Source: own photo
THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE ROUNDABOUT
a case study of the Thika Highway Improvement Project and its impact on the Githurai roundabout, Nairobi, Kenya
Ellen Blank, 5745322
Master Thesis Human Geography
Project: New Towns in Africa: Visionary Cities or Spaces of Exclusion? Supervisor: dr.ir. Y.P.B. van Leynseele
2nd reader: dr. F.M. Pinkster Date: 18 August 2014
i ABSTRACT
This research started with a very a very instrumental approach to infrastructural development projects in Nairobi, Kenya and witnessed a long journey before arriving at the social life of the roundabout. I discovered that these projects, and planning as a whole, interfaces in many ways with a much wider use of space which is really multidimensional, contested and fragmented. These infrastructural projects develop a life of their own when they encounter everyday lives. This thesis discusses the social life of the roundabout by studying two related aspects of this development. Firstly, the planning and design in the Thika Highway Improvement Project is reconstructed as seen from the stakeholders involved in the process. And secondly, the reworking of such a megaproject on the everyday livelihood of the ‘survivors’ of the Githurai roundabout, Nairobi, Kenya. The thesis argues that the Thika Highway Improvement project was an ambitious flagship project with a strong state involvement. The public-private partnership (PPP) as a mechanism for infrastructural development is in this case seen as an awkward, skewed form of PPP since the private actors are simply the executors in the process. On the one hand, planning in Nairobi follows a very predictable course with many goals. However, the governance framework makes it really difficult to implement plans. Since development projects are not discrete (in a clearly defined development space) but touch down in settings where there are economies at play that defy the project logics. In this way the social life of the roundabout should be seen as a metaphor for understanding governance and how projects get a life of their own when they encounter everyday lives. This process shows a break with studying PPPs as projects with clear design stages and responsibilities. The outcomes of the ‘unplanned and organic’ city are impossible to grasp and further research is necessary to get a good picture of these social intertwined procceses.
ii FOREWORD AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
his research was implemented in the New New Towns project, a collaboration of the T International New Towns Institute with i.a. the University of Amsterdam. The research was carried out for the Master thesis of the study Human Geography at the University of Amsterdam. The fieldwork was conducted in greater Nairobi, Kenya between the 20th of March and 7th of May 2014. In February, the research started with a clear problem statement on infrastructural public- private projects in Kenya and their financing. A very instrumental view on analyzing the policy process of these projects. However, during the course of this study this focus changed since I discovered that these projects, and planning as a whole, interfaces in many ways with a much wider use of space which is really multidimensional. In this, the city in the African context should be seen as an organism. Interventions here could lead to very different outcomes over there. The thesis doesn’t present the reader with a clear advice but tries to explain a story of how planning is trying to grasp and include everything which is not possible at all. Instead the thesis is trying to grasp these dynamics in these projects with displaying its complexities. This discovery, and many others, were part of my journey in this study in which I never would have imagined possible to learn so much and see so many. Therefore I would like to express my gratitude to my local research supervisor Dr. Esho for pushing me in the right direction, Yves for providing me with a lot of guidance and support, my research assistant David and Gaby, Eline and Laura. During one of many sleepless nights I came up with the metaphor of the survivor. The thesis was hard work but in order to research survivors it turns out you also have to be one!
Ellen Blank
iii LIST OF FIGURES AND PHOTO’S
Figure 1.1 Map of Nairobi, the Githurai roundabout and Thika Superhighway
Figure 2.1 Conceptual scheme of the research
Figure 3.2 Map of the Nairobi Metropolitan Region
Figure 3.1 Corridor development in The Metropolitan Growth Strategy of 1973
Figure 3.2 Map of the development of (building) density in Nairobi’s Eastlands
Figure 3.3 Colonial residential segregation in Nairobi in 1960
Figure 3.4 A map of the (implemented) Nairobi bypasses
Figure 4.1 The historical planning stages of Nairobi
Figure 4.2 Map of the three lots in the THIP with the Chinese constructors
Figure 4.3 The awarded contracts in the THIP
Figure 5.1 Mental maps of two respondents.
Photo 4.1 The Thika Superhighway in April 2014 as seen from Kasarani cross-over bridge.
Photo 5.1 The Githurai roundabout and market as seen from the highway
Photo 5.2 The current ‘empty’ roundabout with fly-over
Photo 5.3 The informal market stalls with the elevated highway right
iv LIST OF ACRONYMS
AfDB African Development Bank
AfDF African Development Fund
APEC African Private Engineer Consulting
CBD Central Business District
CES Consulting Engineer Services
CSUD Colombia University - Center for Sustainable Urban Development
DPH District Planning Officer
EIA Environmental Impact Assessment
ERA Environmental Risk Assessment
EBC Exim Bank of China
GoK Government of Kenya
INTI International New Towns Institute
KARA Kenya Alliance of Resident Associations
KeNHA Kenya National Highways Authority
KERRA Kenya Rural Roads Authority
KFS Kenya Forest Service
KURA Kenya Urban Roads Authority
NEMA National Environment Management Authority
NMGS Nairobi Metropolitan Growth Strategy
NGOs Non Governmental Organizations
OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
PPP Public-Private Partnership
THIP Thika Highway Improvement Project
TUK Technical University of Kenya
v Contents
Abstract ...... ii Foreword and acknowledgements...... iii List of figures, tables and boxes ...... iv List of acronyms ...... v Introduction ...... 1 Chapter 1. Theoretical framework ...... 4 1.1 Structuring governance: urban development and planning ...... 4 1.2 Perceptioning and framing the social life ...... 6 Chapter 2. Research methodology ...... 9 2.1 Research approach and design ...... 9 2.2 Operationalization and conceptual scheme ...... 10 2.2.1. Operationalization of the core concepts ...... 10 2.2.2. Conceptual scheme ...... 11 2.3 Research question and sub-questions ...... 12 2.4 Unit of analysis ...... 13 2.5 Data collection methods ...... 14 2.6 Sampling ...... 17 2.7 Data analysis ...... 18 2.8 Limitations and ethical considerations ...... 18 Chapter 3. Urbanizing greater Nairobi : a changing political landscape ...... 20 3.1 The fragmented city ...... 20 3.2 Traffic jams as part of everyday life ...... 26
3.3 The secondary economy behind the city’s development ...... 28
References ...... Fout! Bladwijzer niet gedefinieerd. Chapter 4. A changing political landscape: the Thika Highway Improvement Project...... 30 4.1 The Making of the Metropole ...... 30 4.2 Reconstructing The Thika Highway Improvement Project ...... 31 4.3 An awkward type of public-private partnership ...... 37 4.5 Conclusion ...... 39 Chapter 5. The Social life of the Roundabout: a social-relational analysis of ...... 41 Conclusion ...... 50 References ...... 51 Appendix 1 - Interview schedule stakeholders THIP ...... 55 Appendix 2 - Interview schedule Githurai ...... 56 Appendix 3 – Code tree ...... 57 Appendix 4 – Interviewee table ...... 58 Appendix 5 – Time schedule and budget ...... 59
vi
Figure 1. Map of Nairobi, the Githurai roundabout and Thika Superhighway (illustrated as a red line)
vii INTRODUCTION
The emphasis on infrastructural development by the Government of Kenya is transforming the spatial, social and economic environment of the country rapidly. This way Kenya hopes to further boost its economic growth. This infrastructure expansion is sparked by the congestion problems of capital city Nairobi, where traffic jams are part of everyday life. Recently, public- private partnerships (PPPs) are seen as mechanisms for delivering infrastructure (Republic of Kenya, 2013). Throughout Sub-Saharan Africa, PPPs are bringing in new foreign investors. A number of emerging economies has begun to play a role in the finance of infrastructure in Sub- Saharan Africa. These investors include emerging economies such as China, India, and the Gulf States, with China being the largest investor in infrastructural development by far (Foster, 2009). Specifically China is Kenya’s biggest source of foreign direct investment and its second-largest trade partner. The intentions of China with this partnership are highly questioned, given that China may gain the most out of these partnerships when Kenya becomes East Africa’s first oil exporter around 2016 (Watts, 2013). The Chinese investments and major infrastructural developments in Kenya go hand in hand with the strategic plan ‘Vision 2030’, introduced in November 2006. This strategic plan has guided the Kenyan government’s actions over the past few years; aiming to transform Kenya into a newly industrialized, middle-income country providing a high quality life to all its citizens by the year 2030 (Werner, Otieno, & Wakhungu, 2011). In addition to Vision 2030, the Kenyan government introduced the New Constitution in August 2010. A significant national policy checkpoint of this constitution is the devolution of government and the role of public participation in state and government affairs (Werner, Otieno, & Wakhungu, 2011). The Kenyan government is diminishing the role of the state by introducing public-private partnerships. These new arrangements are to compensate the state’s incapacity to deal with infrastructural challenges. This research witnessed a very interesting and long journey before arriving at the social life of the roundabout. It started with an instrumental approach on analyzing public-private infrastructural partnerships in Kenya according to certain dimensions. However during the course of this study, this focus changed with the discovery that these projects, and planning as a whole, interfaces in many ways with a much wider use of space which is really multidimensional, contested and fragmented. These infrastructural projects develop a life of their own when they encounter everyday lives. This interesting observation led to the readjustment of theories and provided the focus on the reworking of such infrastructural projects on the everyday livelihood. This thesis researches one of the biggest infrastructural development projects in Kenya: the Thika Highway Improvement Project (THIP) and its impact on a neighbourhood at the periphery of a
1 metropolitan area, Githurai. This 50-km long and eight-lane wide superhighway, connecting the cities of Nairobi and Thika, will help to decongest Nairobi and will open up new areas for development. The total cost was estimated at US $360 million. The African Development Bank (AfDB) has contributed the largest share (US $180m), the Exim Bank of China the second largest (US $100m) and the Kenyan Government the extending balance of US $80m (African Development Fund, 2007). The construction by three Chinese companies started in January 2009 and was completed in November, 2012 (Republic of Kenya, 2013). The town of Githurai is a highly populated suburb 20 kilometers north of Nairobi City. With the introduction of the superhighway, the town has experienced an enormous population growth without corresponding planning (Kaluli, Wageci & Home, 2010). Before the introduction of the superhighway, Githurai featured Nairobi’s largest greenmarket situated at the middle of the roundabout. However, due to the interventions the market and therefore a lot of people had to be replaced, resulting in major spatial and social impacts. This thesis discusses the social life of the roundabout by studying two related aspects of this development. Firstly, the planning and design in the Thika Highway Improvement Project is reconstructed as seen from the stakeholders involved in the process. And secondly, the reworking of such a megaproject on the everyday livelihood of the ‘survivors’ of the Githurai roundabout. I focus on this group because these people survived the interventions of the highway on their everyday life. This will provide a better image in understanding large projects through everyday encounters and how they fragmented and were translated through local residents’ (successful) strategies. The goal of this research is to gain insight in the operation process of this particular infrastructural project and to understand the reworking of such a project and the way it entangles with everyday livelihoods. The main research question is: How was the Thika Highway Improvement Project translated in terms of the planning process and how is the local reworking of this large infrastructural project on the Githurai roundabout? As ‘Thika’ is the first superhighway completed in Kenya, it is important that lessons are taken to ensure future projects will live up to the expectations of all the key actors, including the public. This research will connect to the current debate about the involvement of China in these flagship projects and the idea of fragmented and contested planning. The social life of the roundabout is a metaphor for understanding governance and how projects get a life of their own when they encounter everyday lives. This metaphor shows a break with the idea of studying PPPs as projects with clear design stages and responsibilities. And will contribute to understanding large projects through everyday encounters. These stated development issues have been studied by carrying out fieldwork in Nairobi and Githurai over a period of seven weeks. The main research question is answered by interviewing different actors involved in the THIP, e.g. planners, policymakers, consultants,
2 engineers, land valuers and by interviewing the ‘survivors’ of the Githurai roundabout. A transect walk was conducted to understand the Githurai area and mental maps by survivors were drawn to reconstruct the spatial environment. Finally, a secondary analysis of policy documents was carried out to reconstruct the THIP project. This provided the research with an overview of the progress and reworking process of the infrastructural partnership on the spatial and social environment in Nairobi and more importantly, the Githurai roundabout. Relevant concepts and debates for this research are discussed in the theoretical framework in chapter one. In short, the framework starts with governance structures which inform urban planning and development reshaping the city of Nairobi. It then conceptualizes the public-private partnership as a tool for urban infrastructural development. The last part of the theoretical framework elaborates different approaches in researching the social life. Then the focuses on theories about urban development and renewal, governance networks, public private partnerships and public participation (in Africa and Kenya). Chapter two describes the research methodology with, among others, the main research question and sub questions, research methods, unit of analysis and the operationalization. Chapter three is mostly a descriptive chapter about the background of urbanization and planning in Nairobi, the main drivers for urban sprawl and informality in Nairobi and Kenya. Chapter four deals with the changing political landscape and the analyzed data collected from the THIP case study. Chapter five focuses on the social life of the Githurai roundabout. The final chapter provides the conclusion and discussion of this study.
3 CHAPTER 1. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
This thesis discusses the social life of the roundabout by reconstructing the planning and design in the Thika Highway Improvement Project (THIP) as perceived by its actors and by reworking the lived experiences and strategies by the local actors. In order to understand the reworking of this project and the way it entangles with the social life of the roundabout, it is useful to provide a context of theories which all influence and shape the social life in one way or another. These theories and perspectives include governance structures, urbanization and planning in Nairobi, the fragmented city, infrastructural urban development and the actor-oriented approach on development.
