783. NLA Mfm G8581. 271. See also decree of the Reichskanzler 27 Sept 1903 (Helfferich 1905, p. 17). 272. A directive which Brandeis quite clearly had ignored in the Ysabel affair. 273. Hellwig, Auswartiges Arnt, Kolonia! Abteiling Berlin, K.P. 3118/7306, Letter to Brandeis Jaliuit, dated 18 April 1903, marked "Personal" Letter contained in file : Rechtsverha!tnisse im Schutzgebiete der Neu Guinea Compagnie. 16 July_1893 to 1903. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 4 File n° 4783. NLA Mfm G8581. 274. Brandeis in a submission to RKA. Colonial Office, Jaluit 27 August 1905. Letter contained in file : Rechtsverha!tnisse im Schutzgebiete der Neu Guinea Compagnie. 16July 1893to1903. Rechtssachen 4e. Bd. 4 File n° 4783. NLAMfm G8581. 275. See also GBFOHS 1920b, p. 11 on the practice in German Africa to divide up the number of strokes to be administered into flogging 'sessions' of about 25 strokes each. 276. Ibid. 277. Schnee 1926, p. 127. 278. Kramer 1920. 279. Schnee 1920, p. 236. 280. See footnote n°. 232. 281. See footnote n°. 87. 282. See footnote n°. 100 283. Irmer 1894; 1895; 1896; 1897. 284. Senfft 1898. 285. Brandeis 1899. 286. cf. Brandeis 1900; 1901, 1906. 287. Kennnedy 1974, p. 84 ff. 288. Stevenson 1892, p. 54.

74 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

289. Sti.ibel had to return to Samoa for a brief period in 1889 to take over the affairs from Knappe. Huber 1982, p. 612. 290. Kennedy 1974, p. 148. 291. Fabricius 1992, p. 142. 292. Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 23 (8), 1906, 78. 293. Deutscbes Kolonialblatt 17(7), 1906, 193. 294. Hiery 1995, p. 2. 295. Dr. Muller, Reichstag, December 4th, 1906. quoted according to GBFOHS 1920b, p. 9. 296. In 1909 Fritz took up the position as Deputy Governor in Pohnpei. 297. cf. Irmer 1915.-The German officers serving in Africa published a fair number of memoirs. 298. von Bunsen 1904. 299. cf. Hiery 1995, p. 2.-For example, several of the German physicians and adminstrators were ethnographically or scientifically inclined (Born 1894; 1903; 1907; Girschner 1912; Knappe 1888; Schnee 1904b, c, d; Sennft 1900; Steinbach 1893b; 1894; 1895b; 1895c, 1895d). -Steinbach also compiled a dictionary, publication of which occurred posthumously (Grosser 1902). Wilhelm Knappe compiled an excellent collection of Marshall Islands artefacts, now in the Erfurt Museum (Anonymous 1890). 300. GBFOHS 1920b, p. 38. 301. Roter Alderorden IV. Klasse. 302. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 1901. 303. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 11, 1900,212.-Dr. Erwin Steinbach had been a government physician in the Marshalls from 22 October 1891- October 1894. 304. Deutscbes Kolonialblatt 2, 1909, 90. 305. Lyndhusrt 1983, p. 81 no. 33; Bowen, n.d., Ruhl n.d. a; n.d. b; Williamson 1984.-As Brandeis wears the cross of merit of the Zahringen lion next to the Knights Cross of the Zahringen lion he must have obtained it before, indicating that he was awarded two honours of merit. 306. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 19(3), 1908, 104. 307. Brandeis 1907. 308. Brandeis 1908 a-d. 309. Schnee 1920, p. 236. 310. Helfferich 1905. 311. Stevenson 1914, p. 145-151.-They again met Brandeis on 26thJune just before their final departure for Samoa. At that time they discussed the meaning of Marshallese stickcharts ordered by Commissioner Biermann.

