Table of contents

Letter from the Chair...... M. Taghi Farvar...... 3

Taking history and culture seriously...... The editors...... 4

Section I: Conservation as cultural and political practice

Conservation as cultural and political practice...... Ken MacDonald...... 6

Protection de la nature et identités culturelles en France...... Christian Barthod...... 18 The tiger, the pangolin, and the myths of Panthera tigris amoyensis – past, Chris present, and future...... Coggins...... 26 Kirsten Anderrson & The historical origins of modern forestry policy in Bolivia...... Diego Pacheco...... 40 Colonialism, hunting and the invention of “poaching” in the 19th and 20th Centuries...... Bill Adams...... 50 Conservation of dryland biodiversity by mobile indigenous people— Chachu Ganya, Guyo Haro & the case of the Gabbra of Northern Kenya...... Grazia Borrini-Feyerabend..... 61 Continuidad y discontinuidad culturales en el manejo ambiental de tres Juan Mayr & diferentes ecosistemas en Colombia...... Guillermo Rodríguez...... 72 History, culture and participatory marine conservation in a Brazilian fishing community...... Patricia Pinto da Silva...... 86 The Bawarias of India: from hunters to “green gards”?...... Bahar Dutt...... 98 La Somma: forest management, new “ruralness” and agro-tourism in the uplands of Umbria (Central Italy)...... Patrizio Warren...... 106 Ideas, history and continuity in the practice of power— the case of wildlife management in Zambia...... Ilyssa Manspeizer...... 116 The cultural politics of conservation encounters in the Maya biosphere reserve, Guatemala...... Juanita Sundberg...... 125 Tensions and paradoxes in the management of transboundary protected areas...... William Wolmer...... 137

Section II: A “cultural approach” to conservation? Why history and culture matter—a case study from the Virgin Islands Crystal Fortwangler & Marc National Park...... Stern...... 148 La propriété collective et la mobilité pastorale en tant qu’alliées de la conser- Adama Ly & vation—expériences et politiques innovatrices au Ferlo (Sénégal)...... Maryam Niamir Fuller...... 162 History, Culture, and Conservation: in search of more informed guesses about whether “community-based conservation” has a chance to work...... Jim Igoe...... 174 Development Dilemmas and Administrative Ambiguities: Terracing and Land Use Planning Committees in North Pare, Tanzania...... Michael Sheridan...... 186 The Shompen of Great Nicobar Island (India)— between “development” and dis- Suresh Babu & appearance...... Denys P. Leighton.. 198 A layered homeland: history, culture and visions of development...... Susan Delisle...... 212 Social science researchas a tool for conservation—the case of Kayan Mentarang Cristina National Park (Indonesia)...... Eghenter...... 224 Can traditions of tolerance help minimise conflict? An exploration of cultural fac- tors supporting human-wildlife coexistence...... Francine Madden... 234 Claudine Les contrats sociaux traditionnels (dina) et le transfert de gestion des ressources Ramiarison & naturelles renouvelable (GELOSE)—une alliance clé pour la conservation et le Tiana Eva développement durable à Madagascar...... Razafindrakoto...... 242 Lala Jean Culte des ancêtres joro et sauvegarde des espèces menacées d’extinction à Rakotoniaina & Madagascar...... Johanna Durbin..... 248 Section III: Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

Cultures and conservation: bridging the gap...... Luisa Maffi...... 256 John R. Stepp, S. Cervone, H. Castaneda, A. Lasseter, G. Stocks Development of a GIS for Global Biocultural Diversity...... & Y. Gichon...... 267 David Harmon & The IBCD: a measure of the world's bio-cultural diversity...... Jonathan Loh...... 271 Biodiversity conservation, communication and language- is English a solution, a problem or both?...... Lars Softestad...... 281 Section IV: New resources from CEESP members Grazia Borrini- Feyerabend and Short review of “Contested Nature”...... Ellen L. Brown...... 284 Jacques Revue de « Conservation de la Nature et Développement»...... Grinevald...... 286 “Short review of “The Mountains of the Mediterranean World”...... David Pitt...... 289 Short review of “Against Extinction”...... Dan Brockington.... 291 Short review of “Anthropology and History in Franche-Comté”...... David Pitt...... 293 Short review of “Handbook of Mangroves in the Philippines”...... Lawrence Liao...... 294 Numerous announcements of new books, articles and newsletters...... various authors...... 296 LETTER FROM THE CHAIR OF CEESP M Taghi Farvar

Dear CEESP members and partners, Once again, after Policy Matters No. 10 on Let me point your attention to the contacts Sustainable Livelihoods and Co-manage- details of the CEESP members and partners ment of Natural Resources (2002) and no. who generously shared their thoughts with 12 on Community Empowerment for all of us by compiling and offering the Conservation (2003), we are going to print papers collected here. I hope there will be with a special issue of our Journal edited by exchanges among many of them and you, the CMWG Chair and colleagues. The sub- the readers, and fruitful collaboration in the ject of this issue— History, culture and con- field. Indeed, if history and culture vis-à-vis servation— is a formidable one, and I must conservation are not new subjects, much is commend all the members and partners still to be learned to unfold all their poten- who have produced the engrossing papers tial and many pathways for action are point- collected here. ed at here.