1.1 STRUCTURING GOVERNANCE: URBAN DEVELOPMENT AND PLANNING
This part deals with the governance structures which inform urban development and planning in Nairobi, Kenya. It provides a context of planning and urbanization in Kenya which is crucial in order to understand the reworking of the progress procedure and the way this entangles on the everyday (urban) life. In addition, one of its new outcomes, the public-private partnership, is conceptualized. It is important to clarify the urban development (problems) in Kenya which provide for the implementation of infrastructural projects such as the Thika Highway Improvement Project. Kenya lost control over its urban development due to the rapid urban growth, prejudicial economic conditions and poor planning. This resulted in threats such as at random urban growth, immense slums, unemployment and congestion problems for the Kenyan cities (Otiso & Owusu, 2008). First of all, a clarification must be made of the concept of urbanization in Africa. Moving beyond the discussion about what is a city, since it isn’t relevant in this research (Coquery-Vidrovitch, 1991; Wheatley, 1972) to the drivers of urbanization in Africa. Much attention in current literature about the drivers of urbanization has been given to rural-to-urban migration and natural population growth in urban areas (He, 1991; Cohen, White, Montgomery, McGee & Yeung, 2004; Leon, 2008). Another important aspect in the urbanization of Africa regards the role of the state. The 1990s witnessed an increasing trend in under spending by the state in Kenya. This was, at the time, attributed to a low absorption of donor funding and unpredictable expenditure of government funds. This resulted in the reformation of the public expenditure management system by the Kenyan government (Khasiani, 2011). Shortly, this means that the under spending of the Kenyan state effected the current policy focus on public- private partnerships and the outsourcing of finance and construction in the THIP project. Since Sub-Saharan Africa is lagging behind other developing regions on the most standard measures of infrastructure development, the region is demanding infrastructure needs
4 (Foster, 2009). The Kenyan government is also putting a lot of emphasis on infrastructural urban development in the country (Republic of Kenya, 2013). The literature shows that infrastructure investments are important since they have been responsible for significant improvements in the overall quality of life in terms of safety, health, economic opportunities and leisure time (Aschauer, 1990; Lewis, 1998; Gramlich, 1984; Foster, 2009). These economical and societal opportunities which infrastructural development entails, the constant emphasis on the importance of infrastructural development by the Kenyan government and the huge number of public-private infrastructural partnerships are the main reasons for the focus of this research on infrastructural development in Nairobi. The governance context and its structures inform urban development and planning in Nairobi and are, in that way, of great influence on the reworking of infrastructural projects on everyday livelihoods. The context of governance in Nairobi is important for understanding the procedure process of the THIP and the reworking by local actors. With the ongoing shift from government to governance discourses, the urban planning arena is awash with many new planning approaches such as public-private partnerships (Kedogo & Hamhaber, 2012). The Government of Kenya is increasingly seeking to develop financing mechanisms, which bring together the public and private sectors, not only to control budgetary expenditure but also to pool these two sectors' specific know-how (Ong’olo, 2006). The specific public-private infrastructural partnerships facilitate implementation of mega-projects that help local image building and the competitiveness of the city. In this research PPPs are seen as mechanism for delivering infrastructure. Edelenbos and Teisman (2008) distinguish an alliance model and an concession model within public-private partnerships arrangements. The alliance is a form of cooperation characterized by intense involvement on the part of the government in the different phases of the project. The concession is a work order, and in this kind of co-operation the government sells the long-term exploitation rights for a lump sum. This approach will be used to understand the involvement of different actor in the procedure process of the THIP. Different studies emphasize the advantages of public private infrastructure projects in terms of e.g. delivery, knowledge, budget and efficiency (Edelenbos & Teisman, 2008; Werner, Otieno & Wakhungu, 2011). These claims provide a basis to map advantages of the THIP project perceived by the involved actors. These studies also emphasize the extreme power of the private sector in Kenya, arguing that the private sector has been a regional economic hub. However other studies argue that the formerly domination of state companies is still present in Kenya (Ong’olo, 2008). This research supports the latter. According to Kwak, Chich & Ibbs (2009), the PPP distinguishes itself from a traditional infrastructure development project by the complexity in contractual relationships and long concession periods between the actors involved. A PPP brings a wide range of risks and
5 uncertainties, given the increased responsibilities. In addition, finance and the distribution of risks and rewards among actors is far more complicated in a PPP (Kwak, et al., 2009). Whether this is applicable to the THIP project should be taken into consideration when analyzing the perceptions of the actors about the procedure progress.
1.2 PERCEPTIONING AND FRAMING THE SOCIAL LIFE
There are different ways of understanding the processes of governance, urbanization and planning. This part discusses how the developments and trends stated in the previous part, could be explained through and analyzed by different perspectives. After independence Kenya witnessed a linear transition from a generic model of the ‘welfare city’ towards a new model of the ‘neoliberal city’ (Moody, 1997). The current urban neo- liberal policy of the Kenyan state has led to e.g. the deregulation of state control and the shrinking and/or privatization of public services (Brenner & Theodore, 2002). The implementation of major infrastructural development projects are driven by the concept of neoliberal urbanization which is defined as an urban policy squarely revolved around re-centering and restructuring the city. This concept can be seen as a driver for the implementation and reworking of the THIP in which the city and the related highway, are repositioned and old forms and functions in Githurai had to give way to a new urbanity (Swyngedouw, Moulaert & Rodriquez, 2002). Kenyan urban planning practices and institutions are currently experiencing a shift from government to governance. In the neoliberal approach good urban governance is increasingly being seen as a precondition for dealing with the complex urban challenges in Africa (Kedogo & Hamhaber, 2012). Brenner and Theodore (2002) elaborate a critical geographical perspective on the role of neoliberal governance in ongoing processes of urban restructuring. Brenner and Theodore underline the contextual embeddedness of neoliberal restructuring projects to the degree that they have been produced within national, regional and local contexts. On the other hand, neoliberal programs have also been directly ascribed into urban policy regimes, as newly formed alliances trying to change local economies through privatization, deregulation and liberalization. They conclude that cities, and their regions, have become increasingly important geographical targets and institutional research places, for several neoliberal policy experiments (Brenner & Theodore, 2002). Public-private partnerships are useful from a neo-liberal viewpoint as they imply a certain occlusion and outsourcing from the public sector (Sager, 2011). Hendriks (2010) argues that in line with neoliberal institutional policy most studies apply a ideological, instrumental approach to effectiveness of institutions and a normative distinction between “good” and “bad” governance”. This approach assumes that institutions could be
6 instrumentally designed and reformed. Hendriks is critical of this assumption and argues that it should be recognized that processes of good governance do not automatically lead to favorable and intended impacts. The focus should be on governance as a complex and dynamic set of relations that cannot simply be analyzed by studying “formal” programs but should be studied in a more interactive way. Bavinck & Kooiman (2013) find themselves in the same framework as Hendriks with the conclusion that there is no standard procedure of governance. Every case represents a unique concept so there is no single type of governability situation available. Mosse (2004) positions himself in this debate by insisting that projects attain different meanings and are therefore not discrete in a clearly defined development space. Projects are a result, rather than a cause, of social processes, touching down in settings where there are economies at play that defy the projects logics. Mosse uses the actor-oriented approach in his research to demonstrate that (policy) ideas do not have a life of their own but coincides with the institutions and social relationships through which they are articulated. This also revealed the struggle for coherence by different actors with different positions and interests in these projects. The main point these different studies seem to show is that ‘the idea of a planable city’ is just not feasible nor realistic and a more dynamic focus on these fragmented projects is necessary. This fragmentation is a goal of urban planners to resolve and originates from the fragmented city of Nairobi. The problematic aspects in the fragmented city of Nairobi are, among others, congestion and informality which are of great influence on this case study. From its settlement on, Nairobi has been a fragmented city (Charton-Bigot & Rodriquez-Torres, 2010; UN Habitat, 2013). One of the main concern is the loss of identity as African cities expand and former peripheral urban areas are incorporated into the town or urban jurisdiction. This is better defined as the reclassification of settlements from rural to urban (Parnell & Walawege, 2011). According to Mukoko (1996), this reclassification results in a gap between the local residents and planning. Since local residents lose their identity in the fragmented city and planning obtains an ‘they belong to their villages’ approach which inevitably leads to the denying of infrastructural development in these residential areas (Mukoko, 1996). It is interesting to analyze how or if these concerns of the fragmented city have an impact on Githurai as a peripheral urban area of the fragmented city Nairobi. The different concepts stated above are all of importance in the reconstruction of the social life of the Githuari roundabout. The concept or approach of the social life was chosen on the basis of the dissertation research of Blanco (2009) on The Social Life of Regions about salmon farming and the regionalization of development in Chilean Patagonia. Blanco uses the approach of the social life to oppose the idea of scales and the false assumptions that programs are merely ‘implemented’. As Blanco points out:
7 The Actor-Oriented Approach to development emerges from dissatisfaction with structural views that grant a passive role to social actors during processes of interventions and social change […] These structural views left little room to explain the heterogeneity of social life (Blanco, 2009; 33).
The main reason for adopting an actor-oriented approach to study the research problem is best explained by the following words: An actor-oriented approach to development, entails taking an ethnographic stance to describe social life in terms of organizing processes and situated actions and an understanding of social change through the study of critical interfaces of interactions in which actors’ differences in knowledge, values and power are pitched against each other. The study of social change through an actor perspective has provided a richer empirical picture of the heterogeneity of actors and social situations in which development initiatives occurred (Blanco, 2009; 19).
The concept of the social life coincides with the idea that projects (in Nairobi) intertwine with the institutions and social relationships through which they are articulated and are a form of contested planning, as stated by Mosse (2004). In researching development processes, situations become central to understand actors’ agency to creatively cope with social changes. To understand this process differently, Blanco (2009) introduces the concept of a regional field of action in order to show a more complex and diverse landscape of activities, projects and livelihoods. There is indeed a limitation to this actor oriented perspective with the fact that the categories of actors and situations on their own leads to a bias caused by the researchers assumptions towards the actors individual actions. Herefore a shift of the focus from abstract structures to specific and empirical processes of structuration, needed to be made (Blanco, 2009). The research of Blanco (2009) provided a strong focus on sites and practices as a way to stress the relational and performative underlying processes of social life. This thesis aims to explore how an infrastructural project contributed the reworking of different social practices and how it transforms and creates a (territorial) entity. The research on the social life will contribute to idea that social practices are creating or transforming areas beyond the control of experts. Hereby forms of social change contribute a crucial role in exposing new opportunities for people’s livelihoods. This thesis uses a conception of contested planning, combining the approach of Hendriks (2010), Mosse (2004) and Blanco (2009). The concept of the social life and the fragmented city make the idea of the contested, not fixed planning visible. It opposes the idea of scales and the false assumption that projects are merely “implemented. This framework is seen as a suitable way of studying the reworking of the THIP project on everyday livelihoods since the approach of neoliberal governance, as presented by Brenner and Theodore (2002), assumes a much too universal and solution-oriented way of governing restructuring projects. Planning in Nairobi may show some neoliberal characteristics (like PPPs) but are also very experimental and more ‘organic’ than assumed. In this framework the research analyses the planning process as unintended and contended, witnessing different outcomes with every practice.
8 CHAPTER 2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
In the previous part the theoretical framework has been discussed. This chapter includes the methodological approach that has been used to collect the data of this study. It will describe how the qualitative research in Kenya was conducted and discusses the data analysis, operationalization and research setting. Concluding with the limitations and ethical considerations.
2.1 RESEARCH APPROACH AND DESIGN
The data collection for this research was conducted between the 20th of March and 7th of May 2014 in greater Nairobi, Kenya. The starting point for the data collection of this research was the research design. While arriving in Kenya, interesting infrastructural partnership projects were sought in the local context and discourse. In collaboration with the local supervisor the case study of the THIP and the associated study of Githurai was selected. This separation was made to gain a full understanding of the social life of the roundabout since these were two related aspects of its development. The selection of the Githurai roundabout was based on the local discourse about the major impacts of the superhighway on this particular space. Next the investigative procedure was designed, which data should be selected to answer these research questions and which methods are the best tools to collect this data? The appropriate data was retrieved during the fieldwork abroad by conducting interviews, spatial and secondary data analysis, mental mapping and a transect walk. When the fieldwork in the Nairobi region was completed, the process proceeded in the Netherlands with the analysis and interpretation of the data. The findings and interpretations were also compared with the other relevant studies reviewed earlier in the process. In addition, the research methodology and theoretical framework were adapted. The last step was to draw tentative conclusions on the basis of the findings. These time schedule and budget for this research process is represented in appendix five. The research problematizes the main research question from different positions and studies events and experiences with an underlying reality (Hoyle, Harris & Judd, 2007). The above theory framework reflects the epistemology of critical theory by discussing planning as socially-constructed. This study looks at the results from an constructivist idea, since there is not one way of looking at planning and its impacts on the everyday life (Yeung, 1997). The Public Private Partnerships in Kenya have deep vested interests and real effects on both the spatial as the political environment in which social processes play an important role. That is why finding structures that underlie these ‘social events’ is crucial to understand the social reality (Bryman, 2008).
9 The goal of the research is to understand the components of, firstly, the Thika Highway Improvement Project and secondly the Githurai roundabout. The research started with questions about the framework of involvement, design and process of the THIP and its impact on the Githurai roundabout. However it became clear that the procedure progress wasn’t as instrumental as initially thought. Questions changed into how these projects were translated and fragmented according to the perceptions of the actors. In addition, the same happened at the roundabout, which was far more dynamic with all sorts of social processes entangled in its everyday life. In this the impacts gained a whole new perspective. These outcomes will be elaborated in the next chapters. The research positions itself between different perspectives. How do informality and formality relate in (the impact of) these projects? The research asks what the representativeness is of these projects and if these kind of public private partnerships projects lead to coherent planning. This research became predominantly an inductive research with the exception of the reconstruction of the THIP. Inductive research methods begin with observations and then generates hypotheses that fits the information it obtained. This research began with some preliminary hunches but as it proceeded, the assumptions were revised. The assumptions were tested by the method of a negative case analysis. Since little was known about this project, which was one of the reasons this project was researched, the assumptions could easily be fallible. That is why in order to test these assumptions the research adopted a exploratory approach. Assumptions were explored in the interviews when participants related their own stories about their lives enabling the researcher to generate hypotheses and themes. Due to the exploratory approach the focus in this research shifted from overall process of the highway project and the roundabout to the social life which is a metaphor for understanding governance and how projects get a life of their own when they encounter everyday lives.
2.2 OPERATIONALIZATION AND CONCEPTUAL SCHEME
2.2.1. OPERATIONALIZATION OF THE CORE CONCEPTS
The concepts that emerge from the theoretical framework and the related conceptual scheme need to be converted into tangible units of observation and analysis in order to define the sort of data that needs to be collected to answer the research questions. This part will define the core concepts of this research by turning abstract concepts into observable and measurable quantities. First the concept of governance structures which inform urban development and planning in Nairobi. This structure will be measured with the variable of involvement and indicators as e.g. roles, interests, power, position. This will indicate how governance is structured in Nairobi. In the theoretical chapter it was indicated that the concept of neoliberal urbanization in Africa is defined
10 as an urban policy squarely revolved around re-centering and restructuring the city (Swyngedouw, Moulaert & Rodriquez, 2002). This concept and the concept of urban infrastructural development is measured by the implementation of the THIP project within the variable of planning in which the indicators are informality, project appraisal, design, structuring, roles, planning and policy process. Further, the concept of a public-private partnership as mechanism for delivering infrastructure is measured by the variable planning and approval process with indicators as finance, inclusion, exclusion, power, interests, risks and roles. The fragmented city of Nairobi is measured by finding social processes, structures and activities present at the roundabout which have indicators as informality, formality, . The concept of the social life is measured by the processes and activities present at the social roundabout with indicators as resident strategies, everyday livelihood, profession, social change, culture, land tenure, etc. In order to reconstruct the social life of the roundabout not only the processes and activities should be taken into account but also the practices and sites that have turned the roundabout into meaningful fields of action. These field of actions can be seen as the spaces in which people operate and will be measured by e.g. territorial impacts, employment/workplace, livelihood, practices.