75 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

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Anguizola, G.A. 1980 Philippe Bunau-Varilla, tbe man behind tbe Panama Canal. Chicago: Nelson-Hall. Anonymous 1886 Die Verhaltnisse auf den Marshallinseln. Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 3, 789-794. 1890 Katalog der ehemaligen Dr.Knappe'schen Sammlung und der vereinigten privaten ethnographischen Sammlung Im Herrenhause des grolSen Hospitals zu Erfurt. Erfurt. Bedford, R. 1905 The circled continent. The Germans and a copra coup. Sydney Morning Herald 25 November 1905. Biermann, M. 1891 Von den Marshallinseln. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 2, 321-332. Biskup, P. 1968 Dr. Albert Hahl-sketch of a German Colonial Official. Australian journal of Politics and History 144, 342-357. 1974 Tbe New Guinea Memoirs ofJean Baptiste Octave Mouton. Canberra: Australian National University Press. Bohsen, E. 1907 review of: A. Brandeis Kochbucb fur de Tropen Berlin: D.Reimer. Deutscbes Kolonialblatt 18(14), 1907, 698. Born, L. 1894 Einige Beobachtungen ethnographischer Natur Uber die Oleai-Inseln. Mittbeilungen aus den Deutschen Scbutzgebieten 18,. 1903 Einige Bemerkungen Uber Musik, Dichtkunst und Tanz der Yap Leute. Zeitscbrift fiir Ethnologie 35(1): 134-142. 1903 Einige ethnologische Notizen. Zeitscbrift fur Etbnologie '35(6): 929-930. 1907 Ein Taifun in den West-Karolinen (Die VerwUstung der Oleai Gruppe) Deutsches Kolonialblatt 18, 567-572. 1911 Marshall lnseln-Jaluit. Mediziniscbe Berichte iiber die Deutscben Scbutzgebiete fur das jabr 1909/10. Herausgegeben vom Reichskolonialamt. E.S. Mitter & Sohn, Berlin. Pp. 539-543. Bowen, V.W. n.d. The Prussian and Gennan Iron Cross. no place (UK): Iron Cross Research Publications.

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Brandeis, A. 1898 Von den Marshallinseln. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 11: 248-249. 1904 Das Gesicht im Monde. Ein Marchen der Nauru-Insulaner. Ethno/ogisches Notizblatt 1907 Kochbuch fur de Tropen Nach langjtthriger Erfah rung in den Tropen und Subtropen zusammengestel/t. Berlin: D.Reimer. 1908a SUdsee-Erinnerungen. Deutsche Kolonia/ze/tung 25(1), 6-7. 1908b SUdsee-Erinnerungen. Deutsche Kolon/a/zeitung 25(2), 20-22. 1908c SUdsee-Erinnerungen. Deutsche Kolonialze/tung 25(3), 36-38. 1908d Nauru. Deutsche Kolonlalzeitung 25(34), 599-600. Brandeis, E. 1892 Jahresbericht betreffend das Schutzgebiet der Marshall Inseln. Deutsches Kolonialblatt 3, 332-336. 1899 Jahresbericht des Landeshauptmannes aufJaluit 1. April 1898 bis 31. Marz 1899. In Acta betreffend Jahresschriften Allgemeinen Inhaltes auf den Marshall Inseln v9m November 1894 bis Oktober 1900. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avu Denkschriften in Bd. 2. N° 6525. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Microfilm G8600. 1900 Jahresbericht Uber Entwicklung des Schutzgebietes der Marshall Inseln (vom 1. April 1899 bis 31. Marz 1900). In Acta betreffend Jahresschriften Allgemeinen Inhaltes auf den Marshall Inseln \'.Pffi November 1900 bis Januar 1911. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avu Denkschriften in Bd. 3. N° 6526. Microfilm G8600. 1901 Jahresbericht Uber Entwicklung des Schutzgebietes der Marshall Inseln (vom 1. April 1900 bis 31. Marz 1901). In Acta betreffend.Jahresschriften Allgemeinen Inhaltes auf den Marshall Inseln wm November 1900 bis Januar 1911. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avu Denkschriften i" Bd. 3. N° 6526. Microfilm G8600. 1906 Jahresbericht iiber Entwicklung des Schutzgebietes der Marshall lnseln (vom 1. April 1905 bis 31. Marz 1906). In Acta betreffend Jahresschriften Allgemeinen Inhaltes auf den Marshall Inseln \'.Pm November 1900 bis Januar 1911. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Av11 Denkschriften in Bd. 3. N° 6526. Microfilm G8600. Brull, M. 1995 Kolonialzeitliche Sammlungen aus dem Pazifik. in E.Gerhards (ed.), Als Pre/burg die Welt entdeckte. 100 jahre Museum fiir V6lkerkunde. Freiburg: Promo Verlag. Pp. 109-145. Buckley, K. and K.Klugman 1981 The history of Burns Philp. The Australian company in the South Pacific. Sydney: Burns Philp & Co. 1983 "The Australtan Presence In the Pacific" Bums Philp 1914-1946.Sydney: Allen & Unwin. Bunsen, H. von 1904 Mein Leben auf einer Koralleninsel. Velhagen & Klasings Monatshefte 18. Corbett, B. 1994 A List of Former Haitian Heads of State. World Archives History, Haiti. Connecticut State University, New Britain, CT. URL:

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http://library.ccsu.ctstateu.edu/-history/world _ history/archives/haiti/h aitiOll.html Cyclopaedia of Samoa 1907 The Cyclopaedia of Samoa (Illustrated). A complete review of the bisfOIJ' and traditions and tbe commercial development of the island, with Statistics and data never before compiled in a single publication. Sydney: Mccarron, Stewart & Co. Davis, H.P. 1%7 Black democracy: tbe st01y of Haiti. New York: Biblo and Tannen. Erdland, P.A. 1905 Sturm auf Jaluit. Hiltruper Monatshefte, Pp. 447. 1909 Die Stellunng der Frauen in den Hauptlingsfamilien der Marshall Inseln. Anthropos 4. 1914 Die Marshall Insulane1: Leben und Sitte, Sinn und Religion eines Siidsee-volkes. Anthropos Bibliothek. lnternationale Sammlung Ethnologischer Monographien, Vol.2(1). MUnster: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung. Fabricius, W. 1992 Nauru 1888-1900. An account in German and English based on official records of the colonial section of tbe Foreign Office, held by the Deustches Zentralarchiv Potsdam. Canberra: Division of Pacific and Asian History, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University. Ferguson, J.M. 1985 The education of Australian engineers who achieved eminence before 1940. Second National Conference on Engineering heritage "The value ofEnglneering heritage". Melbourne 2-222 May 1985. The Institute of Engineers, Australia National Conference Publication 8513. Barton, ACT: The Institute of Engineers, Australia Friedrichs, K. 1890 Stand- und Erbrecht auf den Marshall Inseln. Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 315 &324. Gilson, R.B. 1970 Samoa 1830-1900. The politics of a multi-cultural community. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Girschner, M. 1912 Die Korallen Insel Namoluk und ihre Bewohner. Baessler Archiv 2: 123- 215. Great Britain Foreign Office Historical Section 1920a German Colonisation. Handbook n° 42. Peace Handbook Vol. 22. London: HMSO. 1920b Treatment ofNatives in the German Colonies. Handbook n° 114. Peace Handbook Vol. 22. London: HMSO. Greene, D.C. 1898 Micronesia. The Caroline Islands. Life and Light July 1898, pp. 290-296.

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Grosser, H. 1902 Worterbuch der Marschall-Sprache nach hinterlassenen Papieren des verstorbenen Stabsarztes Dr. Erwin Steinbach. Hamburg. Grundemann, R. 1889 Die evangelische Mission in den deutschen Schutzgebieten der SUdsee. Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 6, 100-112. Hahl, A. 1937 Governeurs-.Jahre in Neu Guinea. Berlin: Dr. Reimer. [not seen] 1942 Deutsch-Neuguinea. Berlin: Dr. Reimer [not seen] 1980 Governor in New Guinea Berlin: Dr. Reimer, Peter G. Sack and Dymphna Clark. (eds) Canberra: Australian National University Press. Heinl, R.D. and Heinl, N.G. 1978 Written in blood: the story of the Haitian people 1492-1971. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Helfferlch, Dr. 1905 Zur Reform der kolonialen Verwaltungs-Organisation. Berlin: E.S. Mittler & Sons. Hempenstall, P.J. 1978 Pacific Islanders under Gennan rule. A study in the meaning of colonial resistance. Canberra: Australian University Press. 1987 The neglected empire: the superstructure of the Colonial State in German Melanesia. in: Knoll, Arthur J. and Lewis H. Gann, (eds) Gem1a11s in the tropics: essays in Gennan colonial histo1y. New York: Greenwood Press. Pp. 93-118 Hempenstall, PJ. and N.Rutherford 1984 Protest and dissent in the colonial Pacifc. Suva: University of the South Pacific. Hezel, F.X. 1979 Foreign ships in Micronesia. A compendium of ship contacts with the Caroline and Marshall Islands 1521-1885. Saipan, Mariana Is.: F..J.Hezel & Trust Territory Historic Preservation Office. 1983 The First Taint of Civilisation. A History of the Caroline and Marshall Islands in Pre-Colonial Days, 1521-1885. Pacific Islands Monographs Series, No.1. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Hiery, H.J. 1995a The neglected war. The Gennan South Pacific and the influence of World \\'far I. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. 1995b Das Deutsche Reich in der Sudsee (1900-1921). Eine Annaherung and die E1fahrungen verschiedener Kulturen. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Rupprecht. Huber, E.R. 1982 Deutsche Vmfassungsgschichte seit 1789. Ed. N. Sh11ktur und Krisen des Kaiserreiches. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer. Humphrey, O.J. 1887 The wreck of the Rainier. A sailor's narrative. Portland: W.H.Stevens & Co.

