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Buried with sickles: early modern interments from Drawsko, Poland

Marek Polcyn and Elżbieta Gajda

Antiquity / Volume 89 / Issue 348 / December 2015, pp 1373 - 1387 DOI: 10.15184/aqy.2015.129, Published online: 07 December 2015

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0003598X15001295

How to cite this article: Marek Polcyn and Elżbieta Gajda (2015). Buried with sickles: early modern interments from Drawsko, Poland. Antiquity, 89, pp 1373-1387 doi:10.15184/aqy.2015.129

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Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/AQY, IP address: 129.234.252.67 on 07 Dec 2015 fwoe ir n rde rsiglks(Rajewski remains lakes the crossing among bridges particularly and contexts, piers waterlogged wooden in of mainly occur sickles These 173). r rqetyfudi rhelgclcnet fti eid(Niesiołowska-W period this they of AD; contexts centuries archaeological thirteenth in to to tenth found used the frequently from tools are Europe agricultural Central common in cereals were and blades grasses elliptical harvest and semi-circular with sickles Iron Introduction Polcyn Marek Poland Drawsko, from interments modern early sickles: with Buried 2 1 Keywords: icus ftes ald‘rhelg ffa’ hc fe ie erpoi fa of ( necrophobia cites often (Tsaliki in which practices mortuary fear’, Drawsko uncommon dead of for the pelvis. ‘archaeology the explanation the from an called of on as evidence so dead) located bodies the the the was placed the fifth of has on the discourse practice while placed a funerary throat, were the unusual sickles against an tightly the Such edge these cutting of the four with In Poland. north-west rmfnrr ie fteMdl gsadltrprosaesgicnl ee n their and fewer significantly are (Reichenbach periods poorer later and much Ages often Middle is the preservation of sites funerary from Kurasi ANTIQUITY  C 0 N niut ulctosLd 2015 Ltd, Publications Antiquity eew rsn v nqebraswt ike rma al oencmtr in modern early an from sickles with burials unique five present we Here uemZeiCanosij rnek tet3,6–0,Czarnk 64–700, 32, Canada Street P7B5E1, Wroniecka Ontario Czarnkowskiej, Ziemi Bay, Muzeum Thunder Road, Oliver 955 (Email: University, Lakehead Anthropology, of Department si&Janowski & nski ´ km [email protected] 938(05:17–37doi: 1373–1387 (2015): 348 89 oad al oenpro,fnrr ie,scl uil,dmnlg,folklore demonology, burials, sickle rites, funerary period, Modern Early Poland, Drawsko 300 1 &El 2010 beaGajda zbieta ˙ ) Warsaw ). 2 1373 a ecie ihntercommunity. their deceased an within the perceived way as was the the and served of nature individual’s have the identity, social might of indicator sickle the illustrate how results the following The paganism Counter-Reformation. in faith resurgence a dual a to beliefs, and leads demonology a Poland of from in discussion burials Drawsko at sickle cemetery of analysis apotropaic. and status Detailed magical social as or of occupation, markers or as have them interpretations with considered contact Previous direct deceased. in or the early body the and on placed sickles medieval iron contain sometimes burials Europe, modern Central In 2004a 1974 Chudziak ; w Poland ow, ´ Chudziak ; 2005 2008 10.15184/aqy.2015.129 2005 Borzova ; –) Burials 1–2). : .Io sickles Iron ). edzka ˛ 1975 2006 : ;

Research Marek Polcyn & Elzbieta˙ Gajda that are marked by the inclusion of unusual items, or where the bodies have been placed in peculiar positions—particularly where they have been mutilated or dismembered—are often viewed as evidence for ‘anti-vampiric’ practices or simply as the graves of ‘vampires’ (see e.g. Stanaszek 1998; Zydok˙ 2004). This phenomenon has received critical attention highlighting the range of alternative interpretations (see Koperkiewicz 2010; Gardeła & Kajkowski 2013). In addition to presenting the evidence for deposition of sickles in funerary contexts at Drawsko, we offer a preliminary overview of the available interpretations before applying aDNA analyses. We believe that, unlike the other graves at Drawsko, the burials with sickles can tell us about the social status of the dead, and the role they might have played in the local community. We will refer to ethnographic data, especially Polish folk demonology, which offers an opportunity to discuss the lifestyles of these individuals and the possible circumstances of their ; this might help determine their social identity and the reason for their peculiar burials.