2.2.2. CONCEPTUAL SCHEME
A conceptual scheme is a visual representation of the theory and visualizes what is investigated in the research. A short explanation will be given about the conceptual scheme presented below. The social life of the roundabout is central in this research. The social life is influenced by different processes of planning and governance and local social processes. This influence starts at the governance level with the current policy structured by the Government of Kenya. These governance structures provide for neoliberal urbanization in which restructuring and reshaping the city is central. This neoliberal urbanization is there also influencing the fragmented city in which informality is continually present. With neoliberal urbanization different urban infrastructural development projects are introduced. The Government of Kenya is struggling with on the one hand the need for (improved) urban infrastructure and on the other the lack of finance to accomplish this. In order to solve this problem, public private partnerships are seen as essential tools. All these policy processes influence the social life. On the local context, social processes, social activities, strategies and field of actions shape and form the social life of the roundabout. These are also intertwined with each other and with informality.
Figure 2.1 Conceptual scheme of the conducted research
11
2.3 RESEARCH QUESTION AND SUB-QUESTIONS
The goal of this research is to gain insight in the planning process of the infrastructural Thika Highway Improvement Project and the way such a megaproject entangles with the livelihoods of the ‘survivors’. The research will provide an understanding in how these large projects were translated and fragmented into everyday encounters through local residents’ strategies. The first sub question elaborates the progress procedure of the THIP perceived by the different actors involved in this project. It looks at the roles, design aspects, levels and nature of involvement and the perception of the different actors in the project. The second question researches what forms of planning and its outcomes stems from the THIP project and major infrastructural projects overall. From the third sub question onwards the focus is on the social life of the Githurai roundabout wherein the third sub question is about the social structures and spatial dimension present at the roundabout before and during the construction of the highway. These structures can be described as the activities, actors, economy and (social and structure of the roundabout. The last sub question concentrates on the social change and the reworking of the highway on the everyday life of the roundabout. The different structures and activities, as subscribed above, after the construction of the highway are also taking into account.
The main research question is: How was the Thika Highway Improvement Project translated in terms of the planning process and how is the local reworking of this large infrastructural project on the social life of the Githurai roundabout?
12 The following sub research questions are formulated in order to answer the main research question: 1. What was the process of the different procedures in the Thika Highway Improvement Project as perceived by involved actors? 2. How is the process of planning translated into the Thika Highway Improvement Project and what kind of planning processes emerge from these kind of projects? 3. How was the social life of the Githurai roundabout perceived before the construction of the superhighway by the survivors of the roundabout? 4. What was the spatial and social impact of the superhighway on the social life at the Githurai roundabout and how are they translated into strategies?
2.4 UNIT OF ANALYSIS
The unit of analysis in this research are the actors involved in or people influenced by the construction of the Thika Superhighway. In order to subsequently reconstruct the planning process and impact of THIP project on the social life of the roundabout, it was necessary to differentiate two actors in this research. The first actors are the stakeholders and experts involved in the THIP project. The THIP project was chosen because it is a flagship project for the government of Kenya with great consequences for the everyday life and this fact also caused much debate in Kenya and it still is. The units of analysis are stakeholders in the THIP project and were selected due to their respective roles, responsibilities and perspectives on equitability and long-term viability in infrastructural partnerships. It was important to gain access to the actors involved in the THIP project to better understand their perspectives, interest positions and strategies in these public-private arrangements. However not only the stakeholders perspective on and role in the planning process was taking into consideration when selecting the case study. The interrelation between the different stakeholders also formed an important factor in the process. By including several stakeholders from different companies, movements, (governmental) organizations all with different interests in this research, the planning process could be mapped. The data also provided the research with a general network construction of the THIP project. Questions could be answered like who controls who? Will this lead to coherent planning? Is Vision 2030 a coherent strategy of Nairobi? Is it feasible and reproducible? And can you plan better for the future? In order to gain understanding of the impacts of the THIP project on the everyday life, the second actors in this study were the people living and/or working around the Githurai roundabout. When arriving in Nairobi, the traffic problems and (along with it) the superhighway were, besides football, one of the most discussed topics in the conversations I had. When asking
13 around most concerns were expressed about the Githurai roundabout since a lot has happened with the arrival of the highway. When discussing this matter with my local supervisor, the unit of analysis were selected. However when arriving at the roundabout only the survivors of the highway were present and the people that left or were evicted were untraceable. So interviews were conducted with these so-called ‘survivors’ of the roundabout. The characteristics of the participants and the amount can be found in the sampling part of this chapter. Furthermore, a table of the different interviewees can be found in appendix four.
2.5 DATA COLLECTION METHODS
The study used several qualitative research methods to answer the formulated research questions. Below is a description of the different methodologies used in this study. During fieldwork period a local research assistant was used. Major consideration for the use of local research assistants were the high risks as a foreigner at the research location and the avoidance of a cultural bias in interpretation and answering of questions during the interviews. To answer the first and second research question about the procedure progress and the framework of involvement of the THIP project, the research methods of structured interviews and secondary data analysis were selected. This provided the possibility of combining theoretical and empirical data to comprehensively analyze the planning process of the project. The secondary analysis consisted of reports from the government of Kenya, previous researches, project plans and designs and appraisal reports, critical review articles, newspapers and local discourse in blogs. Especially the reports I received during the structured interviews with experts were very helpful in reconstructing the THIP. These interviews were conducted with the involved actors in the project and provided the researcher with in-depth information about the perceptions, motivations and roles of the these actors. Since the structured interviews were taken with central actors of the organizations involved, the structured interviews can be understood as expert interviews. In this approach, the expert on the specific field of expertise is believed to represent a group, in this case his or her institution. Most of the structured interviews started arduous but the researcher eventually ended up with more information than anticipated. It provides the researcher with the opportunity to guide the interview into a certain direction since every individual, and therefore also every interview, is unique. In this study (my) ethnicity probably played a big role in biasing the interviews. This was noticed when some participants said straightforward that the reason for not cooperating in the research was due to the fact that I was a white female from the west. Besides reliability, validity should be taken into account. The central role of the researcher was taking into account when conducting the fieldwork. Seen in this light, the cultural distance between the respondents and the researcher, as described before, can
14 be seen as an advantage enhancing the internal validity since there was no question of an excessive identification with the object of study. All of these interviews took place in the setting of the stakeholders’ office and ranged from a thirty minutes interview to a two-and-a-half hour interview. In the procedure each participant filled in their name and profession on a paper before the start of the interview. This was a tip from my local supervisor, Dr. Esho, arguing that in this way there is an overview of the respondents during the course of the research and the interview will have a light ending since the writing down part makes things more serious but still is necessary to take you serious as a researcher. Although this seemed strange in the beginning in the end this was a useful addition. After this, the interview followed the interview schedule of appendix one. Each participant was asked to indicate the process of the THIP step by step and to indicate their perception and involvement, ending with a conclusion and any additions or remarks. The third and fourth research question were answered by mental mapping, a spatial analysis of the research location, a transect walk and conducting semi-structured interviews with the survivors of the roundabout. These people included of e.g. market vendors, hawkers, conductors, local shop owners and the chairman of the traders association. A transect walk was conducted in advance to gain information on the Githurai roundabout, village and (overall) life. A transect walk is an information-gathering exercise and tool for describing and showing the location and distribution of resources, features, main land uses and landscape along a given transect (Bryman, 2008). The transect walk consisted of on field observations by taking pictures and observing the effects in the Githurai area itself. In this way the current situation (i.a. progress and consequences) of the spatial and (some of the) social environment in Githurai was discovered since large infrastructural partnerships have deep-vested consequences for the surroundings. The questions that were asked during the semi-structured interviews can be found in the interview schedules presented in appendix two. The semi-structured interviews took place in a locally provided space. It was a small cabin which a friend of my local research assistant was hiring to do business. I was very lucky to find such a setting since conducting interviews on the street was not an option due to the noise and a lot of other distractions for the participant. Another reason for the research setting was the fact that most participants didn’t want to be seen with a white person since other people would think they have wealth and they would be robbed. These biases were solved by conducting the research in a closed space. According to the Githurai people ethnicity played a big role since white people were rarely or never seen in Githurai. For the reliability of this research it should be noted that my presence in Githurai was noticed by the local people since I came there every day. One participant told me, people were wondering “what the white girl was doing here”. I was surprised to hear this since Githurai is
15 overcrowded during the day. At the start of every interview it was really hard to obtain the information without structuring the interview too much since most participants were very hesitant and suspicious about providing information. Fortunately, the participants became more comfortable and slowly started to talk in the course of the interview. Almost all interviews, semi- structured and structured, were recorded but only after permission from the respondents. In three interviews recording was not allowed so notes were taken both by the research assistant and by myself. This resulted in comparing notes after the interview in order to be as precisely as possible. At the end of each semi-structured interview, the survivors were asked to draw a map of the spatial and social environment of the Githurai roundabout before and after the construction of the superhighway. This fourth research method is called mental mapping which indicates the personal perception of a person from its geographical environment and the way the person structures his spatial and social environment. It is not a geographical map, but a representation of the cognitive image that an individual has in his mind (Hoyle, Harris & Judd, 2007). This method was useful to gain insight in the perspective of the respondents on the impacts of the highway and therefore on the social life of the roundabout. By visualizing the changes and consequences of their spatial environment the respondents gained new insights and made it able to bridge the language barrier. The final research method was an analysis of the land use change in the Githurai and Nairobi area. Maps and satellite images were analyzed and compared around the market with the help of Google Earth and ArcGIS, a geographic information system. The tool historical imagery in Google Earth was used to view and analyze historical satellite images of Githurai and the Nairobi region. In addition, data in ArcGIS about urban expansion in Nairobi was collected and maps were conducted with the help of ArcGIS. The spatial analysis will reconstruct the specific case of Githurai market before and after the construction of the Thika superhighway and the urban expansion of Nairobi. The mental maps of the respondents provided the research with the personal perception of the changes and consequences of the highway. The ‘actual’ image of the region visualized in the satellite images provides the opportunity to compare both maps. This will provide the research with a comprehensive picture in its coverage of mapping the impacts, changes and consequences. Hence, combining qualitative data with spatial data provided this study with a good foundation to draw grounded conclusions. The conclusions are based on empirical data supported with secondary data. Summarizing, the different data collection methods that were used during this study are semi-structured and structured interviews, a transect walk, a secondary data analysis, mental mapping and an analysis of the land use change.
16 2.6 SAMPLING
The unit of analysis specified the population to which the study wants to generalize. This part of the chapter will build on this by describing the sample procedure and subsequently the specific characteristics and amount of the sample. A brief overview of the characteristics of the participant can also be found in appendix four. In this research non-probability sampling was used since there is no way of estimating the probability that each element has been included and due to its advantages of convenience and economy (Hoyle, Harris & Judd, 2007). In order to generalize the results more research on this topic is necessary. Since the research question of this study concerns a special population whose members were difficult to locate, especially when researching in a foreign country, the research strategy of this study resorted to snowball sampling as a mean of gaining access to members of the population (Bryman, 2008). The snowball sampling procedure turned out be quite difficult and had a really slow start due to the lack of contacts beforehand but by really pushing for it, in the end the sample became large enough to draw grounded conclusions. This meant that a lot of effort, money and time was used to call respondents several times, visit their offices (often without result) or make appointments. This sort of wait-and-see attitude of the respondents seemed to stem from the culture in Kenya. Ultimately, I was very happy with the collected data with regard to the short timeframe of this fieldwork. During the fieldwork in the Nairobi region 26 interviews with 29 respondents were conducted. Of these 29 respondents, 11 were experts, stakeholders or actors in the THIP and 18 were working and sometimes living in Githurai. In Githurai 15 semi-structured interviews with 18 respondents were conducted due to the fact that the first interview took place with four market traders. During the first interview in Githurai there was no access to a research space yet so the interview took place at the market stall of these traders. Since several people work at one market stall and the market is really densely build, the interview became an overheated discussion between four market traders about the construction and consequences of the superhighway. This very interesting discussion provided me with a baseline for the rest of the interviews in Githurai. The different perceptions of the four market traders gave me relevant information about the perceptions on the highway of the Githurai people. So in the end this interview was conceived as a relevant addition. The participants in the THIP study were mostly male, well-educated, middle-aged Kenyans. In the Githurai study, a third of the participants were middle-aged females and two- thirds were male of various ages. As mentioned earlier, the respondents in the Githurai study were the ‘survivors’ of the roundabout. This group works at or next to the roundabout with professions as a conductor or transporter, market vendor/trader or hawker, branch manager and
17 pub- and shop owner. Since Githurai has a large market it is not surprising that the largest section of this group, namely 12, were market traders, vendors or hawkers and one was the chairman of the Githurai traders association. The large amount of this group stemmed from the assumption that this particular group was hugely affected by the highway since the market had to be replaced from the middle of the roundabout to the side. The Githurai respondents have different tribe and cultural backgrounds but are all mostly low-skilled laborers from Kenya. The respondents in the THIP study existed of different stakeholders with professions like a policymaker, (city or environment) planner, consultant, government valuer, engineer, researcher, county commissioner or chief.
2.7 DATA ANALYSIS
After conducting the interviews, data was analyzed with the help of the qualitative data analysis program Dedoose. Dedoose is a web-based program which helps to organize the process of coding. Once you figure out how to use this program, the analytics in Dedoose are very easy to understand. The collected data was arranged and portrayed in ways that helped to detect patterns or problems or explore certain findings or expectations. After transcribing the interviews, the collected data was added to Dedoose. The process of coding started with open coding, developing categories as they were evolving. The same codes from different interviews were grouped into code families. Open coding means that I went through all the transcribed interviews again to see which phrases can be linked to which kind of codes (Bryman, 2008). Logically, in practice, some of the same codes were used as the topics in the interview schedules. Some codes were divided in sub-codes and some of these sub-codes were sub-divided again. This coding tree became the basis of the analysis part of this thesis. A more refined type of coding was applied within the code tree. The code tree can be found in appendix 3.