19 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Irmer, G. 1894 Jahresbericht des Landeshauptmannes aufJaluit 1. April 1893 bis 31. Marz 1894. In Acta betreffend Jahresschriften Allgemeinen Inhaltes auf den Marshall Inseln v9m November 1894 bis Oktober 1900. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avn Denkschriften in Bd. 2. N° 6525. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Microfilm G8600. 1895a Jahresbericht des Landeshauptmannes aufJaluit 1. April 1894 bis 31. Marz 1895. In Acta betreffend Jahresschriften Allgemeinen Inhaltes auf den Marshall Inseln vom November 1894 bis Oktober 1900. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avii Denkschriften in Bd. 2. N° 6525. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Microfilm G8600. 1896 Jahresbericht des Landeshauptmannes aufJaluit 1. April 1895 bis 31. Marz 1896. In Acta betreffend Jahresschriften Allgemeinen Inhaltes auf den Marshall Inseln v9m November 1894 bis Oktober 1900. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt AV11 Denkschriften1n Bd. 2. N° 6525. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Microfilm G8600. 1897 Jahresbericht des Landeshauptmannes aufJaluit 1. April 1896 bis 31. Marz 1897. In Acta betreffend Jahresschriften Allgemeinen Inhaltes auf den Marshall Inseln v9m November 1894 bis Oktober 1900. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avn Denkschriften in Bd. 2. N° 6525. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Microfilm G8600. 1915 Volkerdiimmerung im Stille11 Ozean. Leipzig: S. Hirzel. Jaluit Gesellschaft 1887 Statuten derjaluit Gesellscbaft bescblossen in der constituierenden \!ersammlung vom 21. Dezember 1887.Hamburg: ].Richter. 1890 jabres-bericbt fiir 1889 vorgelegt in der ordentlicben Generalversammlung am 12. August 1890. Gente, Hamburg. 1891 jabres-bericbt fiir 1890 vorgelegt in der zweiten ordentlicben Generalversammlung am 11 Novembei· 1891. Gente, Hamburg. 1892 jabres-bericbt fiir 1891 vorgelegt in der dritten ordentlicben Generalversammlung am 3. August 1892. Gente, Hamburg. 1893a jabres-bericbt fiir 1892 vorgelegt in der vierten ordentlichen Generalversammlung am 10.juni 1893. Gente, Hamburg. 1893b Revidiertes St atut der jaluit Gesellscbaft bescblossen in der Generalversammlung am 10. ]uni 1893. Gente, Hamburg. 1896 jabres-bericbt fiir 1895 vorgelegt in der siebten ordeiitlicben Genei'Cl!versammlung am 17 September 1896. Gente, Hamburg. 1897 jabres-bericbt fiir 1896 vorgelegt in der acbten ordentlichen Generalversammlung am 31. Juli 1897. Gente, Hamburg. 1898 ]abres-bericbt fiir 1897 vorgelegt in dei· ordentlicben neunten Genei·alversammlung am 30. ]uni 1898. Gente, Hamburg. 1899 jabres-bei·icbt fiir 1898 vorgelegt in der 01dentlicben zebnten Generalversammlung am 27. ]uni 1899. Gente, Hamburg. 1900 jabres-bei·icbt ftir 18929 vorgelegt in dei· 01dentlicben elften Generalvei·sammlung am 25. Septembei· 1899. Gente, Hamburg. 1901 jabres-bei·icbt fiir 1900 vorgelegt in der zwolften 01dentlicben Genera!vei-sammlung am 15. ]uni 1901. Gente, Hamburg. 1902 jabres-bericbt fiir 1901 vorgelegt in der dreizebnten ordentlicben Generalversammlung am 15. Juli 1902. Gente, Hamburg. 1903 ]abres-bericbt ftir 1902 vorgelegt in der vierzebnteii ordentlicben Generalversammlung am 29. Mai 1903. Gente, Hamburg.