I am proud to see that our Journal contin- This issue is being prepared for the 3d ues to be a forum where we explore and World Conservation Congress in Bangkok debate relatively innovative subjects within (Thailand) November 2004. We hope it will IUCN. Indeed, it is part of the philosophy contribute to highlighting there the benefits and mandate of our Commission to stimu- of an approach to conservation that is histo- late the attention of the Union on important ry and culture conscious. And we hope that, subjects that, for one reason or another, in the months to follow, such an approach may not be enjoying a spotlight at a partic- will also be promoted and sustained mean- ular moment in time. This does not mean, ingfully in the field. I am proud to say that however, that they are not of momentous CEESP is committed to the theme of consequences for conservation… as you can “Culture and Conservation” as a part of its easily find out by going through this vol- new mandate. Warm wishes to all the read- ume. ers!

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 3 EDITORIAL Taking history and culture seriously

international meetings and in professional debates and onservation constituencies increasingly need to literature: “…the protection of parks requires a top C down approach.”1 “Let us not ‘politicise’ conservation!”, confront the history of “nature” and a variety of local 2 “We need impartial research and detached scepti- cultural practices and rights. In the so-called global cism, not advocacy!”.3 North, historically marginalised groups won at least some of their struggles and can today speak their con- Why so much resistance to embedding conservation in cerns loud and clear. The same cannot be said for the history, culture and social concerns? Why so little so-called global South. The shouts of traditional pas- attention to people? Why so little research and action toralists in Burkina Faso confronted with a protected about the fundamental links between nature and liveli- area that curtails their historical grazing rights… do not hoods, systems of knowledge and values, languages, yet ring quite as loud as the shouts of a group of and habits? Part of the explanation has to do with the Colorado ranchers denied access to public land. For plurality, ebullience and ‘messiness’ of people’s ways, how long, however? and with the fact that cultural diversity is, by its own nature, difficult to control. The politics of knowledge In this issue of Policy Matters we collected papers that has created neat compartments, consolidated though deal with the interplay among history, culture and con- time by the power of money. The dominant develop- servation. We have several examples from the South ment discourse has separated biodiversity from people and a few—quite revealing ones—from the North. In and cultural diversity in universities, research institu- both cases, it is striking to read about the powerful tions, literature and the popular media, and made the ties between biodiversity and people, and we can separation appear “natural” and respectable to most of appreciate the intelligence and craftiness that support us. From that, it follows that physical barriers, com- those ties. Also striking, however, is how widespread mercialisation and disneyfication of nature are also insensitivity to social concerns in conservation still is, natural and acceptable. “Culture” is appreciated as a and insensitivity to cultural concerns in particular. side dish of the “big five”4 (…at the end of the jeep There are some distinctions to be made between the wildlife tour you can stop and get a picture of the South and the North. As discussed in Section IV jumping Maasai…). (Understanding and measuring bio-cultural diversity), the areas in the South with the largest concentration But there is more. The social sciences, which could of biodiversity are also endowed with a rich cultural attempt to cast a critical look upon processes of diversity. We’d miss a major element, however, if we destruction in the name of conservation, are controver- did not take note that they are also the areas sial in different ways with respect to the physical and endowed with a colonial past, where people have been biological sciences. They are easily misunderstood and historically disenfranchised and marginalised. This labelled as troublesome and ineffectual. In addition, oppression has shaped, modified and often impover- too large a number of social scientists employed in ished what we call their “cultures” today. After all, cul- conservation initiatives have demonstrated myopic ture is a product of history. And, for that matter, con- vision and accepted to play marginal and ineffectual temporary history is busy at work in front of our eyes, roles. For decades they have confined themselves to affecting the North and the South alike with its enor- administering questionnaires to “extract” information mous power of flattening and homogenizing differ- from people or been content with tinkering at the ences… fringes of large projects, taking on “environmental education” roles. Few have had the resolve to say that In some circles it has almost become passé to point the emperor has no clothes, that conservation projects out that conservation agencies ignore history and cul- can hurt, that they can trample upon rights, generate ture at their peril. Ignoring local practices, institutions poverty, shatter cultural identities.5 Few have made it and knowledge systems seems only too clearly a way clear that conservation initiatives that do not place to waste precious resources and generate local opposi- people, history and culture at their core are doomed to tion. For many it is obvious that conventional, bureau- resort to violence or fail.6 cratic, institution-driven conservation practices serve neither the interest of biodiversity nor those of com- Not many may have said it, but this is what is happen- munities. Yet, it is exactly those types of practices that ing. For those who perceive biodiversity as one with continue to be promoted in the field. And the philoso- cultural diversity and livelihoods it is painful to see how phy behind this continues to be forcefully expressed at

4 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 that unity is still being trampled upon in many places. So, what to do? Give up? Resign ourselves? Accept the “inevitable”? The papers collected in this issue give us a glimpse of alternatives to all that. In section I (Conservation as cultural and political practice), MacDonald begins by illustrating how conservation is built thought interactions among disparate cultural groups endowed with unequal powers. As conservation organisations are bodies with the explicit or implicit aim of determining cultural change, the question aris- es: do these bodies really understand “culture”? And who is watching over their cultural engineering? The papers by Barthod, Coggins, Andersson and Adams offer some vistas of conservation as a historical phe- nomenon and of how misunderstanding change results in conflict and conservation failures. And finding out the reasons why some of our forefathers engaged in conservation may embarrass more than a few of today’s environmentalists. We then hear about the Pride of one own’s way. An essential ingredient in bio- long-term processes by which people adapted to envi- cultural conservation. (Courtesy Grazia Borrini- ronmental conditions and developed their cultural iden- Feyerabend—portrait of a girl from Mondoro, Mali) tity… and how quickly these elaborate interplays are destabilised or destroyed today (Ganya et al., Mayr As the international policy arena changes to incorpo- and Rodriguez, Pinto da Silva). But “culture” is rate concepts of cultural rights, as some formerly mar- resilient! Dutt and Warren show us how groups and ginalised groups claim increasing power and as others individuals can re-invent themselves and discover new feel even more marginalised, the credibility of the con- pathways to conservation and livelihoods. And servation movement depends on its ability to deal with Manspeizer, Sundberg and Wolmer powerfully argue the relation between history, culture and conservation that politics is at the heart of it all. Conservation is a in all its complexity and beyond the clichés. It is our practice of power—a fact that they explore in various hope that this issue of Policy Matters contributes to nuanced ways. this goal.