2.8 LIMITATIONS AND ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
This research deals with a major policy project and its impacts. The limitations of this research are driven by the size and different concerns of this pillar project. It’s hard to draw conclusions of the whole THIP project due to the size of the project. The access to the stakeholders was crucial in overcoming this limitation. During this research the access increased and a broad line of different stakeholders were interviewed. However, because of the size of the project and the limited fieldwork time not all stakeholders are included in this research. The research about the THIP project also became a sensitive subject with the pressure for the Government of Kenya to deliver and the involvement of the Chinese investors in the project which lead to socially
18 desirable answers by some respondents. This participant bias is minimized by dual-data collection. Both the stakeholders and the survivors of the roundabout were interviewed face-to- face. A limitation of face-to-face interviewing are the large interviewer effects especially when conducting a research in a foreign land (Hoyle, Harris & Judd, 2007). The cultural difference between the researcher and respondent can influence responses, causes different interpretations of the results or respondents can be reluctant with answers. On the other hand, my background did open a lot of doors that would normally remain closed. Another limitation for conducting face-to-face interviews is that it is a time consuming (travelling time to the location) and labor intensive process with high costs. In addition, the high risk of researching in an unsafe area should be noted. It should be noted that in the Githurai area people are really hostile against ‘intruders’ and the visiting the area was not without risk. Resident and traders have not often seen a white person coming there without a private car. And probably more out-of-space for them must be a white person coming to town in a matatu(!) (minibus). You better have a good reason to visit since residents are skeptical about outsiders. In addition, the research in Githurai was conducted after several people were evicted and gone so interviews are with the survivors. This means that the research is not generalizable to neighborhoods in particular but could be generalized to similar neighborhoods when it for example comes to factors as history and economy. Therefore, it is not sufficient to study a topic only once; a topic should be studied several times and then, when the same conclusion are drawn, it can be said that it is probably right. Besides the limitations of this research, the ethical considerations should also be mentioned. The goal to maintain the confidentiality of the data were high on the agenda in this research. Confidentiality was maintained since the respondents’ names are only known by the local research assistant and myself. Respondents were fully informed about the nature of the research before starting the interview and were informed about the procedure of the interview. There was an oral agreement about the participation in the research between the participants and the researcher in which participants were free to withdraw at any time. The Githurai interviews took place at the same location so participants could locate me and the THIP stakeholders could reach me by phone or e-mail. The respondents were not subjected to any embarrassment or discomfort. The participants were treated with dignity and left the study with their self-esteem intact and the respect for social science and myself, as a researcher, were enhanced rather than diminished after the interviews.
19 CHAPTER 3. URBANIZING GREATER NAIROBI : A CHANGING POLITICAL LANDSCAPE
The main objective of this chapter is to provide a background for the research. It presents the context of the study area and the process of planning and urbanization in Nairobi. It deals with the main drivers for urban sprawl and informality and also situates Githurai as a part of the Eastland expansion and ‘the second ring’. The chapter discusses the urbanization trends and policies designed around the idea of one connected Metropole. It explains problematic aspects in the fragmented city of Nairobi like congestion and informality that are a goal of urban planners to resolve (see Chapter 2).
3.1 THE FRAGMENTED CITY
Kenya, situated on Africa’s east coast, became independent of the United Kingdom in 1963 and has a more modern economy than the other East African countries. Most of Kenya’s urban growth has occurred since independence in 1963. However, different phases of urbanization can be distinguished throughout history. According to Otiso and Owusu (2008), Kenya has witnessed pre-colonial, colonial, national and current globalization urbanization trends. The pre-colonial urbanization characterized a minor development in the coastal zones as a result of the triangular trade between East Africa, India and Arabia. Subsequently, the European colonial period brought progress for the urbanization of Kenya. This was mainly due to the introduction of the Western market-based economic industry that preferred urban concentration (Otiso & Owusu, 2008). Until the eighties of the nineteenth century the outskirts of Kenya, particularly the Rift Valley, remained untouched by the Europeans. However, by the end of the 19th century, the British started with the construction of the railway road Mombasa-Uganda. Halfway through this railroad lies now the capital Nairobi (Dietz, Foeken, van Haastrecht, 1996). Nairobi started as a railway depot which attracted a lot of Indian laborers to Nairobi. For more than 20 years after its establishment, Nairobi’s development was slow (Heidkamp, Hossfeld & Stihl, 2010). From its settlement on, Nairobi has been a fragmented city (Charton-Bigot & Rodriquez- Torres, 2010; UN Habitat, 2013). During the colonial period, the arrival of the Europeans brought racial segregation in the colonial urban centers. The city became fragmented due to professional and racial segregation of Africans, Europeans and Asians. With Europeans dominating most of the administrative and economic posts and residing in the best areas of the city. The Africans were confined to marginal residential areas with limited services, provided in the eastern side of the city (Otiso & Owusu, 2008). The residential segregation, illustrated in figure 3.1, originated due to the attractiveness of the cooler, hilly, western part of the city opposite the flat eastern part with black soils (Obudho,1997). So the roots of this segmentation
20 are territorial in nature. Nevertheless, the currently existing fragmentation of the city is not only reminiscent of colonial urbanism but also originates from contrasts between planned and unplanned sectors of the city (Charton-Bigot & Rodriquez-Torres, 2010). Figure 3.1 Colonial residential segregation in Nairobi in 1960
Source: Mazingira Institute, 1993
With the expanding of the town, planning Nairobi became a major preoccupation. Hereby a periodization of different planning initiatives and processes can be distinguished. These different plans for developing Nairobi are summarized in figure 3.2 below. The first policy plan for the city was introduced in 1906 since there was a need for a plan for a railway town. The goal of this plan was the construction of areas for Europeans. The plan only took the European employees of the railway and the European and Asian traders into consideration. So the plan completely ignored the Asian laborers and the Africans (Vogel, 2008). Under colonization, two plans were established: the Nairobi Area Town Planning Memorandum (1927) and the Nairobi Master plan for a Colonial Capital (1948). The 1927 Plan introduced Nairobi as the capital of the country (Charton-Bigot & Rodriquez-Torres, 2010). The boundary of the city extended and the plan proposed extensive traffic regulations to access the increased land areas. Due to the high amount of racial segregation between Europeans and Asians, racial segregation became prohibited. However, in practice this only meant that racial segregation turned into class segregation (Omwenga, 2008; Vogel, 2008).
Figure 3.2 The historical planning stages of Nairobi
21 Planning phase Basic principle(s) Result 1906 Plan for a railway town Residential/ racial segregation in plan Implemented 1927 Nairobi Area Town Planning Nairobi as a settler capital Not fully Memorandum Turning racial segregation into class segregation implemented 1948 Master plan for a Colonial Functionalism: zoning Not fully Capital Trying to attract industrial investment implemented 1973 Nairobi Metropolitan Growth Expansion to west and north-east: corridor dev. Not effectively Strategy Introducing Nairobi Metropolitan Region implemented 5 year medium-term plans – neoliberal policy Still 2006 Vision 2030 Meeting Millenium Development Goals in 2015 implemented Economic, social and political pillars Source: information collected and combined from Vogel (2008), Omwenga (2008) & CCoN (2013)
In 1948, a Master plan for a colonial capital was announced. This was the first comprehensive development plan designed for the old city and small colonial city (Omwenga, 2008). It had functionalism as main principle, classifying Nairobi in zones like residential, industrial, commercial. The main spatial structure of the plan was to establish neighbourhood units for the working class, a segregation for the purpose of surveillance and dominance. This residential segregation was one of the contributors to the traffic problems around 1960. This was due to the relatively large numbers of cars in the western side of Nairobi this resulted in the neglection of certain parts of the city in terms of state provision of infrastructure. This lack of service resulted in few Africans settling in Nairobi permanently during the colonial period which contributed to Kenya currently being less urbanized than other African countries (Otiso & Owusu, 2008). The main goal of the plan was to make Nairobi more attractive for industrial investments. Nevertheless, the plans developed in 1927 and 1948 have never been fully realized due to the lack of financing. The results were a fragmented city with marginalization of the African urban majority and an increase of informal urbanization in the periphery (Vogel, 2008). In 1973, the Nairobi Metropolitan Growth Strategy was formulated to direct the development for land use and infrastructure (City Council of Nairobi, 1973). The plan, a continuation of the preceding functionalism, was deemed necessary due to the rapid urban growth and Kenya’s inability to cope with it (Heidkamp, Hossfeld & Stihl, 2010). In order to reduce the high density on the CBD , the strategy was aimed at expanding the city along a corridor of development; the axis of Thika Road. The estimation of continuing growth brought up the eventuality of including Thika and Nairobi (so also Githurai) in the same metropolitan area which eventually led to the introduction of the THIP (see figure 2.2 below). The Nairobi Metropolitan Region was extended in 2008 and moved
22 beyond the district boundary of Nairobi (see the grey line in figure 2.2). The superhighway, which traverses Kasarani, Githurai, Ruiru, Juja and ends at Thika River Bridge in the industrial satellite Thika district, was seen as the crucial axis in this development plan, connecting these peripheral urban areas with the city of Nairobi. Figure 2.2 also indicates the research location of Githurai along this axis, in the Northern outskirts of Kenya’s capital city Nairobi. The City Council of Nairobi long relied on the NMGS even after the master plan legally expired in 2003 but the plan was never effectively implemented and policy measured were not enforced since decisions on city development were ad hoc and not co-coordinated (Omwenga, 2008).
Figure 2.2. The Nairobi Metropolitan Region as introduced in 2008
Source: UN-Habitat 2010: 168. Githurai and the Superhighway were added by the author.
After independence the national (independence to 1980s) and global (from the 1980s to the present) phases of urbanization occurred, in which Kenya faced major urban changes with explosive urban growth. Independence introduced a modest rate of urbanization due to the freedom of movement, the increasing incidence of poverty in the rural areas leading to rural- urban migration and improved health care which contributed to rapid population growth. Soon after independence the state combined neoliberal policies for economic growth with service provision for educational and health facilities and extension of the country's transport and communications network.
23 Whereas in the colonial period racial segregation was ubiquitously present in the city’s urban development, the global phase introduced the issue of class socio-economic division leading to massive growth of informal settlements. The global phase witnessed an increasing trend in under spending by the state in Kenya (Otiso & Owusu, 2008). Research revealed that lack of transparency and poor control in budget execution, weak parliamentary and audit oversight and ineffective use of external investors were the inducement (Khasiani, 2011). This could mean that the under spending of the Kenyan state may have affected the current policy focus and government reliance on public-private partnerships.. The current Master plan, Vision 2030 introduced a more neoliberal trend in the policy framework. This strategic plan has guided the Kenyan government’s actions over the past few years; aiming to transform Kenya into a newly industrialized, middle-income country providing a high quality life to all its citizens by the year 2030 (Werner, Otieno, & Wakhungu, 2011). This current policy with its public-private arrangements and focus on infrastructural projects will be discussed further in the next chapter. The introduction of this significant policy shift was, among other things, fuelled by the socio-economic problems that faced Kenya during the last two decades. These problems have deepened the crisis facing its city and include rising levels of unemployment, poverty, increased insecurity, huge congestion, high rates of urbanization, endemic corruption, the growth of slums and informal settlements and the deterioration of infrastructural and social services (Linehan, 2007). Between 1900 and 1963 Nairobi also witnessed boundary changes with the boundary extending from 18km² to 690 km². Remarkable is that the boundary of Nairobi City has not been revised since 1963 despite the rapid growth. Furthermore, the major boundary change in 1963 was not based on planning and development of necessary infrastructure and services which led to disproportionate infrastructure (Makworo & Mireri, 2011). This lack of a concrete policy plan between 1973 and 2008 in Nairobi caused a spatial expansion with urban sprawl and an uncontrollable informal sector as the main drivers. This unidirectional urban sprawl to the east causes problems of congestion and informality which provides for an economy behind the city development. The challenge in urban development strategies seems to be to connect the eastern part of greater Nairobi with the CBD. The division between the eastern part and the CBD is also related to land tenure. Land tenure , the rights that individuals and communities have with respect to land, has been increasingly identified as key issue in managing the growth of urban areas and reducing poverty (Charton- Bigot & Rodriquez-Torres, 2010). Kenyan policy should aim to formalize land tenure in order to manage the The flat topographic characteristics of Nairobi’s eastern part makes it a good location for development unlike the Kiambu Hills (see location Kiambu in figure 4.1) which have environmental qualities that have to be preserved. The sprawl can also be explained by the low
24 housing prices in the eastern part making it easier to settle for the high amount of Kenyans with a low-income. Figure 4.2 shows that this unidirectional urban sprawl was an unintended outcome of planning. In 1973 the Metropolitan Growth Strategy was introduced by the Government of Kenya. The idea was to expand the city to the west and to the north-east along the axis of Thika Road. A continuation of growth was estimated which brought up the possibility that Thika and Nairobi could fall in the same metropolitan region leading to the introduction of the Nairobi Metropolitan Region (Vogel, 2008). This strategy was followed until the introduction of the Nairobi Vision 2030 Masterplan in 2006. Ironically, the city had expanded to the east despite the idea of corridor development to the north and west in 1973. This was mainly due to the rapid and uncontrollable growth of informal settlements in the eastern part. The Nairobi-Thika corridor didn’t develop as planned but with the introduction of the Thika Superhighway Improvement Project, the development finally came. Figure 3.3 Corridor development in The Metropolitan Growth Strategy of 1973
Source: Vogel, 2008
Figure 3.2 Map of the development of (building) density in Nairobi’s Eastlands
25
Source: Google Earth Satellite Images, 2003 & 2013
The map in figure 4.3 illustrates the development of congestion and density in Nairobi’s Eastlands during the last decade. The map shows that there are still a lot of open spaces in 2003 in the Eastlands. In 2013 these open spaces are crammed and open spaces are contested meaning that there is limited land for development. Open spaces are contested. However behind this image of congestion are all sorts of issues in progress like the issue of traffic and the secondary economy. The state possess a key role in urbanization in Kenya. Important to mention is that urbanization in Kenya firstly was influenced by the modernization paradigm whereas now it is largely informed by the neo-liberal and postmodern urbanism paradigm (Otiso & Owusu, 2008).
3.2 TRAFFIC JAMS AS PART OF EVERYDAY LIFE
Nairobi, being an African metropolis and one of the fastest growing cities in the world, has to deal with many questions concerning mobility that are of great relevance, not only for architects and urban planners, but also designers. From transportation of goods to an underground railway system planned for 2030 and from mobile-informal workers to traffic in Nairobi, issues of mobility are central to everyday life in Kenya (Heidkamp et al., 2010). The rapid rate of urbanization has overstretched the capacity of the existing infrastructure and services. As a result, a lot of Nairobians face traffic jams every day, every time. I can testify this problem from my own experience since I have been stuck in Nairobian traffic several times. This congestion problem was also one of the main concerns of the interviewees since coming to work could take them four hours on a short distance of twenty kilometers. Since all Nairobians face these problems all the time, traffic is really part of everyday conversation.