The site The cemetery site is located on a sandy hill, in Drawsko village in the Wielkopolska province of Poland, and excavations have been ongoing since 2008. It contains the remains of burials from the Bronze Age as well as pit graves dated to the first and second centuries BC, which were largely destroyed by the seventeenth century inhumation cemetery (Dernoga & Gajda 2004). Before investigations began, the site was commonly believed to be an epidemic cemetery, but archaeological excavations at Drawsko have disproved this, revealing no evidence for mass graves or hasty burials. So far, we have revealed more than 250 burials including those with sickles, which were ordinary in every other respect, but we expect many more as the excavated area (currently 540m2) expands. The distribution of graves in the excavated area is fairly uniform; the majority are oriented east–west following the Christian tradition of placing the head towards the west (Figure 1). The bodies are laid in a supine position with arms alongside the body or crossed over the chest or abdomen. Graves are rectangular; in many of them the staining or imprinted outlines of wooden coffins are preserved. No architectural structures or markers of a structured organisation of plots have been discovered to date. The chronology of the cemetery is indicated by the presence of copper coins minted by the Polish king, Jan Kazimierz (1648–1668). Apart from coins, sometimes preserved only as green stains, other grave goods are rare; they include single beads from rosaries or images of saints (medallions). Some child burials contain bronze or iron pins used to fasten garments or collars at the neck.

Thedeadwithsickles Burials with iron sickles were found in different parts of the cemetery; the graves with sickles share the same alignment as others in the cemetery (Figure 1). Osteological investigation revealed very little evidence of traumatic injuries, bone deformation, disease or dietary deficiencies. The skeletons with sickles have minimal levels of degenerative joint disease and do not differ from the ordinary burials, which overall represent very good health conditions C Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2015

1374 rlcvt niae htsewsbre ihaci nhrmuh gi,teotieo a of outline the Again, mouth. her in coin a with present. the buried is in coffin was staining wooden the she Copper overlapping that loss. facing partly tooth indicates throat, blade ante-mortem the cavity suffered the on oral female placed with deceased was hip, The stone sternum. medium-sized right the A body. the the along of upwards part upper pointed handle well-preserved A ( years preserved. 50–60 is is aged coffin and skull the the blade of to symmetrical outline close The a staining coin. with Copper a temple. placed of right indicative was the again the sickle touching Across handle bow-shaped site. discernible a the easily jaw, at an activities ( the agricultural age below recent of just by years probably throat, 35–39 crushed, at heavily died is who skull female The adult an outline of The skeleton present. well-preserved also across was placed coin been a had suggests preserved. handle is skull ( coffin the discernible the years to poorly of 35–44 close and of staining blade age Copper short throat. the a the at with died sickle who iron male small adult an of exceptional. skeleton so well-preserved burials the of five makes that positioning peculiar their and iue1 rwk,st :a oaino h rvswt ike;b ielcto nPoland. in location site b) sickles; with graves (Betsinger the of location a) 1: site Drawsko, 1. Figure rv 021,lctdi h eta ato h td ra a hto nautfemale adult an of that was area, study the of part central the in located 60/2010, Grave moderately the contained area, study the of part eastern the in located 24/2009, Grave moderately the contained area, study the of edge north-west the on located 28/2008, Grave 2013 .TeDasobrasaevr nfr n ti nytepeec fsickles of presence the only is it and uniform very are burials Drawsko The ). iue 5 Figures & 6 .Alre rhcre ikelyars h oa’ hips. woman’s the across lay sickle arch-curved large, A ). uidwt sickles with Buried 1375  C niut ulctosLd 2015 Ltd, Publications Antiquity iue 3 Figures iue2 Figure & .A ). 4 ).