80 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

1907 jaluit Gesellschaft. jahresbericht ji'ir 1906, vorgelegt in der achtzehnten ordentlichen Vesammlung am 31. Mai 1907. Grefe & Tiedemann, Hamburg. Jeschke, C. 1905 Bericht Uber den Orkan in den Marschall-Inseln am 30 . .]uni 1905. Petem1anns Mitteilungen 51, 248-249 1906 Bericht Uber die Marschall-Inseln. Petermanns Mitteilungen 52, 270-277. Johnson, W.F. 1920 The histo1y of Cuba. Vol. 5. Resources. New York: B.F. Buck. Kennedy, P.M. 1974 The Samoan Tangle: a study in Anglo-German-American relations 1878-1900. Dublin: Irish University Press. Knappe, W. 1888a Religiose Anschauungen der Marshall-Insulaner. Mittheilungen aus dr.m Deutschen Schutzgebieten 10, 63-81. Kramer, A. 1906 Hawaii; Ostmikronesien und Samoa. Stuttgart: Schweizerbartsche Verlagsbuchhandlung. LaFarge,J. 1914 An American artist in the South Seas. Facsimile Reprint 1976. London: KPI. Langhans, P. 1898 Beitrage zur Kenntnis der deutschen Schutzgebiete. Petennanns Mittef/ungen 39, 238. Lief, A. 1936 Brandeis. The personal history1.of an American idol. New York: Stackpole & Sons. Linckens, H 1912 Auf den Marshall Inseln (Deutsche SUdsee). Land und Leute. Katholische Missionsthaetigkeit. Hiltrup: Herz-Jesu Missionare. Lyndhurst, J. 1983 Military1 collectibles. London: Salamander Books Merz, G. 1910 Rundreise mit "Delphin". Kaiserliches Bezirksamt.Journal No. 1324/10. Report to the Imperial Governor at Rabaul, dated .Jaluit, September 6th, 1910. Manuscript. contained in: Reichskolonialamt Volume 3077, Document 23. Manuscript. on file. Australian Archives, Document Series G-2, Y40 Moors, H.J. 1905 With Stevenson in Samoa. London Collins' Wide World Library 1986 Some recollections of Early Samoa. Apia: Western Samoa Historical and Cultural Trust.

81 Eugen Brandeis The life of a German Colonial Administrator

Millier, F.F. 1959 Deutschland-Zanzibm,Ostaji"ika: Geschichte einer deutschen Kolonialerobenmg 1884-1890. Berlin:Rutten & Lliening. Nicholls, D. 1979 From Dessalines to Duvalier: race, colour and national independence in Haiti. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nippa, A. (ed.) 1989 Ruete, Emily, geb.Prinzessin Salme von Oman und Sansibar, Leben im Sultanspalast Frankfurt/M. Reichstag 1908 Reichstag 12. Legislatur-Periode, I. Session 1907/1909. Denkschrift Uber die Entwicklung der Schutzgebite in Afrika und der Si.idsee im Jahre 1907/08. Tei! F.II: Deutsch-Neu Guinea, Inselgebiet (Ost-Karolinen, West-Karolinen mit Palau und Marianen und Marshall Inseln. Berlin. Riebow, G. 1898 Die Deutsche Kolonialgesetzgebung. Erster Theil bis zum Jahr 1892. Berlin: D. Reimer. Rife, C.F. 1905 Letter dated 28 August 1905. Reprinted in Missionary Herald September 1905, p. 469. Ruete(·Salme), E. 1886a geb. Prinzessin Salme von Oman und Sansibar. Memoiren einer arabischen Prinzessin. Berlin 1886b Emily Ruete geb. Prinzessin zu Oman und Sansibar, Einige Bemerkungen Uber das Klima von Sansibar. Deutsche Kolonialzeitung III(19), 578-580. Ruhl,M. n.d. a Die Deutschen Kriegsorden und neugestifteten Ehrenzeichen. V. Groflherzogtum Baden. Leipzig: Moritz Ruhl n.d. b Die Orden und Ehrenzeichen der deutschen Staaten. Lieferung 7. Baden. Leipzig: Moritz Ruhl Ryden, G.H. 1973 The Foreign Policy of the United States in Relation to Samoa. New Haven: Yale University Press. Sander, Dr. 1907 Review of: Antonie Brandeis, Kochbuch fiir de Tropen Berlin: D.Reimer. Deutsche Koloniafzeitung 24(36), 366-367. Scarr, Deryk 1980 Viceroy of the Pacific. The Majesty of Colour. A Life of Sir John Bates Thurston. Canberra: Australian National University. Schnee, H. 1920 Deutsches Koloniallexikon. Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer. 1926 German Colonization, past and future: the truth about the Ge1111an colonies. London: Allen & Unwin.