In section II (A cultural approach to conservation?) we Grazia Borrini-Feyerabend, Ken MacDonald and Luisa offer some specific cases and explore more explicitly Maffi the questions that arise when conservation attempts to The Editors can be reached at [email protected]; adopt a “cultural approach”. What should we look for? [email protected] and What should we try to understand? What should we [email protected]. They would like to express their sin- do? What have we learned? Different answers are pro- cere thanks to Olivier Hamerlynck, Jean Larivière and posed by papers that deal with the USA, Senegal, Gonzalo Oviedo for their most kind help in reading and com- Tanzania, India, Canada, Indonesia and Madagascar. menting some of the papers in this special issue. Many Different perspectives give us accounts focusing on thanks also to Jeyran Farvar ([email protected]) who kind- indigenous rights, the project-based application of ly took care of art work and layout. social research, the prevention of human-wildlife con- flicts or the re-invention of traditional norms into Notes today’s societies. In all cases, we are made amply 1 J. Terborgh, Requiem for Nature, 1999 (emphasis added). aware of the senselessness of pursuing conservation 2 Richard Leakey, World Parks Congress, September 2003. 3 without a sufficient understanding of history and cul- Steven E. Sanderson, President of Wildlife Conservation Society, summarised from an e-mail discussion, 2004.. ture… As stressed by Maffi and other authors in 4 Safari operators sell tourist trips to visit the “big five” (elephant, Section IV, we are dealing with complex and inter- rhino, lion, leopard, buffalo). linked bio-cultural phenomena, and the time is ripe to 5 Among them we salute F. Berkes, S. Brechin, M. Cernea, T. understand them better and to apply that understand- Farvar, M. Gadgil, D. Harmon, J. McNeely, D. Pitt, D. Posey, S. Stevens and P.C. West. ing in the practice of conservation. 6 Among such few are M. Pimbert and K. Ghimire.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 5 History, culture and conservation

Conservation as Cultural and Political Practice Kenneth Iain MacDonald

funding and consequent neglect of Grand Thirty-three years ago the Evangelical Canyon National Park, this ‘non-natural’ issue marks the greatest public attention Sisters of Mary, a Catholic order in Pheonix, that this World Heritage Site has received in Arizona, donated three plaques to the Grand years. It reveals the ways in which ‘nature’ Canyon National Park. These plaques quoted is a contested cultural product—an outcome Biblical psalms extolling the glory of God of people’s beliefs and values. But it also and his creations including, presumably, the exposes the ways in which ‘real nature’— Grand Canyon. For three decades, they the biophysical relations that underlie the hung outside the gift shop and on a lookout superimposed meaning of nature—are sub- tower overlooking the south rim of the ject to cultural struggles. For years, congres- canyon. In 2003, however, a park visitor sional appropriations for national parks—the approached the American Civil Liberties money that guides conservation manage- Union, which subsequently queried the Park ment and research – have varied with the Service about the constitutional appropriate- need of particular representatives to appeal ness of the plaques and they were taken to constituencies whose beliefs about nature down. A protest emerged from the Christian collide. Conservation, as ideology, practice, right, including so-called ‘creation scientists’, and outcome, is deeply embedded in these and the plaques were re-hung. The Park cultural struggles. It cannot escape the insti- Service is currently awaiting a decision from tutional realities which gave it birth. This is true not just in the United States, but in any society, within any cultural group. What peo- ple take to be ‘nature’ or ‘natural’, the ele- ments of nature that people deem worthy of protection, and the forms that protection take are all dynamic outcomes of experience and cultural political struggles, wherever they occur.1

In this paper, I examine what we might call the ‘culture wars’ surrounding conservation. In doing so I have a number of objectives: Q to consider the utility of the culture con- cept in rethinking what we mean by con- servation and how it is practiced; Figure 1. Tourists in Grand Canyon National Park. Cultural interpretation affects conservation Q to provide a brief survey of the use of policy and practice (Courtesy Kenneth Iain culture in literature related to conserva- MacDonald). tion; and Q to illustrate a rationale for adopting a the Department of Justice before taking any more focused and nuanced treatment of further action. culture in conservation research and, accordingly, practice. While this debate may seem trivial and local, it is anything but. Despite decades of under-