Research Marek Polcyn & Elzbieta˙ Gajda

Figure 2. Skeleton of an adult male (28/2008) with a sickle on the throat.

Figure 3. Skeleton of an adult female (24/2009) with a sickle on the throat.

C Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2015

1376 vrtetpo e ed oprci a rsn eo h etmnil.Teotieof outline The mandible. left the below running seen. present be headband was can copper coin coffin copper a wooden A with a head. her buried of chin. was teeth top The the female the temple. over underneath deceased left the The just to perfectly. throat, proximity preserved close her in are across upwards pointed lay fragment blade handle small asymmetrical The an with sickle shaped naoecn eaewode tteaeo 41 er ( years 14–19 of age the at died who female adolescent an iue5 kltno otls eae(021)wt ikeoe h evs tn ntetra n oprci in coin copper a and throat the on stone a pelvis, the over sickle a with (60/2010) female toothless mouth. a the of Skeleton 5. Figure throat. the on sickle a with (24/2009) female adult an of Skeleton 4. Figure rv /02 oae ntewseneg ftesuyae,cnandteseeo of skeleton the contained area, study the of edge western the on located 6/2012, Grave uidwt sickles with Buried 1377 iue 7 Figures  C niut ulctosLd 2015 Ltd, Publications Antiquity & 8 .Alre bow- large, A ).

Research Marek Polcyn & Elzbieta˙ Gajda

Figure 6. Skeleton of a toothless female (60/2010) with a sickle over the pelvis.

Figure 7. Skeleton of a teenage girl (6/2012) with a sickle on the throat, a copper headband across the skull and a copper coin below the mandible, noticeable is the outline of a wooden coffin.

C Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2015

1378 oprsann iil nteteho h oe adbeidctsta h a buried present. was is she coffin wooden that a indicates of skull. mandible outline the The lower of mouth. the her side of in left coin teeth the the a along the of with upwards handle on pointed The visible have deceased. staining must the Copper preserved, of not throat was the which across tool, lay blade asymmetrical ( years curved, 30–39 gently of age the at died who female iue9 kltno nautfml 4/02 ihascl ntethroat. the on sickle a with (49/2012) female adult an of Skeleton 9. Figure copper a and skull the across headband copper a throat, the on sickle a with (6/2012) girl mandible. the teenage below a coin of Skeleton 8. Figure rv 921,lctdi h ot-etzn ftesuyae,wsta fa adult an of that was area, study the of zone south-west the in located 49/2012, Grave uidwt sickles with Buried iue 9 Figures 1379 & 10 .Alrescl iha elongated, an with sickle large A ).  C niut ulctosLd 2015 Ltd, Publications Antiquity

Research Marek Polcyn & Elzbieta˙ Gajda

Figure 10. Skeleton of an adult female (49/2012) with a sickle on the throat. Sickle deposition in a mortuary context This is not the first time that sickles have been recorded in of medieval and later periods in Central Europe. Borzova (2006) examined an assemblage of 72 sickles from secure contexts within graves dating from the seventh to tenth centuries AD in south-west Slovakia. Each burial had only one sickle and they were found in different positions along the entire length of the bodies of the deceased: near the head, on the chest, on the abdomen or pelvis, and on the upper and lower limbs. In all but seven graves the sickles were placed in some way directly in contact with the body of the deceased. In the majority of cases (39), sickles were located in the abdominal region across the pelvis or on one of the pelvic bones. Sickles were found near the head of the deceased in only three cases and none of these were placed across the neck (Borzova 2006: 214–16). Neither the custom of placing a sickle in the grave, nor its location on the body appears to correlate with age, sex, social status or ethnicity. The graves with sickles are scarce and they are otherwise unremarkable; orientation of the bodies in the graves and their grave goods do not differ from other graves in the cemetery and they do not occur in clusters or at marginal locations (Borzova 2006: 218). A similar diversity in the positioning of sickles or their fragments on bodies was recorded in several graves dating from the eleventh to thirteenth centuries in Poland (Kurasinski´ & Janowski 2010: 82, 85–86) as well as in Medieval and Late Medieval Brandenburg in Germany (Biermannn 2004: 436–39, fig. 7; Wittkopp 2009: 189–90, fig. 5). Further early modern finds dated C Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2015