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Schnee, P. 1903 Darwinistische Studie auf einer Koralleninsel. Odenkirchen. 1904a Gesundheitsverhiiltnisse des Schutzgebietes der Marshallinseln in der Zeit vom 1. April 1901 bis 31. Marz 1902. Arbeiten aus dem Kaiserlichen Gesundheitsamte 21 (1), 138 1904b Zur Geologie des Jaluit Atolls. Globus, 85, 329-333. 1904c Zur Geologie des Jaluit Atolls. Globus, 85, 352-356. 1904d Zur Geologie des Jaluit Atolls. Globus, 85, 363-367. 1904 Die Landfauna der Marshall Inselns Zoologische Jahrbiicher 20.

Schneider, E. 1891 Tagebuchblatter von Jaluit. Deutsche Kolonia/zeitung 4(1), 30-34 Schwabe, G. 1905 Der Taifun auf Jaluit. Deutsche Ko!onialzeitung 22, 401-402. 1907 Marshall Inseln. Medizinische Berichte iiber die Deutschen Scbutzgebiete fiir das Jahr 1905/06. Herausgegeben vom Reichskolonialamt. E.S. Mitter & Sohn, Berlin. P. 310. 1908 Marshall Inseln-Taluit. Medfzinische Berfchte iiber die Deutschen Scbutzgebiete fur das Jahr 1906/07. Herausgegeben vom Reichskolonialamt. E.S. Mitter & Sohn, Berlin. P. 253-254. 1909 Marshall Inseln-Jaluit. Mediziniscbe Berichte iiber die Deutschen Schutzgebiete fiir das Jahr 1907/08. Herausgegeben vom Reichskolonialamt. E.S. Mitter & Sohn, Berlin. P. 472-483. Senfft, A. 1898 Jahresbericht des Landeshauptmannes auf Jaluit 1. April 1897 bis 31. Marz 1898. In Acta betreffend Jahresschriften Allgemelnen Inhaltes auf den Marshall Inseln v9m November 1894 bis Oktober 1900. Auswartiges Arnt Kolonial-Amt Avu Denkschriften in Bd. 2. N° 6525. National Library of Australia, Canberra. Microfilm G8600. 1900 Worterverzeichnis der Sprache der Marschall-Insulaner. Zeitschrift fiir afrikaniscbe und ozeaniscbe Sprachen 5. 1903 Die Marshall Insulaner. in. S.M. Steinmetz (ed.), Rechtsverbiiltnisse von eingeborenen V6/kem in Ajn'ka und Ozeanlen. Berlin.: D.Reimer Pp. 425-455. Solff, K. 1911 Funkentelegraphische Verbindung der deutschen Stidsee. Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 28, 40-41 Spennemann, D.H.R. 1991 Ageography and history of aWke-a northern atoll of the Marshall Islands. Majuro Atoll, Republic of the Marshall Islands Historic Preservation Office. 1992a Cultural Resource Managment Plan for Majuro Atoll, Republic of the Marshall islands. 2 Vols. Report prepared in fulfillment of U.S.Department of Interior, Office of Territorial and International Affairs Technical Assistance Grant MAR-42. Report submitted to the Historic Preservation Office, Majuro, Republic of the Marshall Islands 1992b Makm6k. Notes on the occurrence, utilisation, and importance of Polynesian Arrowroot (Tacca leontopetaloides) in the Marshall Islands. Republic of the Marshall islands Ministry of lntemal Affairs I Ministry of