6 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

The Culture/Nature Wars Why culture? Last year’s meeting of the World Parks Despite different perspectives on the consti- Congress revealed continuing schisms in the tution of ‘nature’ there is a growing focus conservation ‘community’ between those among conservation practitioners on the who seek to address the need to consider ‘culture’ in the formulation What people take to social and cultural issues of conservation policy and programming. raised by historical conser- This derives from (at least) three perspec- be ‘nature’ or ‘natu- vation practice, and those tives. First, culture is being forced onto the ral’, the elements of who feel that this compro- conservation agenda by groups who are nature that people mises the focus on ‘con- finally attaining the power and voice to deem worthy of pro- servation science’ that express their discontent with historical prac- tection, and the should underlie all conser- tices that have engendered feelings of forms that protection vation practice, and exclusion, dispossession and alienation. The take are all dynamic detracts from the primary focus on culture also derives from an expec- outcomes of experi- ‘protectionist’ mission of tation that it can reveal the multiple under- conservation. This divide is standings of and interest in nature and, per- ence and cultural likely too neat, but it does haps more importantly. move beyond the political struggles, reflect positions that stem stereotypes that conjure up images of Third wherever they occur. from different philosophi- World populations whose only interest in cal perspectives on the nature is to provide for subsistence and constitution of nature: one grounded in real- development.3 In addition, attention to the ism that derives from knowledge produced cultures of conservation can contribute to through rationalist science and interprets understanding the place of ‘nature’ in social nature as an objective reality. The other is and cultural histories and in contemporary grounded in constructionism and, while not politics, helping us to understand the denying the objective reality of biophysical sources of conflict and contestation that sur- interactions that produce, in part, what most rounds so much conservation practice. It is of us call nature, asserts that human com- also important to recognise that attention to munities assign meaning to those biophysi- cultures of conservation requires an opening cal interactions, through cultural processes.2 up of the concept of culture Nature in this view is as much a cultural to transformative dialogue, Rarely, do project product as an objective reality and must be opposition and collaboration. proposals or con- understood as such if conservation practice This requires not only talking servation plan- is to be effective without exercising oppres- about the cultural assump- sive domination. Not surprisingly, these two tions and practices involved ning engage in perspectives contribute to different political in conservation but about cultural analyses ends and different mechanisms for getting the cultural claims surround- of conservation there. But what is important to the study of ing conservation practice practice, or even conservation is that analysts begin to These require a treatment of bother to define or explore and explain the cultural processes culture as dynamic and describe the consti- that produce and regulate environmental strategic, rather than as tution of culture. knowledge and consequent conservation something absolute and stat- practice in a plurality of social, political and ic as it is so often represented in the litera- economic contexts, including social forma- ture of conservation practice.4 tions that typically escape analysis such as government departments and conservation Rarely, however do project proposals or con- NGOs. servation planning documents engage in sophisticated cultural analyses of conserva- tion practice, or even bother to define or

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 7 History, culture and conservation

describe the constitution of culture. Failing the area of conservation. to address this complexity leaves ‘culture’ as a catch-all term, subject to easy dismissal Conservation as a cultural product by those who would make the distinction Culture rests on certain abilities—particularly between culture and science, or culture and people’s capacity to think symbolically, and nature—distinctions all too readily made in to use language and material products and the world of modernist conservation, as if practices to organise their lives and their science and nature are the stuff of objective environments. This understanding of ‘cul- reality unaffected by the shared systems of ture’ has important ramifications for under- knowledge, communication and practice standing the politics of conservation for it (i.e., culture) from which they have means that what counts as ‘nature’ and ‘the 5 emerged. natural’—the popular objects of conserva- tion—are culturally defined and not static. This brief critique of the deployment of cul- Rather they are dynamic, ture in conservation is not meant to suggest and appropriate attitudes We cannot be dis- that cultural concerns are unimportant in the and behaviour toward tracted by the cozy design and implementation of conservation them are the site of con- invocation of consen- practice or that they are too diffuse to iden- stant struggle both within sus present in much tify and analyse. On the contrary, my point and between cultural is that considerations of culture need to be applied conservation groups. We cannot be writing. There are much more specific in their definitions and distracted by the cozy analyses in order to demonstrate the direct invocation of consensus fractures and opposi- relevance of culture to achieving (or failing present in much applied tions. to achieve) the ends of conservation. In conservation writing. many ways culture has become a term not There are fractures and oppositions. Social unlike development or sustainability. Used to and cultural contradictions exist within the avoid the need to attend to the specifics of whole just as they exist within the individ- context, it relays a vagueness that can lead ual. In some places this is increasingly true to operational paralysis. It also indicates a as the global spread of particular ideologies failure on the part of modernist conservation of environment present opportunities for to treat ‘culture’ seriously. This failure has a material gain, while challenging existing cul- number of dimensions and sources. One is tural knowledge systems.7 certainly the dominance of a rationalist sci- entific perspective within conservation Such an understanding of culture leads to a organisations that is dismissive of the impor- consideration not simply of the ways in tance of culture in understanding human- which conservation is practiced by distinct environment interactions. This is compound- cultural groups, but to an understanding of ed by the failure of the conservation estab- conservation as a cultural product; as deriv- lishment to reflect on their own institutional ing from a system of beliefs and values sym- cultures and histories, to critically evaluate bolically expressed within particular knowl- their modes of knowledge production, and edge systems that relate to particular pat- to take ownership of the oppressive acts terns of behaviour and practice, all of which 6 committed in the name of conservation. are contested. When we understand conser- One outcome of this has been the simplistic vation from this perspective, we can begin treatment of culture by those doing applied to acknowledge it as a cultural phenomenon conservation research. And this has been not simply in the so-called Third World but added to by the failure of academics who also in places – like Europe and North adhere to a complex and nuanced under- America - where, based on self-representa- standing of culture to engage with work in tions, ‘subjective culture’ would seem to