1380 rvswt ike r nw rmnrhr emn Badnug n lvka(Klein Slovakia and (Brandenburg) Germany northern from 2000 known are sickles with graves hspatc a aebe dpe yteSas hs irtossra h utmto custom the spread migrations whose Slavs, (Kurasi the north-west by and adopted west the been that suggested have been may has Danube It practice central Romania. the western this and and sixth Austria Basin the Lower Carpathian Ages. Hungary, from the Slovakia, Middle in cemeteries in Early region century in the eleventh sickles the in with to origins interments centuries its of seventh or concentration had a sickles by iron evidenced with is dead This the burying of custom The Interpretation the across placed sickles have not did Slovakia from (Borzova centuries throat eighteenth to sixteenth the to hsepaaini eetdfrteDasost eas h ml ubro burials of number farming small of importance the hand. economic the (Slivenska because and to social time site the next this with Drawsko located during inconsistent was the is handle sickles for sickle with rejected the associated iron where is particularly an burials be explanation agricultural or to that an thought graves This claims followed was female That had interpretations the agriculture. deceased of to major the connection true that four personal indication a of an had or was first profession grave the the in subject, placed the sickle on literature In Janowski oi otaycnet h ikecudb lcdt ersn osmn(Kurasi horsemen represent to placed be could sickle the horses, contexts the feed mortuary to grass in harvesting for so handy were tools these expeditions military during that oee,i h atta ike aeas enfudi h rvso oe n children and women of graves the in found been also have sickles (Slivenska that interpretation, fact this Complicating the equipment. is riding however, and weapons other include question in eadda yblo h iiaypoeso (Borzova profession military the of symbol a as regarded ans.Ee nteltr‘tgs fteeryMdl gs ikemutdo o falong a of top horse on (Niesiołowska-W of mounted sickle weapon elements a dangerous metal Ages, a Middle and considered early weapons was the stick of with ‘stages’ along later the contexts in mortuary Even harness. in found often is and ecebc rusta h ikea olascae ihcliaino h adcudbe could land the Avar of cultivation the with from associated tool graves a sickle as a‘ sickle that the specifically, believes More that burials. argues She high-status Reichenbach represent status. Slovakia in material discovered periods higher Moravian and a of indicative thus h nepeaino hc sdrcl eie rmehorpi aa codn to According data. ethnographic from derived directly is which Moszy of interpretation the kinds. other of goods grave higher rich signify contained could sickles sometimes with graves ( graves Reichenbach those the because that is status explanation social second alternative An 91). h aeo h tlsta ylrsinwthscttesle ih(uttesle with) in themselves stuck (hurt sickle, with or themselves scythe cut witches sharp Byelorussian razor that a stalls is the “It of meaning: gate apotropaic the had tools, slashing and yblf symbol h esn o rvdn h edwt ike aentytbe lal explained. clearly been yet not have sickles with dead the providing for reasons The ike a lob nepee swaor.I vradMga oite,tescl was sickle the societies, Magyar and Avar In weaponry. as interpreted be also can Sickles orhadfia xlnto eae ike ngae omgcrtasadsuperstitions, and rituals magic to graves in sickles relates explanation final and fourth A Biermannn ; si( nski ´ 2010 rlandbesitz ur ¨ 2004 1968 2004a 19) hs bevtosse eiiaewe h otayassemblages mortuary the when legitimate seem observations These 91–92). : ;Borzova 8; : 2006 ,alSasblee hthr n hr rnojcs seilystabbing especially objects, iron sharp and hard that believed Slavs all ), 2004 osdr ikei ueaycnett easmo fwat and wealth of symbol a be to context funerary a in sickle a considers ) 219). : asmo flnonrhp (Reichenbach landownership) of symbol (a ’ Reichenbach ; 2006 2004 si&Janowski & nski ´ 1–6 Reichenbach 215–16; : 0 Borzova 10; : uidwt sickles with Buried 2004a 1381 , 2004b 2006 2010 , 2006 1;Kurasi 217; : 78) aeMdea n modern and Medieval Late 87–88). : 2006 2006 Borzova ; edzka ˛ 1;Reichenbach 211; :  C 88–89). : niut ulctosLd 2015 Ltd, Publications Antiquity 1975 si&Janowski & nski ´ 2006 2004a 7) ti assumed is It 174). : Wittkopp ; 557). : 2006 si& nski ´ 2009 2010 76) : ). :