26 As shortly referred to in the previous part of this chapter, the urbanization in Kenya has a long history in the coastal region but a short history in the interior parts of the country. This was the reason that the explosive growth of urban centers in Kenya caused great problems in the provision of infrastructure and other services. According to Obudho (1997), one of the earliest challenges that Nairobi faced during this period was that of traffic. With Nairobi presumably being the most motor-ridden urban centre in the world in 1928. Since this period parking and speeding became significant problems for the authorities. In 1929 a plan to tar all roads in the Central Business District (CBD) was implemented. Four decades later Nairobi transports approximately 7,500,000 persons a day, accounting for about 2.5 trips per person (Heidkamp, Hossfeld & Stihl, 2010). Nowadays there are five components of transport in Nairobi: buses, matatus (mini buses), commuter trains, taxis and private vehicles. Owning a private vehicles provides the African with status since it is mostly reserved for the middle- and upper income groups due to the high cost of purchase and potential repairs (Obudho, 1997). This status causes many Africans to prefer owning a car above other luxury products or even above necessities like owning a permanent house leading. Within the larger scheme, the omnipresent minibus called matatu is the dominant passenger transport model in almost all cities in sub-Saharan Africa. Matatus are the informal paratransit industry in Kenya that provide a service to millions of people every day, and are essentially the backbone of the transportation system in Nairobi (Heidkamp, Hossfeld & Stihl, 2010). The ‘normal’ buses are mainly oriented towards the eastern part of Nairobi where low-income people live but the fares are relatively high compared to the matatu fare. However, Africans still prefer trips with non- motorized forms of transport over these urban transportation systems, even over long distances (Obudho, 1997). Nairobi’s incapacity to address the traffic issue is well known around the world. Several traffic problems occurred that exerted demands on the urban structure and its incapable infrastructure. These problems were caused by the inherited transport patterns and the additional travel generated by an increased population. A major problem here has been the centralization of the civil service, commerce, and other service activities in the CBD and industrial area, where it is estimated that over 75 per cent of commuters are employed. The CBD has for a long time been subjected to numerous traffic problems, which are exacerbated by a lack of space in its vicinity. The post-independence period also witnessed a relaxation (not by design) of traffic regulations, parking restrictions, and land-use control. Hence within a few years after independence much of the formal land-use urban pattern of the original settlement structure was eroded. Since 1970, the city has expanded tremendously and a new population distribution pattern has emerged. Even more important is the fact that a large percentage of low-income users of public transport now live further away from the CBD. Expansion of the city to the east, south, and north has not been
27 matched by an expansion in transport facilities and services. The annual rate of growth of daily passenger journeys is currently estimated to be almost 6 per cent. A clear manifestation of the unmet demand for public transport services are the long rows at most of the city's transport terminals. Nairobi's transportation problems are due to neglect of maintenance, inadequate investment, poor management of traffic systems, breakdown of road discipline, and failure to develop an adequate policy and planning framework (Rakodi, 2010). The road network contains of radial traffic arteries so long traffic jams were to be found mostly on the radial arteries, such as Thika Road, Uhuru Highway and Mombasa Road (Heidkamp, et al., 2010). However, the introduction of the flagship projects for road network expansion in Kenya Vision 2030 will ease the congestion in Nairobi’s downtown area and the already existing radial arteries. The construction of the Nairobi bypasses, financed by the Chinese government, will ensure that traffic no longer need to go through the CBD to get to the other side of town. The northern and eastern bypass are already finished and the southern bypass will be ready at the end of 2014. These roads will decentralize Nairobi and therefore avoid central congestion as witnessed now in the CBD (Ortiz, 2012).
FIGURE 3.5 A MAP OF THE (IMPLEMENTED) NAIROBI BYPASSES
SOURCE: MINISTRY OF ROADS (2011)
3.3 THE SECONDARY ECONOMY BEHIND THE CITY’S DEVELOPMENT
28 As a result of the rapid urbanization, growing levels of poverty and economic uncertainty, urban residents had to be creative which lead to a rapid growth of the informal sector. This secondary economy is unplanned and fragmented. The shrinking formal sector and growing number of school leavers also contributed to the growing informal sector Otiso & Owusu, 2008). The informal sector significantly contributes to Nairobi's economy, generates a large volume of employment, and has strong backward linkages with commercial and public enterprises. It provides a variety of goods and services, a greater part of which enter into the "consumption basket" of individual households. Although large-scale public sector investment is probably not needed, appropriate support to the sector might include improved infrastructure, credit, and training. Otiso (2003) argues that the issue of chronic shortages of low-income housing and basic services can be addressed with tri-sector partnerships involving the state, voluntary and private sectors. While difficult to initiate and maintain, such partnerships have unique and mutually reinforcing strengths that could enable participants to increase effectiveness in meeting poor people’s urban housing and service needs. But an equal distribution in this partnership should be made in order to succeed.
29 CHAPTER 4. A CHANGING POLITICAL LANDSCAPE: THE THIKA HIGHWAY IMPROVEMENT PROJECT
The previous chapter discussed the drivers and background of urbanization in Kenya and Nairobi. This chapter deals with the current trend of centralized planning that eventually led to the Thika Highway Improvement Project. The first research question about the process procedure perceived by its actors will be answered, followed by the second research question about the way planning interacts in these kind of projects. The information in this chapter is collected by the secondary data analysis and the structured interviews with the stakeholders in the THIP. The second part will reconstruct the planning and design in the project as seen from stakeholders involved in the process. Eventually this chapter will provide answers to the first and second research question in which the translation of policies according to the different perspectives of the actors are central.
4.1 THE MAKING OF THE METROPOLE
Before the introduction of neo-liberal policy and centralized planning, politics and planning witnessed a long and winding road in Kenya. After a long struggle and many deaths on the African side, Kenyatta became the founding president and liberation icon who led Kenya to independence in 1963. After independence, Kenya became a one party state. People who opposed the new black elite and the associated corruption where either murdered, arrested or imprisoned for a long time (Dietz, Foeken & van Haastrecht, 1996). Kenyatta ruled until August 1978 and was followed by Kenyatta's Vice President Daniel arap Moi, who declared war on corruption and nepotism. Independence and nationalist considerations brought a new impetus for centralized planning. With the introduction of the Vision 2030 Master plan by the Kenyan Government in 2006, a more neoliberal trend has arisen in the policy framework. This strategic plan has guided the Kenyan government’s actions over the past few years; aiming to transform Kenya into a newly industrialized, middle-income country providing a high quality life to all its citizens by the year 2030 (Werner, Otieno, & Wakhungu, 2011). The neoliberal economic reforms in this Vision have attracted many foreign investors and firms to bankroll the aimed development (Otiso & Owusu, 2008). In addition to the Kenya Vision 2030, the Kenyan government also introduced the New Constitution in August 2010. A significant national policy checkpoint of this constitution is the devolution of government and the role of public participation in state and government affairs (Werner, Otieno, & Wakhungu, 2011). The Kenyan government is diminishing the role of the state by introducing public-private partnerships. These new
30 arrangements are to compensate the state’s incapacity to deal with infrastructural challenges. This incapacity led to the outsourcing of large infrastructural projects, like the THIP, to third parties which is a consequence of the new global phase Kenya entered.
4.2 RECONSTRUCTING THE THIKA HIGHWAY IMPROVEMENT PROJECT
As mentioned in chapter three, the emphasis on infrastructural and regional (corridor) development and economic growth in Kenya led to the implementation of the Thika Highway Improvement Project (THIP). In this project the former dual carriageway Thika Road was transformed into a six to eight-lane highway with service lanes to each side in some sections (see photo 4.1). The construction of this flagship project of the Vision 2030, started in January 2009 and finished in November 2012. Transforming the 50-km road from Nairobi to Thika town into Kenya’s first superhighway was one of Kenya’s first large-scale transportation infrastructure projects in this Vision. The vision states that the public private partnership (PPP) is seen as essential mechanism for the infrastructural THIP (ADF, 2007; Republic of Kenya, 2008). The Vision is planning more than ‘120 transformational and cross-sector flagship projects’ based on the vision’s social, economic and political governance pillars in which the infrastructure sector is one of the foundations of the three pillars expected to “Provide cost effective world-class infrastructure facilities and services in support of Vision 2030” (Republic of Kenya, 2008). Thika superhighway is considered to be one of the biggest flagship projects in this plan. To reconstruct the THIP, the interviews were conducted with different stakeholders in the project. These participants included engineers of KURA and APEC, environmental consultant of NEMA, city planner, consultant of CES, professor researching the highway, district officer of Githurai, government valuer of the Ministry of Lands, environmental researcher, the chief of Githurai and a planner at KeNHA. An overview of the interviewed actors and their organizations can be found in appendix one.
31 Photo 4.1 The Thika Superhighway as seen from Kasarani cross-over bridge. The Githurai roundabout is situated at the arrow (own photo, 2014)
The implementation process of the THIP (as visualized below in figure 4.3) started with the introduction of the plan by the Government of Kenya as a flagship project in 2006. This part of the chapter deals with reconstructing the process procedure of the THIP. Since this is a very complicated, long process I advice to occasionally look back at the diagram in figure 4.3 while reading the process. This diagram will provide you with an overview of the framework of the process procedure discussed in the following part. From the interviews arose that the emphasize on the projects succession was huge and pressure was intensely felt by the different stakeholders involved in the project. A planner stated that: “It was a noble project with very high estimations. Probably making it to noble for Kenya” (Interview 5). This noble endeavor is also seen in the policy documents of the project. According to policy, the main objectives of the THIP were to boost the local socio-economic development, expanding the Nairobi Metropolitan Region, the nation’s economic growth and the interconnectivity with the East African region (ADF, 2007; KeNHA, 2013, Oginga, 2012). The different stakeholders also mention the local economic development but mostly highlight the congestion problems as the most important objective for the construction of the highway and then refer to the project as a tool to solve the traffic problem. It can be noted that a difference in the perception of scale is presented here. The policy plan looks at the projects outcomes from a wider range whereas the stakeholders simply look at the local outcome of this project, namely improved accessibility.
32 Figure 4.1 Structure of the process procedure of the THIP
Source: own empirical data (diagram produced in Dia)
Soon after its introduction the Ministry of Roads and Public Works was assigned as employer of the THIP and a tender for the design and contraction part was issued out. However, during this period, in 2008, the institutional framework in Kenya was restructured and the Ministry of Roads was merged with the Ministry of Transport and was divided into three sectors, namely the Kenya National Highway Authority (KeNHA), Kenya Urban Roads Authority (KURA) and the Kenya Rural Roads Authority (KERRA). This division did had consequences for the implementation process of the project since roles became unclear, even after KeNHA was identified as employer. During the course of this research it became clear that all involved actors had difficulty reconstructing the process in terms of roles. If we should belief the stakeholders perception, than they were responsible for everything in the project. For example when asking about public-participation in the project, a couple of stakeholders told me they provided the public participation aspect in the project and even held public meetings (Interview 5 en 7). The stakeholders made it seem that they organized the meetings themselves however after asking supplementary questions and looking at other interviews, it was revealed that they just attended the meeting which was organized by KeNHA. This inconsistency in answers about ‘exaggerating’ roles was noticed after conducting several interviews. It would seem that the stakeholders wanted to emphasize how important their role and level of involvement was in the project. This probably stemmed from the idea of a flagship project.
33 Lack of financing resources by the Government of Kenya resulted in the outsourcing of the financial assistance (KeNHA, 2013). In order to meet the goals as stated in the policy, the GoK solicited the African Development Bank Group. An ADB deputy visited Kenya in October 2006, and agreed with the GoK on the scope and components of the project. The project preparation was carried out in June 2007 followed by an appraisal mission in September 2007. The African Development Fund (ADF) loan financed 65% of the civil works and related supervision services. The ADF grant financed 85% of the Nairobi Metro and Private Sector Participation studies which were conducted by KeNHA in advance (ADF, 2007). The ADF loan and grant was not sufficient enough to achieve the amount of the US $ 360 million estimated cost, so new foreign actors were brought in due to a ‘lucrative’ deal of the Kenyan government with the Chinese government (Watts, 2013; Interview 1 and 11). During the project the African Development Bank (AfDB) has contributed the largest share namely US $180m. The Exim Bank of China, a private company, contributed a loan of US $100m and the Kenyan Government the extending balance of US $80m (African Development Fund, 2007). However, the budget escalated during the construction as a result of the weak Kenyan shilling and additional works such as unanticipated changes in lanes (KeNHA, 2013). The additional share of US $ 45m was contributed by the Exim Bank of China, bringing its total share on $ 145 m. With the introduction of the private company, EBC, the THIP as a public-private partnership was formed. Several other private companies followed later in the process. In the interviews, China’s aid was reviewed critically and interviewees stated that China had underlying intentions. like “They are stealing our oil” (Interview 4). Some interviewees were surprised that China was chosen since their aid is financed by loans, while the U.S. and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) subscribe ‘development aid’ that confines the term solely to grants which would be, given the lack of finances, a good option. The reason for choosing China, according to some stakeholders, was because of the earlier described deal and the idea that Africa was depending way too much on the ‘west’ (i.e. Europe and the U.S.). More on the involvement of China will follow shortly. After settling the finance, the bidding process of the design tender was won by the local firm APEC and the Indian firm CES. According to an APEC engineer, these two private engineering firms were chosen since they presented the best feasible design for this project (Interview 6). The reason, as stated by a planner at KeNHA, for choosing two firms was the large size of the project and the fact that a combination of both design proposals ensured the best outcomes (Interview 5). However immediately after completing the design, the Indians (CES) left and were not involved in the rest of the process (Interview 1). Before the design could be implemented a project appraisal mission was started in September 2007 (CES & APEC, 2007). Responsible for this, so-called, Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) rapport is the
34 independent National Environment Management Authority (NEMA). The EIA critically reviews the short-term and long-term impacts of a project. The EIA study starts with a notice in the Kenya Gazette wherein the project is announced to the public. The different governmental organizations and resident associations involved are presented with the design and are asked if they have any complaints or objections on the design. In this project none of the organizations objected to the implementation of the THIP project overall. However, several (small) objections or comments were raised. For example, the Kenya Forest Service (KFS) expressed the concerns to NEMA that a lot of trees were cut down by the construction and these trees had to be compensated. Other issues raised were increased traffic accidents, water & sewer supply disruption (flooding), theft and loss of property or employment. NEMA included these issues in the rapport. After 45 days the objection time expired and the EIA study rapport is prepared. After the publication of the EIA rapport there are still 90 days to provide feedback or objections on the project. After these 90 days the project appraisal was completed and NEMA presented the outcomes of the EIA to KeNHA and the engineers. This resulted in several adaptations in the design, like including several flyovers and improving the drainage system. The resident engineer APEC dealt with the designs and overseeing the contractors (see figure 4.3). After the final rapport for the THIP implementation was published by the ADF(2007), the construction phase finally arrived in January 2008. However, due to the restructuring of Kenya’s institutional framework and the design issues stated above, construction started a year later in January 2009. Several European companies applied but eventually the contract was given to three Chinese companies. It could be argued this choice was related to the Exim Bank of China financing the highway. These three Chinese companies brought in a lot of Chinese workers, so construction on the road was (mostly) done by the Chinese. Concerns were raised that one of the benefits of a public-private partnership is the exchange of knowledge but in this case, there seemed to be little given the lack of Kenyan companies or employers in the construction part (Interview 1, 2, 10 and 11). As a professor researching public involvement stated: “The Chinese came (with all their yellow people), build and then left immediately” (Interview 1). The civil works of the contract were divided in three plots (see figure 4.2 and 4.3) in order to distribute the workload and finish the project in time, which was a major concern among the stakeholders (Interview 5, 6, 7 and 9). The idea was that if one company was behind schedule others could help, after finishing their own plot (Interview 3, 6 and 9). The changes in design for Thika road were the widening of the road by constructing dual 4/3/2 lanes, adding interchanges with flyovers instead of roundabouts and the improvement of existing interchanges (ADF, 2007). The changes made in Githurai were the creation of a flyover interchange, separating the roundabout from the highway, and the construction of a dual three lane with service lanes on
35 both sides (see photo 4.1). During the construction the road remained open which caused some safety issues. Figure 4.2 Map of the three lots in the THIP with the Chinese constructors
Source: ADF (2007). Red lines and names are added by author
Figure 4.3 The awarded contracts in the THIP Lot no. Km Contractor Contract Sum (US dollar) LOT 1: City Arterial 12.4 China Wu Yi Company Ltd. 91,4 million Connectors LOT 2: Muthaiga - KU 14.1 Synohydro Corporation Ltd. 98,7 million LOT 3: KU - Thika 25.9 Shengli Engineering Construction Group 107,2 million Source: information obtained from AfDF (2007)
The first contractor was the China Wu Yi Company and was responsible for the construction of lot one, expanding from the Globe Cinema roundabout at the city centre in Nairobi to Muthaiga area. The second lot, in which Githurai is situated, was constructed by Sinohydro Corporation and ranged from Muthaiga to Kenyatta University. This lot was designed as a high-speed highway with restricted access and limited exits lanes (Interview 6). The largest and third lot was constructed by Sheng Li Engineering Construction and stretched from Kenyatta University all the way to Thika town (African Development Fund, 2007). The design and construction of the first plot in the city centre was the most difficult due to the high density in this area. China Wu Yi
36 Company, contractor of plot one, only had to build 12 of the 51 kilometers (see figure 4.3). However, this was the last contractor who completed its plot, extending the deadline with a year (Interview 7 and 9; Oginga, 2012). This was due to several (proposed) interchanges and flyovers in the congested city centre. The second plot was completed just before the deadline of December 2011. The third plot contained the longest part of the road but was very easily implemented due to its rural urban area (Interview 9 and 11). The construction was completed in November 2012 and was stretched over a period of 45 months, against the initially assumed 36 months (ADF, 2007). Reasons for the delay were, as stated earlier, the design issues and the restructuring of the institutional framework. However several other (design) issues that arose during construction were also perceived by the stakeholders. An example is the change in the design for the material of street signs (Interview 3). The street signs were produced of metal, which is a popular material in Kenya, so a lot of streets signs were stolen to sell as scrap metal. Since the highway remained open this resulted in a lot of dangerous situations since the Kenyans were not familiar with a four-lane highway with flyovers and service lanes with additional heights. People were also unwary what the speed limits were since these changed with the introduction of the well-maintained highway. This resolved in unnecessarily driving in the right (the fast or passing) lane. The signs helped them to navigate however when missing, several traffic accidents occurred (Interview 3, 4 and 9). Another reason for the increase in traffic accidents, named as a design issue by almost all stakeholders, was the little amount of pedestrian cross-over bridges present along the highway. In Kenya a lot of people walk to their work, school or homes and are therefore used to crossing roads (Heidkamp, Hossfeld & Stihl, 2010). With Thika road being a dual-lane carriageway, this was not a problem in the past. However, with the introduction of the highway speeding increased and a lot of people were hit while crossing the highway. The engineer of APEC also admitted that this was an unforeseen outcome and a flaw in the design.