8 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

have been replaced by ‘objective rational- aspect of culture. A partial synopsis of this ism’. We can understand the ways in which work is provided below: environmental behaviour is grounded in par- ticular structures of knowledge (e.g., ratio- Conservation and knowledge systems— nalist, indigenous), expressed through domi- Since the early 1980s an almost overwhelm- nant modes of communication (conversa- ing amount of literature focused on what are tion, media), codified (formally and informal- variously termed indigenous knowledge tra- ly) in societal institutions (religion, law), ditional ecological knowledge, or local which structure practice (tradition). We can knowledge. The beginnings of this can be also appreciate how these differ within and located in the work of David Brokensha8 and between cultural groups and perhaps most Paul Richards.9 This early work laid out importantly, the role they play in contribut- detailed procedures for investigating contex- ing to identity; how they help to tell people tualised knowledge systems and contributed who they are. To say that something is cul- to an understanding of localised conserva- tural, is to observe the effect of this inter- tion processes. Investigating the knowledge play. But it is not be to say that something structures of small-scale societies allowed is uniform, homogeneous or unchanging. these groups to be seen as active decision- makers and knowledgeable actors, motivat- This starting point implies much for applied ed but not determined by cultural values, research seeking to understand relations economic goals, or unpredictable events. between culture and practice. On the one Such societies actively and creatively shape hand, it does point out the need to be con- their surroundings—sometimes experimen- textually specific and to remain cautious of tally—and when confronted with the results the abstracting potential of managerial lan- or consequences of their own work, decide guage such as ‘best practice’. On the other, autonomously how and when to react. it also points to the need for the detailed, There is little doubt that so-called local peo- intensive, and long-term collection of ethno- ple have significant knowledge of ecological graphic data in a variety of contexts. dynamics and diversity that can contribute Unfortunately, little to the promotion of conservation goals, but …conservation organi- work of this nature there is no reasons to believe that such sations have rarely exists. Rarely, cultural knowledge indicates a uniform willingness to been the subject of systems are analysed maintain resource uses that are consistent research designed to and appreciated in their with the goals of conservation investigate how they dynamic nature; in the organisations.10 Unfortunately, however, produce and act upon way in which they knowledge studies in the realm of conserva- environmental knowl- change through tion have often been simplified and romanti- processes of transcul- edge.… given the power cised through activist promotion of an tural interaction and 11 of such organisations, indigenous politics. This has resulted in a give rise to, and are two-tiered approach to local knowledge – they are better able to structured within, rela- one of which pays attention to the complexi- escape (or control) the tions of power. While ties and subtleties of knowledge systems scrutiny of researchers studies have addressed and appreciates how knowledge is dynamic than so-ccalled tradi- some of these compo- and changes through processes of interac- tional or indigenous nents, few have taken a tion, and another that simplifies these com- communities. comprehensive system- plexities. atic approach to addressing conservation as a cultural prod- Unfortunately, applied conservation studies uct. What is more common are studies that on local knowledge have been dominated by attempt to relate conservation to a particular an approach based on documenting modes

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 9 History, culture and conservation

of classification and categorisation rather ethics.15 An ethic can be defined as a set of than knowledge of ecological processes and guidelines or principles, derived from beliefs dynamics and connections between these and values, meant to govern social behav- and forms of social structure and social iour. But to make the connection between organisation, language, the emergence of the realms of belief/values, principles and economic structures and systems of liveli- practice, it is important to understand the hoods. What this means is that there is dialectical relations between them. Rarely do rarely a connection made between systems studies assigning a conservation ethos to a or structures of knowledge and practice. Yet, ‘culture’ or group of practices provide a it is particularly important to make this con- detailed analysis and explication of this rela- nection because practice can be constrained tionship. There is no shortage of descrip- through a variety of mechanisms in ways tions of religious belief systems, the ideal that knowledge is not. What people know values they underpin, and modes of environ- and say does not necessarily translate into mental behaviour.16 Often these make the what people can do or enact. More impor- point that religious beliefs or cosmologies tantly there has been a failure to subject all have a significant impact on human-environ- communities involved in conservation to ment relations, underpinning practices with similar modes of investigation. While so- conservation outcomes such as sacred called indigenous or traditional societies groves and taboos.17 But they are typically have been the subject of studies, conserva- not accompanied by discussions of value tion organisations have rarely been the sub- hierarchies, mechanisms for the resolution ject of research designed to investigate how of value conflicts (the traditional role of they produce and act upon environmental ethics) and detailed descriptions of ethical knowledge.12 Given the power of such deliberation in relation to environmental organisations to transform material environ- considerations (e.g., conservation practice). ments, this is a serious oversight that needs Rarer still are considerations of the values, to be addressed. Unfortunately, given the beliefs and ethics espoused by conservation power of such organisations, they are better bodies and the implications of the bureau- able to escape (or control) the scrutiny of cratic capture of the movement and the researchers than so-called traditional or growing corporate outlook of the conserva- indigenous communities.13 tion establishment.18