Research Marek Polcyn & Elzbieta˙ Gajda on St John’s Eve” (Moszynski´ 1968: 309–10). Sickles found in waterlogged archaeological contexts, for example, have been credited with anti-demonic or votive meaning (Chudziak 2005: 213). When placed in burials they were a guarantee that the deceased remained in their graves and therefore could not harm the living (Klein 2000: 141–42), but they may also have served to protect the dead from evil forces (Borzova 2006: 211, 218). According to folk wisdom, a sickle protected women in labour, children and the dead against evil spirits. It also had a role in rituals designed to counter black magic and witchcraft (Biermannn 2004: 440–41). Anti-demonic notions are questioned by Wittkopp (2009), who analysed sickles from a cemetery at the Dominican monastery in Strausberg, Germany. She points out that the Dominicans were the order of preachers and inquisitors who were struggling to eradicate pagan customs and superstitions. Wittkopp prefers the biblical symbolism of the sickle. This tool is held by an angel in the announcement of the final judgment (Revelation 14: 6–20), as a symbol of the final harvest and as such is an attribute of the divine. In mortuary contexts, the sickle can refer to the piety of the deceased symbolising that they were the ‘tool of God’ (‘Werkzeuge Gottes’) and explaining at the same time the rarity of these objects in burial contexts (Wittkopp 2009: 191–93). The placing of the sickle’s cutting blade across the throat of the deceased in the Drawsko burials clearly indicates a gesture of confinement of the deceased in the grave under the threat of slitting their throat. The magical and ritual meaning of this gesture seems beyond doubt. In Drawsko we seem to have evidence of two kinds of funerary symbolism. On one hand, the sickle holds the dead in the grave; on the other, it prevents evil forces from tormenting their souls. At the same time, this iron tool might symbolise a passage from earthly life to the . Besides apotropaic properties such as hardness and sharpness, iron, the material that undergoes transformation in fire, has been a symbol of transition for millennia (Kowalski 1998: 646–47).

Discussion For centuries, most aspects of spiritual and ritual life in Poland, and in particular death and funerary rites, have been the domain of Christian eschatology and the liturgy of the Catholic Church. Alongside the established canon, however, and mainly in rural areas, parallel folk beliefs existed that combined elements of Christianity with aspects of old Slavic pagan faith. This dichotomy between the official Christian dogma, which was, until the twentieth century, expressed only in Latin—a language that was incomprehensible to many—and the still-preserved remains of pagan beliefs is often referred to a ‘dvoeverie’ (or dual faith) (Pełka 1987: 12). The Drawsko interments indicate that at certain historical moments, beliefs that conflicted with commonly accepted burial rites resurfaced. Without a doubt, one of those historical moments was the seventeenth century; it brought numerous devastating wars to Poland, which lasted for most of the century and put the country in turmoil. These wars were followed by hunger, pestilence and poverty. The development of the Counter-Reformation was a significant turning point as it brought cultural and intellectual regression, religious fanaticism and a growing climate of terror, deliberately stoked by Catholic clergy spreading fear of the devil and witchcraft. As a result, old beliefs and superstitions came back to life C Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2015