4.3 AN AWKWARD TYPE OF PUBLIC-PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP
Now that the main objectives, actors and problems of the THIP are sketched and the process procedure as perceived by its actors is reconstructed, a less specific and more critical view of the THIP can be adopted. As stated in the theoretical part of this thesis, the THIP was introduced as a major infrastructural project within neoliberal policy and planning wherein public-private partnerships were seen as essential mechanism for delivering infrastructure (Ong’olo, 2006). With the involvement of the (foreign) private actors, the THIP adopted the form of a public-private partnership as planned in the policy. These private actors were the Exim Bank of China, CES Engineering Services (India) and the three Chinese contractors.
37 Most participants were enthusiastic about the process of THIP and its positive impacts to the peri-urban corridor between Nairobi and Thika. A planner even stating it is “The best road work ever done in Kenya” (Interview 4). But as the interviews progressed some concerns were raised. The project implements a kind of neoliberal development, employed with private funds. The policy stated that the THIP was implemented as a public private partnership. Surprisingly, none of the actors involved perceived the project as a PPP or had any knowledge of the concept whatsoever (with the exception of the employer KeNHA). The main reason for this can be the incoherent planning with its broad continental view and the involvement of (too) many actors in this project. One of the major concerns was therefore the representativeness of the different power relations in the project. As chapter one has pointed out, the devolution of the Kenyan government in recent years has made major changes in planning procedures which apparently caused an unclear division of roles (Interview 2, 3, 8, 10 and 11). This means power relations as well as planning positions play an important role in these projects. The private sector was largely represented in the construction, design and finance sector of the project in which their role in the project seems to be large. However, when looking closely to their involvement on the implementation of the project, this image can be seen as a simulacrum. The project was hierarchically structured in which the state is at the top, making the decisions of which the private actors are ‘executors’. The projects process started hierarchical (see figure 4.1) but is also hierarchical in receiving feedback. When facing an issue during construction, the contractors had to inform the engineers, who had to inform the implementation team led by KeNHA. In addition, public involvement was also little in the project despite the emphasis in the neoliberal policy on public participation in such projects. The stakeholders argued that several public meetings were held before the construction of the highway which people could attend. Present at these meetings were the Ministry of Lands, government planners, KeNHA and the county commissioner. It should be noted that these are all public actors. Nevertheless, this form of public participation can be highly doubted since these public meetings seemed to me more as presentations wherein the stakeholders elaborated their plan and there was little room for feedback. “We just said what we were going to do, to the area, informed them, since it was inevitable and then left” (Interview 8). The hierarchical structure in the project also caused communication problems since issues have to be passed on and can’t be directly communicated to the concerned actor. This ensured ambiguity between actors since actors were not aware of each other’s role and involvement in the project. This is illustrated by this professors’ quote: “We tried to ask the Kenyan engineer to answer questions about the problems. And they say they were not aware, they could not answer. They said this problem could only be answered by the Chinese contractor. And when we got to the Chinese contractor ,they said no, we don’t talk. We work and build for the Kenyan Government” (Interview 1).
38 The THIP projects seems, on the one hand, to show a parallel with past planning orientations since the metro pole and its development are central objectives in this project. These developments are still addressing the same problems as described in chapter three, with informality and urban sprawl as main drivers. In addition, the THIP also fits in the grand vision about the development of Kenya’s economy in order to become a middle-income country with a high quality of life in which Nairobi is situated as a world-class city (Werner, Otieno, & Wakhungu, 2011). On the other hand, the THIP moves away from this planning vision by adopting a whole new form as an ‘awkward’ type of public-private partnership. In this awkward type of PPP the state has a strong involvement, looking very much like the alliance-model of Edelenbos and Teisman (2008). It is seems to be clear that major infrastructural projects are essential for development in Kenya. However, the goal to “provide cost effective world-class infrastructure facilities and services in support of Vision 2030” is a grand continental vision which is really hard to implement. Major infrastructural development projects are driven by the concept of neoliberal urbanization which is defined as an urban policy squarely revolved around re-centering and restructuring the city. Neoliberal urbanization was driving the THIP with the reconstruction and repositioning of the highway and the area surrounding it. In these areas old forms and functions had to give way to a new urbanity (Swyngedouw, Moulaert & Rodriquez, 2002). This new urbanity leads to all sorts of unintended outcomes. These governance structures are resolving in a fragmented city in which congestion, urban sprawl and informality are seen as problematic aspects (Charton-Bigot & Rodriquez-Torres, 2010). This idea of the unplanned city should be central when analyzing urban planning processes. This research opposes the idea of scales and the false assumption that projects are ‘implemented’. Planning processes should be seen as unintended witnessing different outcomes with every practice (Hendriks, 2010).
4.5 CONCLUSION
The positive impacts of the Thika Highway Improvement Project (THIP) on the peri-urban area of Nairobi-Thika seems to be undeniable. However, the project also highlights the incapacity of the state to properly deal with the unintended outcomes of these projects. The planning and design process as seen from the involved stakeholders shows that the THIP project has followed a hierarchical process procedure with strong state involvement and the private sector merely acting as ‘executors’. Therefore, the public-private partnership (PPP) of the THIP seems to be an awkward type of PPP. These flagship projects have the assumption that they are replicable but I argue that the THIP project can’t be perceived as a stand-alone project in which the PPP can be seen as some type of emergent project running into new challenges as it proceeds. Centralized planning has a strong historical dimension but also reflects the changing ideas of governance
39 structures and the metro pole. Planning in Nairobi may show these neoliberal characteristics, as PPPs, but it is also very experimental and more ‘organic’ than assumed. The idea of centralized fixed planning should be rejected. Planning should rather be seen as contested and interfacing in many ways with a much wider use of space which is really multidimensional. In this the city in the African context should be seen as an organism in which interventions here could lead to very different outcomes elsewhere. This idea of understanding large projects through everyday encounters will be elaborated in the next chapter about the Social Life of the Roundabout.
40 CHAPTER 5. THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE ROUNDABOUT: RECONSTRUCTING THE LOCAL ECONOMY
This chapter discusses the consequences and fragmentation from the perspective of the Githurai roundabout survivors. It deals with their livelihoods and how they reconstruct their local economy after the completion of the superhighway. It explains citizens’ main concerns with e.g. (road) safety, local economy, public involvement and socio impacts and how a infrastructural project contributes to the sites and practices of region-making. To accomplish this, a reconstruction of the modes of ordering that were already present at the roundabout is necessary. The first part of this chapter deals with these modes at the Githurai roundabout before the interventions of the THIP.
5.1 THE UNPLANNED AND EVICTED ROUNDABOUT
Githurai is a highly populated suburb and has characteristics of an informal settlement although is not classified as one. The area experienced population increase without corresponding planning and development. The rapid urban population growth is characterized by poor housing facilities and waste management, making Githurai an ‘unhealthy’ environment (Kaluli, Wageci & Home, 2010). The town is located in two municipalities of which the superhighway forms the border. Githurai 45 is situated in Ruiru municipality and Githurai 44 in Nairobi county. The Githurai roundabout, which is situated below the highway is seen as the central point of the town. Before the construction of the highway, the roundabout hosted the largest green market in the Nairobi Metropolitan Region. The open-air market was evicted from the center of the roundabout to the side of the road where no cars were allowed. The changing location had major consequences for the livelihood of the market traders and for the everyday life at the centre of the roundabout. Before the interventions of the superhighway, modes of ordering were present at the roundabout but they were not really formally implemented. These past modes of ordering need to be weighed since they are relevant for understanding the way these previous present modes interacted with the interventions. It must be understood that this study takes place in a social institutional context which is often more complex than the intervention or planning initially assumed. Therefore the Githurai roundabout is firstly described as ‘existing’, meaning as a mental map of people which is relevant to their future e.g. strategies, activities, (land)rights. In this way I want to show that this research is a social construction of the people themselves which intervenes with the local economy. Most of the interviewed Githurai survivors were market traders but others were also interviewed like shopowners, hawker, conductor, branch manager supermarket, teachers and the chairman of the traders association.
41 Photo 5.1 The (current) Githurai roundabout & market, seen from the highway (own photo, 2014)
It is a very busy day at the Githurai market. A lot of traders are yelling and trying to sell their goods. Cars are stopping at the middle of the roundabout to buy some gum or cigarettes from the hawkers , buying them from their car before driving home (fictive). This story could simply be told by anyone present at the Githurai roundabout before the introduction of the superhighway in 2009. During this time a lot of hawkers were present at the centre of the roundabout or at the middle of the road. Hawking is the act of selling goods for a living and is synonymous with e.g. peddling, vending, marketing (Heidkamp, Hossfeld & Stihl, 2010). It is quite interesting to see that even with the maximum of flexibility in choosing a place, most of the (male) hawkers have been using the same place for a long time. Most of them are keen on having a proper stall but lack the capability – so the flexibility is mostly not understood as a favorable quality (Interview 18 and 29). Before the construction they choose the roundabout because of the constant stream of traffic, which while it generates lots of passing trade, also provoked dangerous situations, with the cars passing by so closely that they occasionally run over the goods or even persons. Their day’s taking can vary from anything between 0 to 600 shillings (five euro’s). Even though hawking is an informal job, a hawker still has to pay 25 shillings (€0,28) to the city council twice a week for its trader’s license (Interview 18). The city planners and councilors seemed to be preoccupied in order to care much about a peri-urban area as Githurai (Interview 25). Due to this neglectance, Githurai roundabout was an unplanned area with a lot of informal activity (Interview 24). Besides the hawkers there were a lot of roadside stalls present at the Githurai roundabout. These road-side stalls, occupied by market traders (mostly female), were situated at the side of Thika Road, so not in the center of the roundabout (Interview 12, 15 and 24). Passing traffic stopped to buy some goods. It could be argued that these road-side stalls are less informal than
42 the hawkers, since they are less mobile. Therefore there was a clear divide between hawkers and market traders. Since hawkers were in the middle of the road selling small goods as sweets and cigarettes. The market traders on the side mostly sell clothes and vegetables and customers were mostly middle-class, passing Githurai while driving back home . Whereas the hawkers work for themselves, the solidarity among market traders was intrinsically present before and also after the construction of the highway (Interview 24, 25 and 26). The solidarity among the (informal) market traders demonstrates the still existing social landscape at the Githurai market. Market traders do not view each other as competition, even if they share the same space. They all sell the same types of goods, namely clothing or fresh products and source both from a wholesaler whenever they need new goods – usually every week. Mutual support is given when a fellow trader is having a bad-day or when one of the traders has done very well to the detriment of the others. This trader will then buy clothes from her colleague, redistributing the income. Generally this social landscape is important for the informal worker, reducing the risks caused by arbitrary checks and demands carried out by the police (Interview 10 and 29). During the evening the roundabout wasn’t as crowded. Most people were found at the bus stages ‘to get to or come back from town’. Women were also not present at the roundabout during the evening. The main reason was safety issues since theft and raping occurred in Githurai. Resulting in a very low sense of security by the Githurai survivors. There were also several (residential) buildings and shops situated off the road. One building named several times was the Kassmatt Supermarket. The fact that this building had to be demolished because of the highway, just after expanding the store, probably influenced this image. Next, two small buss stages were present on both sides of the roundabout, often just referred to as stage (Interview 14 and 17). These stages were operated by the local bus company SACCO. People used the stage ‘to go to town’ and come back. The term ‘go to town’ was often phrased and refers to the CBD of Nairobi. The term suggests that Githurai is part of Nairobi and therefore, the survivors identify themselves as part of Nairobi. Despite its location in the peri-urban (see map 1.1 and for location Githurai). It could even be argued that the desire to belong to Nairobi led to this outcome. Experts however see Githurai as part of the Nairobi Metropolitan Region, calling it Nairobi Metropolitan (Interview 1 and 6). Several actors and activities present at the Githurai roundabout before the highway have introduced themselves now. Some of these elaborations were based on the mental maps drawn by respondents. The method was chosen in order to properly reconstruct the local economy and its (physical) structures of the past. Unfortunately no photos were found of the Githurai roundabout before the highway. Most of the mental maps the Githurai survivors produced were on one page. With the before construction picture on the top side and the after below (see figure 5.1). However, some respondents drew the before on one and the after on one. Some of the, in
43 total 10, mental maps that were produced can be found in appendix five. When analyzing the maps I looked for similarities and certain patterns that occurred. When looking at the before picture almost all maps started with drawing the roundabout. In the middle of the roundabout a lot of activities and actors were found, like the previously named hawkers. There also was a large billboard in the middle of roundabout with advertisement. According to the respondents, the middle of the roundabout was a green area with flowers and grass as people gave meaning to the place by jokingly calling it Uhuru Park, named after a large park in Nairobi city. The comparison with the actual Uhuru park seems far away since the middle of the roundabout was unplanned and the park in Nairobi was not. On the side of the road some buildings and the road-side market stalls were drawn. Some places on the mental map have been given stronger meanings than others. These are the places, like “Uhuru Park’ that are said to have a strong ‘sense of place’ (Bryman, 2008). Figure 5.1 Mental maps of two respondents. Left: the before picture. Right: both before and after construction (empirical data)
With the help of the social construction of the roundabout it is argued that the roundabout of the past was an unplanned area wherein people gave meaning to their surroundings by local discourse. This was seen by giving the middle of the roundabout the nickname of Uhuru Park. Before the highway was constructed the (crammed) area was developing slow. The roundabout consisted of a market with its own dynamic. Activities were
44 mostly fleeting encounters between customer and trader/hawker. However, the middle of the roundabout was also used as park where people met.