Conservation, values, and beliefs— Any Conservation and identity— Much understanding of the relations between cul- anthropological research has documented ture and conservation must begin from an the role of nature in the symbolism of iden- appreciation of the ways in which systems tity, often focusing on totemic symbols com- of beliefs and values, derived in part monly associated with small-scale hunter through experience and expressed in terms gatherers or pastoral clans. Elements of of knowledge, not only act to produce con- nature are also used as collective identifiers ceptions of nature but contribute to domi- of modern nation states and an important nant modes of environmental behaviour.xiv A marker of cultural identity within those polit- large body of work has addressed the cul- ical formations.19 It is apparent within all of tural bases of different understandings of these contexts, however, that symbolism the environment. Few, however, have explic- does not translate into a political commit- itly or sufficiently addressed connections ment to conservation practice.20 And we between conceptions of nature, the role of should not expect it to if we understand humans in ‘nature’, and conservation prac- symbols to be signs with no necessary con- tice. Where studies do attempt to do this, nection to the objects they signify. This is they focus on the concept of environmental often overlooked in work that attempts to

10 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

draw a connection between the presence of authors have pointed out the potential value a natural symbol within societies and conse- of such systems of symbols in promoting quent attitudes of ‘respect conservation within local cultural contexts, …little emphasis has for nature’.21 Yet, anthro- but once again it is particularly important to been placed on iden- pologists have argued that separate ideals of a cultural system from tifying or under- in small-scale face-to-face actuality, in which the ideals, perhaps standing ‘conserva- cultures, the rational for expressed symbolically, do not necessarily tion’ as a dominant choosing biotic and land- translate into practice (at least for a majority 24 frame for identity scape phenomena as of a population). markers of identity are production… important.22 Social groups Whereas environmental relations play a sig- identify with a particular nificant role in the formation of cultural plant or animal that is believed to bear identity, little emphasis has been placed on ancestral relations to the clan or individuals identifying or understanding ‘conservation’ within a social group, in part because the as a dominant frame for identity production, notion of a relationship of descent from a and even less on the relations between tangible part of their environment has a identity and action.25 Yet conservation has clear logic. While this may provide a protec- obviously become such a frame for a num- tionist attitude toward particular species, ber of groups around the world who seek to this is by no means universal and does not define themselves as conservationists in necessarily extend to other species or ecore- efforts to ward off the efforts of states or gions as a whole.23 And rarely has the NGOs to appropriate their lands or limit their meaning of particular species within specific access rights in the name of conservation.26 belief systems and the connection between Cultural identity, however, also has more the symbolism and practice regarding partic- pragmatic applications within conservation, ular particularly as it is increasingly dominated species by bureaucratic managerial logics. These been treat culture as an instrument— a mecha- investigat- nism through which the goals of conserva- ed in tion can be achieved, rather than the basis detail. for reflecting on the legitimacy of those Some goals. Bowen-Jones and Entwistle provide a classic example of such strate- gies. Seeking to maintain the mobilizing capacity of flagship species to raise conservation funds, they Figure 2 and 3. A symbolic rever- suggest using ence for Ibex as the animist spirits of local cultural fertility in the Karakoram Mountains criteria as a does not necessarily translate to ways to select treatment of the Himalayan Brown flagship Bear (Courtesy Kenneth Iain species that MacDonald). have both local

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 11 History, culture and conservation

and international appeal. They suggest through threatening its livelihood base.30 selecting an endemic species and directly Much research has focused on how such engaging in the production of a cultural institutions have adapted to altered environ- identity that is attached to a local place as mental conditions but found it difficult to the unique habitat area of that species. In adapt to a usurping of local authority by doing so they seek to colonial and nation-state administrations.31 …bureaucratic manage- mobilise ‘culture’ in Perhaps the greatest research focus con- rial logic treats culture support of extant con- necting conservation to cultural practice has 27 as an instrument— a servation goals. been in the form of ethnographic studies of mechanism through social institutions responsible for research Conservation and management institutions. This literature which the goals of con- language— Over the comes from a diverse area including studies servation can be past 15 years, a body (too numerous to list here) of property achieved, rather than of research has regimes (common and private), and political the basis for reflecting emerged asserting that ecological relations.32 The most sophisticat- on the legitimacy of knowledge about how ed of these studies are cautious in their those goals to maintain biodiversity evaluation of the conservation benefits is encoded in small lan- derived from so-called ‘traditional’ institu- guages because it is their speakers who live tions, pointing out the ways in which institu- in the world’s most biologically (and linguis- tions alter in both their functioning, goals tically) diverse areas.28 Some of this work and capacities as they are drawn into more has used simple measures of linguistic and extensive economic, politi- biological diversity to establish correlations cal and social contexts. Is policy simply the between high numbers of endemic lan- They also point out, how- purview of the state? guages and endemic species. David Harmon, ever, that practice does Presumably not. for example, has established a correlation not occur outside of an Other institutions of between biological and linguistic diversity by institutional context and authority, in differ- comparing simple measures of endemism of that understandings of the ent political languages and higher vertebrates (mam- conservation benefits (or contexts, establish mals, birds, reptiles and amphibians), with detriments) of specific the top 25 countries for each type and practices are directly relat- policy, even if it goes noted a significant co-presence of linguistic ed to institutional func- by other names. diversity and biodiversity within these politi- tioning. In any cultural cal units.29 Of course, there are any number analysis, the functioning of these institutions of possible (and multiple) explanations for at any point in time needs to be understood this result. But these data point to a need to in relation to values and beliefs, structures understand the connection between knowl- of knowledge and how these are altered as edge structures and language to fully com- they experience processes of ideological prehend the existence of any relation domination in relation to a broader societal between linguistic diversity and biological context (e.g., how localised understandings diversity. of, and relations to, ‘environment’ are altered through programs or environmental Conservation and social institutions— education programmes sponsored by large Ethics and spiritual values may inculcate a conservation NGOs).33 But they also help us respect for particular species, but conserva- to comprehend arbitrary distinctions, tion is grounded in elaborate sets of social grounded in perceptions of modernity and institutions including structures that govern tradition, between management regimes. access and discourage irresponsible behav- For example, we speak of policy decisions of iour that threatens community security government agencies (e.g., in the regulation