1382 nih notesca oeo hs uidwt ike n hi as fdah nhis In death. of cause their and sickles with buried wieku those XIX polskiej of wsi role kultury Antropologia social the into and individual insight early an the (Pełka both until level at Ages indirectly community Middle or a the directly from life areas affected rural Demonology Polish century. of twentieth life spiritual the influenced which h iigadteda;te eaedmn.Teeaea es 4dmn nowihthe which into demons (Stomma 14 transformed least be of at could are worlds person There deceased the demons. the between became of detained they soul dead; state, the the In particular were and sense. any without magical living These but beyond and the life. (death), ritualistic were state a their they in next rites perception, the of appropriate entered public the moment and by (life) appropriate important marked being being by ritually of transition confirmed state the a and one left during preceded had not died who was people who demise those whose or or end, rituals violent a met who that lifetime, (Stomma their them in to cultivated attributes skills ‘demonic’ and assign knowledge These contemporaries peculiar their powers. the the made was supernatural or It name. deaths, certain by their neighbours had while their of to who nature deceased that known community, living the local demons the of the of of members incarnations among were categories people are In those two that categories. includes demons distinguishes five second comprises he into the first beings, divided The mythical living. be the of can involve variety world areas. a imaginary rural to this studying addition ethnographers populate by that recorded creatures and The generation to generation from passed century nineteenth the (Baranowski nacfn h edfo rwk,n atrhwdmncte a aebe thought been have may they demonic how matter no Drawsko, from dead (Stomma The appeared coffin. frequently a in most liminal demons these transformed accounts, folk where 2000 to places According roadside fields. the the between by were zones thresholds, in locations underneath the and walls, include waterfront, or normally the fences on of would or vicinity These the were locations. in worlds areas marginal two limits, in the village untimely between cemeteries and trapped outside been violent buried have of might often kind souls another whose died people Deceased or death. murdered was , committed drowned, and labour; in died who women were (Stomma 2% category ‘other’ people it; the before betrothed into just were fell were or 2.8% 3% wedding 7.6% postpartum; their hanged; died during were who died 7.6% women who wedding; deaths were were own were 2.8% individual’s 8.6% 18% death; children; the violent drowning; stillborn at a by deaths met were occurred had 8% 8.4% death children; ; cases miscarried of were with 11% associated 20.2% baptism; death in without of follows: circumstances as the century, are nineteenth demons the from accounts folk 500 rbbecniaei h eng il(rv 6/2012, (grave girl teenage the is candidate probable events). weather influence to ability the with ice,wrwle,pol ihte‘vlee,wocudcs plsand spells cast could a include who might of eye’, These skills ‘evil afraid. or the was abilities with community certain people local werewolves, have, the witches, to whom claimed of or and had, character supernatural they because demonic as considered nantoso h edaoefo hs h ida‘a et’ hsicue those included This death’. ‘bad a died who those from arose dead the of Incarnations mn hs uidwt ike tDasowomgthv ida‘a et’ h most the death’, ‘bad a died have might who Drawsko at sickles with buried those Among 0) u ehp nti eraha xlnto ftemaigo ikeplaced sickle a of meaning the of explanation an reach we this in perhaps But 103). : 1950 43) ao opnn ftefl eifsse a demonology, was system belief folk the of component major A 34–35). : ,Som ( Stomma ), 1987 –) tngahceiec hudteeoepoiean provide therefore should evidence Ethnographic 5–6). : 2000 uidwt sickles with Buried nlsdhnrd ffl eoooia accounts demonological folk of hundreds analysed ) 2000 ( 1383 utrlatrplg ftePls ua ra in areas rural Polish the of anthropology Cultural 6) h ohr aeoyicue people includes category ‘other’ The 161). : iue 7 Figures 2000  C & niut ulctosLd 2015 Ltd, Publications Antiquity 0–0) codn to According 101–102). : 8 .I spsil htshe that possible is It ). 2000 płanetnik 0,102). 100, : (people