5.2 RECONSTRUCTING THE LOCAL ECONOMY
This part deals with the local existing economy of the Githurai roundabout with which the Thika Highway Improvement Project (THIP) interacted and takes the reader to the present Githurai site by explaining the ‘survivors’ and showing their struggles. It is argued that the social life of the roundabout stems from a constant form of negotiations constantly transitioning. The Thika superhighway was firstly introduced in 2006. The additions in the structure for Githurai were adding bicycle and service lanes, a bigger bus stage and the most visible change: the flyover with its underpass (Interview 1 and 6). Herefore the roundabout, as described in the previous part, had to be removed. This removal of a roundabout to replace with interchanges and additional lanes was conducted at several interchanges along the highway. However, this proved harder than initially thought due to resentment among local people. Mostly driven by the roundabout as the ‘sense of place’ since the roundabout was the center of the local economy and the construction would remove “the center of their identity” (Interview 18). The resentment resulted in road blocking but eventually the state intervened and the road blocking was over. Most of the Githurai survivors were informed of the arrival of the THIP. The information was mostly conducted from local newspapers, posters around town or local discourse. The introduction of the highway brought lots of changes on the dynamic roundabout since the middle of the roundabout had to cleared and people had to be evicted. The government provided a new area for the market traders just inside the town of Githurai. The hawkers were not taken into account (Interview 1). However, the assigned place was far away from the road and the traders economy depended on the road. The traders and hawkers refused to leave the middle of the roundabout. Eventually the traders were driven out since police evicted them, sparing no one (Interview 23). Immediately after this, the roundabout was fenced and trees were planted by the government. The middle of the roundabout became, and still, is empty and was a symbol of a bygone era. Nowadays the center of the roundabout is considered a unsafe place. “There are youth sitting there, the whole day, just hanging around. God may know what they are doing” (Interview 16). According to the survivors, there were also a lot of drug dealers and criminals present (Interview . After the eviction, the traders eventually moved their informal stalls to the side of the highway, away from the roundabout. However due to the flyover, these stalls were located down and cars could not reach the market as easy as before (see photo 5.2). The crammed informed stalls were simply build out of woodsticks and crimps. When walking through this market it feels
45 like a covered market since the market stalls are densely built together (see photo 5.3). There were also no parking lanes available since the market traders were suppose to move to the design market area. (Interview 18, 22, 23, 24, 25 en 29). A lot of market traders were struggling with this change in their local economy. In order to survive they had to transform to their new landscape and obtain strategies for survival. Most of the hawkers didn’t had the capability and the existing social landscape in order to survive. They had to move away and (hopefully) found business somewhere else. Nowadays, there are little but some hawkers found at the roundabout since most vehicles at the underpass are busses. The inaccessibility of the new market for ‘outsiders’ also let to developing strategies for new customers. The market became inconvenient for middle- class customers so they simply went someplace else (Interview 28). The ones crowded and noisy marketplace became awkwardly quiet.
Photo 5.2 The current ‘empty’ roundabout with fly-over Photo 5.3 The informal market stalls with the elevated highway right
Source: own photos (2014)
However, the introduction of the highway also impacted the urban development in Githurai which led to major rural-urban migration. The market traders adopted a new strategy, not by changing their products but their advertisement. Nowadays clients are mainly found through word-of-mouth and the market was transformed into a local market. Other impacts of the superhighway named by the Githurai survivors were mostly increased traffic accidents, economic growth, accessibility and security. The most appreciated impacts were the improved accessibility and (economic & urban) development in the area. The accessibility also resulted in improeved security since the Nairobi police could reach the town in twenty minutes where previously two or three hours stuck in traffic were the norm. And in addition, the design implemented large lampposts on the roundabout was produced a lot of light in the evening. This was a positive change according to the survivors since women could also trade in the evening now.
46 Not only the market had to be replaced, also a lot of buildings had to be demolished in order to make way for the superhighway. In this the importance for the GoK of the highway is highlighted but also the unidirectional way of planning. As stated by the chairman of the traders association: “Usually when a project like is done, its not supposed to go through residential areas, this emphasizes that the road was done without the planning” (Interview 29). People that had to be evicted were informed by an announcement in the newspaper and later by the local chief (Interview 10). In some cases a red cross was signed on houses. There was no form of public participation in this case whatsoever. “The plan had to be executed no matter what the consequences were” (Interview 11). One of most issued concerns was the compensation and resettlement of people and businesses. Since the highway had to be widened and new interchanges were made, a lot of houses needed to be demolished and people evicted which caused loss of employment and property in the area. The Ministry of Lands was responsible for the compensation but this was , as stated by a respondent “a very small compensation, nothing compared to losing your home, that’s all some people have” (Interview 11). However due to the high amount of informality along the road most of the people were not compensated at all (Interview 1). This turned into strategies of formalization by people affected by the highway. According to the government valuer responsible: “This was no use. We looked at the formal papers before the implementation of the project” (Interview 8). This meant that people, even living somewhere all their life, were not only evicted but also not compensated. Public participation was never noticed by the Githurai survivors. They weren’t approached for their opinion, heard about meetings or involved in any way at all. According to several respondents this was because of the huge state involvement in the project. The survivors attained a suspicious and cynical attitude against participating in the project. In this a sort of resignation in the perspective of the Githurai survivors on planning processes is seen in which centralized planning is unidirectional and has a strong vision. Planning in Nairobi expires in many ways very predictable. The governance structure sets goals and implements them. However, planning reflects a stubborn reality with the state’s incompetence to deal with its unforeseen outcomes. The institutionalism seems to be very complex with people finding it hard to find their way in this system. Since the flagship project reflects a terrible chaos of connections and responsibilities. The urban and economic development of the area also brought some concerns since the THIP project only implemented the highway and its immediate surroundings (Interview 17 and 19). Informality was wiped away from the roundabout. In the interviews emerged the assumption that the borders between ‘on-the-go’ jobs and ‘fixed’ jobs are fluid. One of the reasons that ensures the illegal jobs is the corruption (Interview, 22 and 23). It remains a system as long as the price is right, the police will look the other way.
47 The semi-structured interviews revealed that many survivors of the roundabout appreciated the THIP, its outcome; the superhighway and its anticipated benefits. Especially the improved accessibility and the development it brought, stating “It has started the area. It has made the area and it put in business. Even buildings have more places for the people now.” (Interview 13). However, concerns were raised about the projects process and implementation since the project faced a lot of adaptations in the design. It is argued that these adaptations and extra costs could have been prevented if users and residents were included in especially the design process (Interview 29). Almost all participants highlighted the road accidents due to crossing pedestrians on the highway. Emphasis should be on informing the residents and users on how to safely access and use the superhighway. People were used to crossing the road but crossing a eight-lane highway is something else. Another reason for these accidents was the minimum amount of pedestrians bridges in the anticipated design. During the interview, the chief resident engineer admitted the design was inadequate and they added the pedestrian ways (Interview 6). Overall, the Githurai market traders were not positive about the process of the THIP but were satisfied with the results. It seems that projects as the THIP, contradict the whole idea of planned development within status projects. These projects are way to complex and dynamic to implement on especially the local level. The THIP represents a case for these statusprojects to coope with different forms of informality that were present at the roundabout. It seems that formality and informality are inseperable and a sort of dialectic relationship can be distinquished. In which formality leads to informality and the other way around. The social life of the roundabout had its own dynamic with the market and people passing through every day. This whole idea shifted with the resettlement on the side of the road. However it occurs that new things, like the rural-urban development, influence these processes making sure that the social life is in transition all the time dealing and coping with changes. In this way the social life of the roundabout should be seen as a metaphor for understanding governance and how projects get a life of their own when they encounter everyday lives. Then you can make the point that this shows a break with studying PPPs as projects with clear design stages and responsibilities.
Staat incompetent weerbarstige werkelijkheid. Case representatief voor status projecten om te dealen met dit soort vormen van informaliteit. De staat is dus echt incompetent. Ze hebben wel financierders of willen dubbele rollen aannemen. Ze willen wel in controle blijven maar het zegt veel over de reikwijdte van de staat in dit soort projecten. Houden alleen rekening met het formele aspect van de weg niet met consequenties.
48 Dus tent met meer stokken hele tijd. Ze leren wel gaandeweg, het is een proces, narrow focus wordt steeds diverser. Zelfs statusproject: Begint smal en formeel maar wordt iets organischer. Oplossingen worden gemaakt. Het is alleen niet zo formeel. Oriëntatie blijft formeel maar in principe begint het steeds meer de gekke werkelijkheid te weerspiegelen/ de weerbarstige werkelijkheid? Het is niet een klassiek verhaal dat het zich niet aanpast. Wat zijn de drukmiddelen waardoor het wordt aangepast? De enige aanpassing is de voetgangers misschien? Is dat substantieel als conclusie? Bussen die te hard rijden is planbaar probleem.
5.3 CONCLUSION
The Githurai roundabout and its market can be seen as a mini society an sich with a dynamic, social economy, constantly transitioning to everyday encounters. The THIP had major impacts on the social life of the roundabout. In their perspective accessibility and economic development are the most useful impacts for the development of the region. Overall the survivors of the roundabout were not satisfied with the process of the THIP, especially due to lack of involvement, but they were satisfied with the results. In this a sort of resignation in the perspective of the Githurai survivors on planning processes is seen in which centralized planning is unidirectional and has a strong vision. They was perceived the THIP as a necessary tool for infrastructural development since traffic problems were huge. Informality is one of the main drivers behind the social life of the roundabout and may be viewed as being constantly present in a dialectical relationship with formality. There is a dialectic between these two group. However, it is not that one, replaces the other. You should see look at it as a mutual relation wherein the formal and informal are inextricably linked. This relation is dynamic and unpredictable since the two groups are constantly interfering with each other. Changes made in one place are resulting in interventions in the other. This dialect relationship also results in the incapacity of the state to properly plan and implement. The reconstruction of the local economy was necessary for the understanding of large projects through everyday encounters and how they fragmented and were translated by the survivors into local residents’ strategies. The state wants to adopt a strong role in these projects to remain in control however it lacks the capacity to do so. Development projects are not discrete (in a clearly defined development space) but touch down in settings where there are economies at play that defy the project logics. In this way the social life of the roundabout should be seen as a metaphor for understanding governance and how projects get a life of their own when they encounter everyday lives. Then you can make the point that this shows a break with studying PPPs as projects with clear design stages and responsibilities.
49 Here in the social life of the roundabout is constantly transforming and adapting in order to survive. This idea of an organic city
CONCLUSION
This research witnessed a very interesting and long journey before arriving at the social life of the roundabout. It started with an instrumental approach on analyzing public-private infrastructural partnerships in Kenya according to certain dimensions. However during the course of this study, this focus changed with the discovery that these projects, and planning as a whole, interfaces in many ways with a much wider use of space which is really multidimensional, contested and fragmented. These infrastructural projects develop a life of their own when they encounter everyday lives. The Thika Highway Improvement project was an ambitious flagship project with a strong state involvement. The public-private partnership (PPP) as a mechanism for infrastructural development is in this case seen as an awkward, skewed form of PPP since the private actors are simply the executors in the process. On the one hand, planning in Nairobi follows a very predictable course with many goals. However, the governance framework makes it really difficult to implement plans. Since development projects are not discrete (in a clearly defined development space) but touch down in settings where there are economies at play that defy the project logics. In this way the social life of the roundabout should be seen as a metaphor for understanding governance and how projects get a life of their own when they encounter everyday lives. Then you can make the point that this shows a break with studying PPPs as projects with clear design stages and responsibilities. Informality is one of the main drivers behind the social life of the roundabout and may be viewed as being constantly present in a dialectical relationship with formality. There is a dialectic between these two group. However, it is not that one, replaces the other. You should see look at it as a mutual relation wherein the formal and informal are inextricably linked. This relation is dynamic and unpredictable since the two groups are constantly interfering with each other. Changes made in one place are resulting in interventions in the other. This dialect relationship also results in the incapacity of the state to properly plan and implement.