12 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

of fisheries resources in Canada), but not of Conservation and practice— The above policy decisions of village discussion converges on practice, for it is we can look at headmen (e.g., the decision only through the long term observation of so-ccalled environ- to impose a hunting ban in practice that we can understand the dimen- mental crises as African villages) and this sions of any relationship between culture cultural phenomena distinction raises an impor- and conservation (defined both as an end tant question for conserva- and a process).35 To understand the rela- tion practitioners: Is policy simply the tions between environmental beliefs, knowl- purview of the state? Presumably not. Other edge, sanctioning authority and conservation institutions of authority, in different political we need to be able to observe practice and contexts, establish policy, even if it goes by the effects of practice on environmental other names. And its effect is the same: to quality.36 Many have pointed to traditional govern mechanisms of acceptable practice practice as indications of the conservationist and to monitor and regulate the effect of tendencies of small-scale societies.37 While the object of that practice (e.g., wild fauna there is much to be learned from this work, and flora). Often these structures of policy- we must be cautious of the romanticizing making and their effects conflict.34 But what tendencies of the ‘tradition concept’.38 is important in understanding the relation Tradition, as with other dimensions of cul- between culture and conservation is to look ture, needs to be defined, monitored and ‘underneath’ or ‘behind’ policy, as it were, enforced, and this occurs within the dynam- and to decode what the processes of estab- ics of power relations and changing environ- lishing policy, the content of that policy mental conditions. Tradition, contrary to (read custom, tradition, innovation, etc.), modernity theory, is dynamic, and must be and the conflicts surrounding policy forma- interpreted not simply through oral asser- tion and implementation tell us about tions but through observed authority, belief, value, meaning, power in practice. Too often applied Tradition, as with any given context. What this means in ana- conservation research lytical terms is that we can look at so-called treats not only ‘culture’ but other dimensions of environmental crises such as the near ‘tradition’ as static and un- culture, needs to be extinction of North Atlantic Cod or more problematically uniform defined, monitored localised concerns such as conflicts between across particular social and enforced, and the historical residents of land designated as groups. this occurs within a protected area and new bureaucratic man- the dynamics of agement authorities as cultural phenomena; Conservation, culture power relations and as the result of historical cultural practices and power— My final changing environ- that reflect the accumulated beliefs and val- point in this section relates ues of a dominant element (dominant in an to the need to consider mental conditions ideological rather than demographic sense) conservation through a lens of cultural poli- of society through time. This does not mean tics. Increasingly, historical studies reveal that these practices are uncontested but conservation practice to be grounded in the that they did derive from what are generally history of domination that have seen the considered to be appropriate mechanisms of rise of the postcolonial state and the domi- governance, including the setting of policy nance of an ideological perspective on and the making of decisions by ‘policy-mak- development that contributed to disposses- ers’, who operate in accordance with norms sion, the alienation of peoples from their or customs. These might include household land and resources, the assertion of the heads, village elders, civil servants, or feder- moral and intellectual superiority of particu- al politicians. lar belief systems and the consequent imple- mentation of particular practices that reflect

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 13 History, culture and conservation

assertions of cultural and racial hierar- culture and conservation we need to consid- chies.39 But the fact that ‘culture’ has now er the complicity of local agents with state become a focus of positive concern within and NGO programs and agendas. conservation practice, highlights the dynam- ic quality of ‘culture’ and emphasises the Conclusion importance of understanding ‘culture’ itself To address the problems of contemporary as a phenomenon that conservation, state agencies and conserva- in seeking to requires the consistent tion NGOs will need to apply much more comprehend rela- reproduction of identity for- effort to understanding conservation in prac- mations, through the asser- tions between cul- tice as the outcome of interactions between tion of meaning, language, ture and conserva- disparate cultural groups, often in radically normative behaviour, appro- inequitable power relations. And they will tion we need to con- 40 priate belief. Culture need to take this knowledge and apply it to sider the complicity requires subjects and sub- the design and implementation of future of local agents with jects require formation. It is conservation planning. It is no longer good state and NGO pro- this requirement of constant enough to accept the assertion of an intel- grams and agen- reproduction and the con- lectual and technical superiority when the das. stant formation of new cul- agendas of institutional conservation are tural subjects that provides politically and economically skewed to match the basis for ideological competition. Culture the priorities of their donors. When project is not primordial. It is not static. It is not proposals are written to address the strin- absolute. It is both the mechanism and the gencies of, for example, the GEF at the outcome of a process that involves the pro- expense of the contextual socio-environmen- duction of meaning, the transmission of tal realities of the project area, long-term meaning, the definition of appropriate conservation will not be achieved. beliefs and behaviour, and the surveillance and enforcement of social formations. This Recent reviews point to a diminishing insti- means that certain cultural forms and prac- tutional resistance to incorporating cultural tices will assume dominance in relation to considerations within conservation the power of particular individuals and planning.43 But they also highlight the inad- groups to produce and circulate knowledge, equacies of current research and point to and achieve ideological domination (conser- the need for more comprehensive research vation organisations, practitioners and focused on understanding the relations researchers among them). Culture, then, is between culture and conservation. Too always a site of political struggle, pointing often, the conservation effects of sacred out the pluralism and instability of ‘local cul- space or taboos are listed as an after- tures’. Conservation practitioners, organisa- thought in research reports. But more than tions and researchers need to engage reflec- simply an emphasis on cultural practice, tively with their own role in this struggle for, research is needed that addresses the insti- as much as they may desire order, coher- tutional context of conservation outcomes ence and stability within culture, this is not wherever they are found. How are use or ‘natural’.41 It is produced and maintained access regulations codified (orally or textual- and increasingly derives from the practices ly)? What sanctions are imposed for breach? of states or other large scale organisations. Who is responsible for imposing sanction? Increasingly the most isolated locales are What is the utility of sanction? How do cul- affected, and perhaps even constituted, by tural norms operate to support conservation power and influence flowing from dominant practice? How are cultural meanings applied centers and institutions.42 Accordingly, in to explanations of environmental degrada- seeking to comprehend relations between tion? How is this responded to by relevant