Research Marek Polcyn & Elzbieta˙ Gajda by their fellow villagers, were after all buried with Christian rites in a cemetery in hallowed ground. Despite this adherence to the recognised funerary rites, the problem of demons remained in the collective consciousness, and the presence of the sickle was meant to solve it. The age of the woman from grave 60/2012 (50–60 years, Figures 5 & 6) suggests a natural death, but the presence of a sickle on her hips, the coin in her toothless mouth and the stone on her neck indicate that she was also thought to have demonic features as well. Coins in graves do not necessarily have an apotropaic meaning; the custom of putting a coin in the mouth or the hand of the deceased has a long history and its symbolism in a funerary context is rather ambiguous. But in this case we are dealing with a burial package (sickle, stone and coin), which seems to confirm the uniqueness of this interment. This person must have been someone special in the local community, perhaps because of her skills or abilities. Was she a witch? Were we to choose this interpretation, it should be emphasised that she did not necessarily meet the popular stereotype of a witch, i.e. accused of evil acts against the community, such as casting spells, using charms, inflicting damage and the like. This term may also have included herbalists, healers, fortune-tellers and midwives; all of whom had skills unavailable and incomprehensible to the wider community, inspiring respect as much as fear. As a consequence, however, their rural community may have feared their return after death in demonic form. Another group of people mentioned by Stomma (2000) comprises those who were considered demonic because they were not agriculturalists, because they followed a different religion or came from elsewhere; in essence, they were strangers to the rest of the community. In the nineteenth century, few peasants ever left their farms, and hardly anyone would leave the confines of their village. Administrative, religious or educational contact with other villages and towns was very limited. ‘We are farmers’; ‘we are Catholics’; ‘we are locals’; these seem to be the most prevalent criteria of peasant self-definition during this time. Multilateral isolation was a fundamental feature of folk culture of the nineteenth century as well as at the turn of the twentieth century (Stomma 2000: 42). There is no reason to believe that situation was different 200 years earlier. So, according to the folk mentality, a stranger was anyone who did not live in the village, anyone who did live in the village but was not born there, and anyone who followed a different trade or practised a different faith. According to folk beliefs, non-agricultural occupations often entailed strange and mysterious effects. This was a result of the fact that peasants found most of these trade skills hard to comprehend. Anyone who was not a farmer was suspected of relations with demonic forces and even of selling their soul to the devil. Millers, innkeepers, thieves, hunters, potters and blacksmiths were all thought to benefit from intimacy with evil forces (Stomma 2000: 34–35). Although the exact cannot be determined, it is possible that those buried with sickles at Drawsko (graves 28/2008, 24/2009, 49/2012), who died in the prime of life, were included in the category of strangers, non-farmers or religious dissenters. We are unable to say which of the criteria of strangeness is indicated here: one or perhaps all three of them. Certainly they were not foreigners or migrants from remote corners of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth; preliminary analysis of radiogenic strontium isotopes from dental enamel sampled from 60 individuals including those buried with sickles shows that 87Sr/86Sr values (Figure 11) do not differ from local strontium ratios available for the Drawsko area, which suggests a local population (Gregoricka et al. 2014). These people most probably lived their C Antiquity Publications Ltd, 2015