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Social Services Occasional Paper N° 1. Majuro, Marshall Islands: Ministries of Internal Affairs and Social Services. 1998a Japanese economic exploitation of Central Pacific Atoll seabird populations 1898-1915. Pacific Studies (in press). 1998b Japanese poaching and the enforcement of German souvereignty in the Marshall lslands.Joumal of Pacific HistOI)' (in press) in prep. From disaster to disaster ... The efforts of the German Colonial Administration in Micronesia to mitigate the effects of the typhoons of 1905. Steinbach, E. 1893a Bericht i.iber die Gesundheitsverhaltnisse der Schutzgebiete der Marshall-Inseln. Mittheilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten 6: 306-313. 1893b Zurn Klima der Marshall-Inseln. Mittheilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten 6: 314-319. 1894 Bemerkungen i.iber das Klima von Jaluit. Mittheilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten 7: 305-318. 1895a Bericht i.iber die Gesundheitsverhaltnisse der Eingeborenen der Marshall-Inseln. Mittheilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten 8: 157-171. 1895b Bericht i.iber die Gesundheitsverhaltnisse der Marshall-Inseln. Mittheilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten 8, 171-175. 1895c Einiges i.iber die klimatischen Verhaltnisse des Marshall-Archipels. Deutsche Kolonialzeitung 23 June 1895. 1895d Die Marshall Inseln. Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft fiir Erdkunde. XXII. Steinmetz S.M. 1903 Rechtsverhiiltnisse von eingeborenen Volkem inAfrika und Ozeanien. Berlin.: D.Reimer. Stevenson, F. 1914 ("Mrs.R.L.Stevenson"), The Cruise of the Janet Nichol among the South Sea Islands. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1915 ("Mrs.R.L.Stevenson"), The Cruise of the Janet Nichol among the South Sea Islands. London: Chatto and Windus. 1956 Our Samoan adventure. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. Stevenson, R.L. 1892 Afootnote to HistOIJI. Eight years of trouble in Samoa. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. Tom,N.Y.W. 1986 The Chinese in \Vestern Samoa 1875-1985. Apia, Western Samoa: West ern Samoa Historical and Cultural Trust. Treue, W. 1940 Der Erwerb und die Verwaltung der Marshall Inseln. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Jaluit Gesellschaft. Unpublished PhD Thesis, Friedrich Wilhems Universitat, Berlin. 1962 Die Jaluit Gesellschaft. Zeitsch1fit fiir Finnen-Geschichte und Untemehmer-Biographie 7(2-3), 114-116.

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1976 DieJaluit Gesellschaft auf den Marshall lnselns 1887-1914. Ein Beitrag zur Kolonia!- ind Verwaltungsgeschichte in der Epoche des Deutschen Kaiserreichs. Scbriften zur Wirtscbafts- und Sozialgescbicbte Bd. 26. Berlin: Duncker & Humbolt. von Benningsen 1900 Bericht des Kaise~)ichen Governeurs von Benningsen i.iber seine Reise zum Zwecke der Ubernahme des Inselgebietes der Karolinen, Palau und Marianen in deutschen Besitz. Deutscbes Kolonialblatt 11: 100-101. von Rheden, K. 1930? Von Sonnen, Monden, Strernen, Uiwen, Goldblumen und anderem. Ein Ausflug in die Ordenswelt. Westennann's Monatshefte (?),Pp. 249- 256. Wendler,J. 1911 Zur Feuer- und Nahrungsbereitung der Marschall-Insulaner (Si.idsee). Baessler-Archiv, 1: 269-276. Williamson, G. 1984 The Iron Cross. A History1 1813-1957. Poole: Blankford Press.

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86 About the Author

Dirk H.R. Spennemann (MA Frankfurt, PhD ANU) is currently a Senior Lecturer in Cultural Heritage Management at Charles Sturt University, Albury Campus. Before taking up that position he served for 3 1/2 years as the government archaeologist of the Republic of the Marshall Islands. He has published on the history and archaeology of the Marshall Islands. Some of his work dealt with the German period, drawing extensively on resources contained in the German colonial archives. He is currently preparing a book on the effects of typhoons which struck Micronesia in 1905 and 1907, focussing on the actions taken by the German colonial government to alleviate the devastation.