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This Manuscript Has Been Reproduced Frwn the Microfilm Master. UMI Films the Text Directly from Aie Miginal Or Copy Suhiittsd This manuscript has been reproduced frwn the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from aie Miginal or copy suhiittsd. Thus, some thesis and disseRation copies are in typewrZter face, while others may be from any type of wmputer printer. The quality of mis reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, dored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bieedthrough, substandard margins, and impcoper alignrnent can adversely affect repmdudim. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be nated. Alsa, if unauthariaci copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. 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Bell 8 Howell Infornation and Leaming 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0800 RUKH: THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF PROTEST 1988-1992 Orest Wasyl Zajcew A thesis su~mittedin conformity with the requirernents fcr the degree of Ph.D. Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto @ Copyright by Orest Wasyl Zajcew, 1998 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1+1 ofCanada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie Welliigtori Ottawa ON K1A ûiü4 OtIawaON K1AûN4 Canada canada nie author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfonn, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othewise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son pemission. autorisation. Ph-D., 1998 Orest W. Zajcew Political Science University of Toronto This àissertation is a study of Rukh, the main national movement in 'iikraine between 1988 and 1992. The time frame under study ernbraces the inception of Rukh, the period of Rukh's greatest influence or! UKrairiian politics (including Ukraine's eventual declaration of independence from the USSR), and finally, the declirie and splintering of the movement in the aftermath of indepencience. Using Ukraine as a case study, we see the rapid transitior! of etnnopolitics in the Soviet Union £rom ethnic federalisr ZG ethnonationâlism. There :have been a vâriety of studies of nationalism and nationzl movements in the Ukrainian (and former Soviet) social science literature. These works tended to focus largely on nationalism. But to round out our understanding of the cornplex chanqes goiric; on in Ukraine between 1988 and 1992, it is necessary to study the movement as well. This dissertation utilizes the social construction approach (taken f rom the social movement literature developed in the West), and in paxticular, concepts of collective identity, frame alignment, and multiorganizational fields, which, taken together with traditional approaches to nationalism, allow us to understand more fully the rise and foms of ethnonationalism that occurred in Ukraine. First, the social construction approach lets us view the ways in which mkh frameà and guidea the nationalist debate in Ukraine. Next, by examining how Rukh's opponents and allies changed their strategies for rnobilizing support (due to factors within and outside Ukraine), che rnultiorganizational field helps us analyze how and why Rukhfs support grew and -then faltered during the time £rame studied. For example, in 1989, Rukh was the focal point of opposition to the Ukrainian Communist Party (CPU). But by the end of 1990, Rukh found itself compering not only witn the hardline factior. of the CPU, but with an increasing number of political parties (many of which were allies of Rukh) , along with an increasingly pragmaric faction within the CPU led by Leonid Kravchuk . 1; is also argued here that it is important to examine the evolution of historical mernories and myths of different regions of Ukraine to uxîrierscand how and why Rukh leaders used varying strateoies in Eastern and Western Ukraine to mobilize support. Overali, the social construction approach not only shows a great àeal 0: potenrial for analyzing the evolution of Rukh, but also for examining the processes of nation and state building that are taking place in Ukraine today. The first four years of study in the Ph.D. program were funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. The field research in Ukraine was funded by grants from the Centre for International Studies, Graduate Studies, and the Taras Shevchenko Foundation. 1 am also grateful for the financial support offered by the department during the last stages of the dissertation. 1 would like to express my gratitude to the members of my thesis cornmittee, and in particular Richard Simeon and Donald Schwartz for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of the thesis. 1 am especially indebted to my supervisor, Susan Solomon, who really pushed me hard, and who put in so much of her own time reading various drafts and proposals, offering immediate, honest, and insightful criticisms and suggestions throughout the process. 1 must also acknowledge a number of individuals, without whorn I could not have cornpleted the program. Shelley in Political Science helped me get grants and made sure I got everything in on tirne. Claire and Marika in CHASS were always there for (unfortunately) frequently needed technical support. Steve, Linda, ând Lesia listened to my complaining year after year. Sean offered unwavering support through the years (and many free lunchesi and was enthusiastic to the end. Friends of my family, such as Lucy Onufrijchuk, Sonia and Mykhajlo Kushliak, and Helen Kushliak- Sutherland provided moral and financial support when 1 needed it most . Bohdan, Dania, and Mikos gave me love and provided a nurturing environment in which to begin writing the thesis. In the end, 1 would not have been able to finish writing the dissertation without the financial support of my mother Maria over the last year. 1 am indebted to her for coming through and supporting me when it seemed like the end was never going to corne. Thanks to you all. Finally, I would like to dedicate this dissertation to Roxanne Keeping - an incredible, loving partner who has provided support and encouragement to the very end. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ............................i i LIST OF MAPS IWD TABLES ................... .xi INTRODUCTION ......................... 1 1 . TRADITIONAL APPROACHES TO THE NATIONALITY QUESTION IN THE USSR ...................... 2 a . The Focus of Soviet Studies ........... 2 E . The State of Ukrainian Studies ..........7 II . THE FIT OF THE UKRAINIAN CASE WITH THE LITERATURE . 13 a . "National" vs . "Movement" ............ 13 b . Stuàying the Ukrainian Case .......... 17 a. Sources .................... 20 b . The Dislogue of Sources ............ 21 IV . CHAPTERSb?UIMARIES ................. 23 CHAPTER ONE SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY ................. 28 I . THESTUDYOFNATIONALISM .............. 28 a . Approaches to Nationalisrn in Sovietology .... 30 b . Nationalism and Ukraine ............ 36 II . THE: STUDY OF MOVEMENTS ............... 40 a . Locus Classicus ................ 40 i . Resource Mobilization Theory ....... 41 ii . New Social Movements Approach ...... iii . The Contribution of Social Movement Theo,ry for Further Understanding the Ukrainian Case b . Towards Fusion .............. i . Politicai Opportunity Structure ... ii . The Social Construction of Protest . iii . Multiorganizational Fields ... iv . Collective Identity ........ v . Social Construction: Past and Present CHAPTER IWO UKRAINIAN HISTORY AND UKRAINIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY . : . 69 1 . THZ SIGNIFICmCE OF EISTORICAL MEMORY ....... 65 II . KYIVAN RVS' .................... 75 III.THECOSÇACKERA. ................. 78 IV . VKRAINE'S BRIEF INDEPZNDENCE: 1918-1920 ...... 82 a . Delayed Urbanization ana Modernization ..... 85 b . Attitudes of the Provisional and Early Soviet Governments Towards Nationalism ....... 87 c . Ukraine's Brief Independence .......... 91 ci . The Evolution of Soviet Federalisrn ....... 96 V . KOXENIZATSIJA AND COLLECTIVIZATION ........ 98 a . Korenizatsija ................ 98 b . Sialin and the Subjugation of the Nationalities 100 c . Korenizatsija and Collectivization as Part of Historical Memory ............. 104 VI . WORLD WAR II AND THE AMPLIFICATION OF REGIONAL DIFFERENCES ....................105 a . Western Ukraine Between the Wars ........105 b . The Legacy of World War II ........... 108 VI1 . ATTEMPTS AT RETRIEVING HISTORY .......... 114 a . The Thaw and the Shestydesjatnyky .......114 b . Retrenchment .................
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