50 REFERENCES
African Development Fund (2007). Nairobi – Thika Highway Improvement project (Republic of Kenya; Infrastructure department). Nairobi: Republic of Kenya. Archer, M. (1998). Introduction. Realism in the Social Sciences. In: M. Archer et al. (eds.) Critical Realism: Essential Readings. London: Routledge. Aschauer, D.A. (1990). Why is Infrastructure Important? In: Is There a Shortfall in Public Capital Investment? (pp. 21-68). Boston: Federal Reserve Bank of Boston. Blanco, G.E. (2009). The Social Life of Regions; Salmon farming and the regionalization of development in Chilean Patagonia. Wageningen: Wageningen University, 1-320. Boeck, F. de, Cassiman, A., & Wolputte, S. van (2012). Planning poverty? The impact of neoliberal urban planning on everyday life in three African cities. Brenner, N., & Theodore,N. (2002). ‘Cities and the geographies of “Actually Existing Neoliberalism”’. Antipode, 33(3), p. 349–379. Bryman, A. (3rd ed.). (2008). Social research methods. New York: Oxford University Press. Charton-Bigot, H. & Rodriquez-Torres, D. (ed.) (2010). Nairobi Today: The Paradox of a Fragmented City. Nairobi: Mkuki na Nyota Publishers City Council of Nairobi (1973). Nairobi Metropolitan Growth Strategy, Volume 2. Nairobi: author. Cohen, B., White, M., Montgomery, M.R., McGee, T., & Yeung, Y. (2004). Urban population change: a sketch. In Montgomery, M.R., Stren, R., Cohen, B. & Reed, H.E. (Ed.), Cities Transformed: Demographic Change and its Implications in the Developing World (pp. 75-107). London: Earthscan. Consulting Engineering Services (CES) (India) Private Limited and APEC Limited (2007). Feasibility study, detailed engineering design, tender administration and construction supervision of Nairobi-Thika Road (A2): Phase 1 and 2 environmental and social impact assessment study report. Final Report. Coquery-Vidrovitch, C. (1991). The Process of Urbanization in Africa (From the Origins to the Beginning of Independence). African Studies Review, 34 (1), 1-98. Dietz, T., Foeken, D.W.J. & Haastrecht, van A. (1996). KENYA: mensen, politiek, economie, cultuur. Amsterdam: Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen, Landenreeks. Edelenbos, J., & Teisman, G. R. (2008). Public–private partnership: On the edge of project and process management. Insights from Dutch practice: The Sijtwende spatial development project. Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 26(3), p. 614–626.
51 Fainstein, S.S. (2013). The just city. International Journal of Urban Sciences, p. 1-18. Gerring, J. (2004). What Is a Case Study and What Is It Good for? American Political Science Review, 98 (2), 341-354. Gramlich, E.M. (1994). Infrastructure Investment: A Review Essay, Journal of Economic Literature, 32 (3), 1176-1196. He, J. (eds.) (1991). Migration, blood pressure pattern, and hypertension: the Yi Migrant Study. Am J Epidemiol, 134, 1085–101. Hendriks, B. (2010). Urban livelihoods, institutions and inclusive governance in Nairobi: spaces and their impacts on quality of life, influence and political rights. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam Press. Hoyle, R.H., Harris, M.J., Judd, C.M. (7th ed.). (2007). Research Methods in Social Relations. New York: Wadsworth. INTI (2013). New New Towns: Why we need to rethink the city for the future. New New Towns Africa Project Plan, 1-57. Irandu, E. & Malii, J. (2013). Nairobi-Thika Highway Improvement Project. An Environmental Assessment. Department of Geography and Environmental Studies, University of Nairobi & The Center for Sustainable Urban Development (CSUD), Columbia University. Kaluli, J.W., Wageci, C. & Home, P.G. (2010). Surface water quality in Kenya’s urban environment: a case study of Githurai, Nairobi, Kenya. Biomechanical and Environmental Engineering Department, Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology, Nairobi, Kenya, 695-703. KARA & CSUD (2012). Thika Highway Improvement Project. The Social/Community Component of the Analysis of the Thika Highway Improvement Project in Ruiru county. Columbia University, 1-52. Kedogo, J., & Hamhaber, J. (2012). Perspectives in Governance and Global South Urban Crises: The Case of Nairobi. AESOP 26th Annual Congress, 1-16. KeNHA (august 2013). Draft completion report of Nairobi-Thika Road (A2), Volume 2. Nairobi: author Khasiani, K. (2011). Legacy systems and budget reform: The case of Kenya. In Are we asking the right questions? Embedding a medium-term perspective in budgeting, 35-50. Kipchumba, N. (2014). Thrilling madness in Githurai 45 Nairobi, Kenya. Retrieved on 29 March 2014, on http://featurespoint.blogspot.nl/2013/02/thrilling-madness-in-githurai- 45.html
52 Kivai, B. (2014). Githurai Market, Nairobi-Kenya. Accessed on March 28, 2014, on http://bantukivai.blogspot.nl/2014/04/2100hrs-githurai-market-nairobi-kenya.html Kooiman, J. and M. Bavinck (2013) ‘Theorizing Governability – The Interactive Governance Perspective Governability of Fisheries and Aquaculture: Theory and Applications, in ‘Bavinck, M., R. Chuenpagdee, S. Jentoft and J. Kooiman (eds), Governability of Fisheries and Aquaculture: Theory and Applications, Dordrecht Heidelberg New York London: Springer, 9-32. Kwak, Y.H. Chih, Y. & Ibbs, C.W. (2009). Towards a Comprehensive Understanding of Public Private Partnerships for Infrastructure Development. California Management Review, 51 (2), 51-78. Leon, D.A. (2008). Cities, urbanization and health. International Journal of Epidemiology, 37, 4–8. Lewis, B.D. (1998). The impact of public infrastructure on municipal economic development: empirical results from Kenya. Review of Urban & Regional Development Studies, 10 (2), 142-156. Linehan, D. (2007) Re-ordering the urban archipelago: Kenya Vision 2030, street trade and the battle for Nairobi City Centre. Aurora Geography Journal, 1, 21-37. Ministry of Nairobi Metropolitan Development (2011). Chapter 13: New Town, in Development of a Spatial Planning Concept for Nairobi Metropolitan Region, 340- 370. Moody, K. (1997). Workers in a Lean World. New York: Verso Mosse, D. (2004) Is Good Policy Unimplementable? Reflections on the Ethnography of Aid Policy and Practice. Development and Change, 35(4), 639–671. Mukoko, S. (1996). On sustainable urban development in sub-Saharan Africa. Cities, 13 (4), 265-27. Oginga, R.O.W. (2012). Report on study visit to Nairobi- Thika Highway Improvement Project. Nairobi: University of Nairobi Omwenga, M. (2008). Urban Growth and Sprawl – Case Study of Nairobi, Kenya. World Urban Forum, 4, 1-8. Ong’olo, D. O. (2006). Public Private Partnerships (PPP): Practice and Regulatory Policy in Kenya. The Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA, Kenya), 1-40. Otiso, K.M. & Owusu, G. (2008). Comparative urbanization in Ghana and Kenya in time and space. GeoJournal, 71 (2/3), 143-157. Parnell, S. & Walawege R. (2011). Sub-Saharan African urbanisation and global environmental change. Global Environmental Change, 21 (S) , 12–20.
53 Republic of Kenya (2008). Kenya Vision 2030: First Medium Term Plan, 2008-2012. Transforming Kenya: Pathway to devolution, socio-economic development, equity and national unity. (Government of the Republic of Kenya). Nairobi: author. Republic of Kenya (2013). Kenya Vision 2030: Second Medium Term Plan, 2013-2017. Transforming Kenya: Pathway to devolution, socio-economic development, equity and national unity. (Government of the Republic of Kenya). Nairobi: author. Sager, T. (2011). Neo-liberal urban planning policies: A literature survey 1990–2010. Progress in Planning, 76, 147–199. Siemiatycki, M. (2007). What’s the secret? Confidentiality in planning infrastructure using public/private partnerships. Journal of the American Planning Association, 73(4), 388– 403. Swyngedouw, E., Moulaert, F. & Rodriguez, A. (2002). Neoliberal Urbanization in Europe: Large–Scale Urban Development Projects and the New Urban Policy. Antipode, 34 (3), 542–577. UN-HABITAT (2006). Nairobi urban sector profile. Nairobi: UN-HABITAT. UN-HABITAT (2010). The State of African Cities: Governance, Inequality and Urban Land Markets. Nairobi : UN-HABITAT. UN-HABITAT (2013). State of the World's Cities 2012/2013: Prosperity of Cities. New York: Earthscan publishers. Vogel, M. (2008). History of Urban Planning in Nairobi. Retrieved on 22 July 2014, on http://www.studio-basel.com/assets/files/files/029_NRB_ATLAS_11_planning_dr_ A3.pdf Watts, J.M. (2013, august 20th). China’s $5 billion deal with Kenya is a much bigger win for Beijing than Nairobi. China-US Focus. Accessed on March 16, 2013, via http://www.chinausfocus.com. Werner, M.C., Otieno, V.A., & Wakhungu, J.W. (2011). Kenya’s Urban Development in the 21st century: The Call for Innovative Initiatives from Local Authorities. Development Trust Innovation Africa (DTIA) and African Centre for Technology Studies (ACTS), 1-108. Wheatley, P. (1972). The Concept of Urbanism. In Man, Settlement and Urbanism, Ucko, P.J., Tringham, R. & Dimbley, G.W. (eds.) (p. 601-637). London: Duckworth. World Bank (2013, October). Six Case Studies of Local Participation in Kenya. Retrieved from http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2013/10/19151850. Yeung, W.C. (1997). Critical realism and realist research in human geography: a method or a philosophy in search of a method? Progress in Human Geography, 21(1), 51-74.
54
APPENDIX 1 – INTERVIEW SCHEDULE THIP
Unit of information: Information collected on: About themselves Name, organization, position, function, etc. General questions superhighway Why need for highway? Communicated how? Approached how? How involved about highway and why Perception before The involvement / role in project Before Planning phase How was it planned? Main financers/funding Their interests? Who were involved? Who not? Why? How is Vision 2030 shaped in project? Challenges encountered eg land acquisition/ compensation, terrain, vegetation etc. Approval process How did the approval process go Involved in this? Project appraisal, feasibility - monitoring evaluations, submitting the plans to the planning department, public involvement in approval processes in plans scrutiny Design Who responsible? Were changes in design made during or after? Anticipated environmental impacts? Pressure on environment construction. New impacts? Durable material? Consideration of sustainability? The involvement / role in project During After Different phases, different roles? Network: who’s where? Environmental impacts and standards Level/nature of involvement Strategies: Incorporation of gender? Conclusions Actors perception about project. Changed over time? Flaws? Improvements? Perceive as replicable model Plan better for the future? Lead to coherent planning? Any additions?? Remarks? Thank you very much for your time and cooperation
55 APPENDIX 2 – INTERVIEW SCHEDULE GITHURAI
Unit of information: Information collected on: About themselves Name, profession, function, residence, how long in Githurai etc. General questions superhighway Informed? If yes, communicated how? If no, why think not? Necessary to build highway? Involved? Hear about meeting? Why not/why did? Why did/didn’t go? Approached for opinion? No? Other people? Before construction Physically structured What activities present at roundabout Actors Economy/prices Other: security, gender etc. Perception before During construction How process: involved? Consequences construction Noticeable changes: market replaced? Informal activities? Land issues/ evicted After construction Changes in everyday life? New actors? Same? Reduced/increased Activities: informal/formal Economy/prices Other impacts: security, accessibility, accidents, gender Conclusions Perceptions on construction Perception on end result: positive or negative? Perception public participation process Thank you very much for your time and cooperation
56 APPENDIX 3 – CODE TREE
Personal aspect Rural fortune seekers Strategy/coping with the highway Spatial distribution Government o Information o Involvement o Influence o Role Traffic Security o Insecurity o Accessibility Formal planning Informal planning Security Economy Flexibility Informality Gender Safety Unintended outcome Project appraisal Public participation Before construction – o Positive o Negative After construction– o Positive o Negative Lessons Great quotes
57 APPENDIX 4 – INTERVIEWEE TABLE
Nr Interviewee Organization
THIP Case 1 Professor / expert University of Nairobi 2 District officer County Commissioner Githurai 3 Environmental consultant Nema 4 City planner City of Nairobi 5 Environmental planner KENHA 6 Chief resident engineer APEC Consortium ltd. 7 Design consultant CES 8 Government land valuer Ministry of Lands, GoK 9 Construction & design engineer KURA 10 Chief Chief of Githurai 45 11 (Environmental) researcher Columbia University
Githurai Case 12 Market vendor of clothes None 13 Manager transportation KIU Investment Sacco - Githurai 14 Conductor superhighway Matatu operator 15 Local shop owner Co-owner, selling DVDs 16 Branch manager supermarket Githurai Kassmatt Supermarket 17 Pub owner Own business 18 Hawker informal 19 Market trader & student informal 20 Teacher & resident Githurai Githurai Computer College 21 Market trader of vegetables informal 22 Market trader of vegetables informal 23 Market trader of vegetables informal 24 Market trader of vegetables informal 25 Market trader of clothes informal 26 Market trader/ broker informal 27 Market trader of clothes informal 28 Resident Githurai and along highway + teacher Teacher at TUK 29 Chairman traders association Traders association Githurai
58 APPENDIX 5 – SOME MENTAL MAPS
59 APPENDIX 6 – TIME SCHEDULE AND BUDGET
Time schedule Week Dates Activities 12 17/03/14 – * 20/03/14: Arrival Nairobi for fieldwork 23/03/14 - Orientation and settling in Nairobi 13 24/03/14 – - Getting to know the infrastructural Thika Highway Improvement Project 30/03/14 - Visiting Thika superhighway; seeing consequences and results of this project - Visiting Eastlands and witness the eastland expansion - Work on my research proposal 14 31/03/14 – - Monday 31 March: Deadline research proposal + presentation at the TUK 06/04/14 - Introduction week INTI; workshops with and at DASUDA, UN Habitat, Placemakers, National Archives - Meeting my local supervisor, dr. Lawrence Esho - Building up contacts; making appointments for interviews/meetings 15 07/04/14 – - Finding a local research assistant 13/04/14 - Start of fieldwork research: making appointments for interviews - Fieldnotes - Observing the research site Githurai; transect walk - Developing the interview schedules 16 14/04/14 – - Interviews with stakeholders: recorded 20/04/14 - Interviews with survivors of the roundabout: recorded - Field notes 17 21/04/14 – - Interviews 27/04/14 - Field notes - Gaining an overview; do I have the information I wanted? Do I have enough information? 18 28/04/14 – - Meetings: attending 04/05/14 - Conducting Interviews - Write down initial results of sub question 1 and 2 19 05/05/14 – - Interviews with stakeholders 11/05/14 - Finalizing fieldwork activities; rounding up * 07/05/14: Return to Amsterdam 20-23 12/05/14 – - Transcribing interviews 15/06/14 - Secondary data analysis - Transcribing the conducted interviews - Start with writing analytical chapters - Analyse the mental maps 24-32 16/06/14 – - Learning how to use Dedoose 10/08/14 - Transcribed interviews in Dedoose - Develop codes and a code tree for analyzing transcripts - Revising and adjusting introduction, theoretical framework and methodology - Work on format and lay-out of thesis - Writing analytical chapters - Writing concluding chapter - Find and read new literature 33 11/08 /14 – - Revising and finalizing thesis 18/08/14 * 18/08/2014: 9.00 deadline thesis Budget Expenditures € Incomes € Plane tickets 590 Own contribution 600 Vaccinations and medicine 134 Compensation insurance 134 Rent 730 Loan parents 2000 Local supervisor 300 Refund UvA: Local 300 Transportation costs 200 Supervisor Other living costs 600 Personal expenditures 480 Total 3034 Total 3034
60