1384 omk h omnt upc httedcae a eoi.W oeta hs doubts enough these that odd hope analyses. was We biomolecular demonic. but by was bones removed deceased the be the will on that of suspect trace rest an community exclude no the the we leaves by make can to that Neither stranger birth. a condition of as health place perceived or terminal religion also unusual, profession, was their an but to that death, due so is community violent above, it the a described Drawsko died features from only demonic cases five the not all of individual excluded, In combination be death. any cannot premature exclude but unlikely, unnatural to is and impossible It sudden villages. a nearby died the they in that or Drawsko in either life whole Gregoricka (after Drawsko at enamel dental human from ratios isotope Strontium 11. Figure oori o eonsbefo h oemtra,w a entl fr httedead stigmatisation the such that cause affirm could definitely that can deformation we physical (Betsinger obvious material, no bone have (Pełka illness, the Drawsko or rickets from from accident or recognisable an back not by by humped is stigmatised caused a people colour deformities limp, included body a also visible as group of of This such row because sac. double community amniotic a local the complexion, in the red head, born a large being a (synophrys), and instance, monobrow teeth for a body, included, hairy These exceptionally perception. an common in demonic individual an eaiua esn eae owote eei ie o hylvdo h icmtne of circumstances disability. the physical or a lived of they because how than life, rather in were death, they their who to related reasons behavioural codn oPła( Pełka to According 2013 .I em htteda eetetdtewyta hywr o utrland cultural for were they that way the treated were dead the that seems It ). 1987 ,teewr eea hsclcaatrsista ol make could that characteristics physical several were there ), uidwt sickles with Buried 1385 1987 6) lhuhbd aro skin or hair body Although 168). :  C niut ulctosLd 2015 Ltd, Publications Antiquity tal. et 2014 ).

Research Marek Polcyn & Elzbieta˙ Gajda Conclusions The sickle burials of Drawsko so far have no direct analogy in Central Europe, either in the Middle Ages or the following centuries. They are clear evidence of anti-demonic funerary practice. Folk culture has created a complex system of prohibitions and restrictions isolating the people who died a ‘bad death’, and therefore remain in the intermediate transitional state, from the rest of the community or reducing their contact with the living to a specific repertoire of ritual behaviour (Stomma 2000: 100, 102). Confining the deceased in the grave by means of a sickle may have been a measure to prevent the demonised soul threatening the living, or could have been a reference to biblical symbolism in an attempt to prevent the soul from becoming demonised. The latter approach can serve as an extension of the interpretation of the sickle as the ‘tool of God’ proposed by Wittkopp (2009: 193). We deliberately dismiss the interpretation of a revenant (i.e. vampire). As noted above, there are a variety of demons into which the soul of the deceased may be transformed according to folk wisdom, with upior´ (often referred to as a vampire) being just one of those (Stomma 2000: 101–102). Thus, we prefer to classify the interments from Drawsko as ‘anti- demonic’. Moreover, the sickle interments from Drawsko have none of the characteristics of so-called ‘anti-vampiric practices’. They follow a conventional Christian burial pattern; the graves were not re-opened and the bodies of the dead were not desecrated. On the contrary, they were interred in hallowed ground, amongst the other deceased members of the community, and according to custom, which indicates that they had not been social outcasts. A similar observation is made by Borzova in relation to the mortuary sickle finds from the early Middle Ages in Slovakia (Borzova 2006: 218). Folk demonology is an abundant source of information on social interactions. The circumstances of death that could make a deceased person demonic in the eyes of their community can often be seen in the archaeological record and provide information about individual identities. The same is true of people considered demonic because of their lifestyle, who were believed to have certain fearful abilities of a supernatural character. It is now for archaeological science, particularly biomolecular analyses, to narrow down the question of what lay behind the decision to bury the dead in Drawsko with sickles: cultural and behavioural factors; social stigmatisation due to physical appearance; or different geographical origins.

Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the Museum of Czarnkow´ and the Slavia Foundation for their continuous support of the excavations in Drawsko as well as all the members of the Slavia Project Team and the Slavia Project Students for their dedication and hard work. We would particularly like to thank Maria Kaczmarek, Jan Pertek, Tracy K. Betsinger, Amy B. Scott, Marta Gwizdała, Ewa Loba-Bronowicka, Michał Rozwadowski and Danuta Banaszak. We are also grateful to Matthew J. Boyd and Ilona Polcyn for their critical readings of the text and many useful remarks.

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