14 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

institutions? not the explicit focus of long-term ethno- graphic studies, we will be left to read This institutional context of changing between the lines, to take work out of con- human-environment relations is poorly text and to reach speculative conclusions understood. In many ways, the fault for this regarding relations between culture and lies with conservation conservation in a diversity of contexts. And conservation is inex- organisations themselves so long as this research is not funded and tricably bound to which have explicitly or conducted, modernist conservation practice culture both as a implicitly set out to alter will continue to fall far short of its objec- process and a prod- human-environment rela- tives. uct.… So long as… tions, introduce directed we will be left to read cultural change and intro- Ken MacDonald ([email protected]) teaches in the Dept. of Geography and the Interdisciplinary between the lines, duce new ideologies of nature. Rarely, however, Programme in International Development Studies at take work out of do they effectively trace the University of Toronto, Canada. For the past 20 context and reach how localised institutions years he has conducted ethnographic research in the Karakoram Mountains of northern Pakistan, most speculative conclu- respond to these program- sions… modernist recently investigating the impact of conservation inter- matic intentions (e.g., How ventions by international NGOs on localised environ- conservation practice have beliefs changed? How mental ideologies. Ken is a member of the will continue to fall has this affected localised CEESP/CMWG Steering Committee. far short of its objec- ecological practice?). tives. Monitoring and evaluation exercises are more often References tailored toward the interests of donor agen- Alvesson, M., Cultural perspectives on Organisations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. cies than designed as long-term projects Baker, S. Picturing the beast: Animals, identity and represen- meant to assess the complex outcome of tation, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993. integrated conservation projects. Research Berkes, F., C. Folke, and M. Gadgil, Traditional ecological knowledge, biodiversity, resilience, and sustainability. In: funds to accomplish such work are also in Biodiversity Conservation. Kluwer Academic Publishing: short supply. There are any number of rea- 269-287, 1994. sons for this: a crisis atmosphere surround- Bowen-Jones, E. and A. Entwistle “Identifying appropriate flagship species: the importance of culture and local con- ing conservation directs most funding to so- texts”, Oryx, 36(2): 189-95, 2002. called applied projects; competition between Brightman, R., “Forget culture: Replacement, transcendence, relexification”, Cultural Anthropology 10(4): 509-546, 1995. conservation agencies for limited funding Brokensha, D., Warren, D.M. & Werner, O. (eds.), Indigenous pushes assessment work to the background knowledge systems and development. Lanham, Maryland, and implementation to the fore; for private University Press of America, 1980. Butz, D., “Resistance, representation and third space in foundation funding, there is greater public Shimshal village, northern pakistan”, ACME: An exposure and consequent reward in funding International E-Journal for Critical Geographies, 1(1), 15-34 research that is directly related to species or (http://www.acme-journal.org/vol1/intro.pdf), 2002. Byers, B.A. et al. (2001) “Linking the conservation of culture habitat conservation. Providing the funding and nature: a case study of sacred forests in Zimbabwe”, that leads to the protection of an endan- Human Ecology, 29(2), 187-218 Castro, A. P. & A Tibbetts, Sacred landscapes of Kirinyaga: gered species generates much more indigenous and early Islamic and Christian influences. In P. favourable press than unearthing the rela- P. Arnold & A.G. Gold (eds) Sacred Landscapes and tions between historical alterations to belief Cultural Politics. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd.: 55-82, 2001. systems and the denigration of that habitat. Chipeniuk, R. “Childhood foraging as regional culture: some Yet, as research continues to make clear, implications for conservation policy”, Environmental Conservation, 25(3): 198-207, 1998. there is a need to recognise that conserva- Cinnamon, J. “Narrating equatorial African landscapes: tion is inextricably bound to culture both as Conservation, histories and endangered forests in northern a process and a product. Conservation is Gabon”, Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History. 4(2): 1-15. cultural practice. So long as conservation is Colchester, M., Salvaging Nature: Indigenous Peoples,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 15 History, culture and conservation

Protected Areas and Biodiversity Conservation, World Johns, D.M., “Growth, conservation and the necessity of new Rainforest Movement/Forest Peoples Programme, 2003. alliances”, Conservation Biology 17(5): 1229-37. Colding, J. & C. Folke, “The relations among threatened Johnson Gottesfeld, L.M. “Conservation, territory, and tradi- species, their protection, and taboos”, Conservation tional beliefs: an analysis of Gitskan and Wet’suwet’en sub- Ecology 1(1): 6 [online] URL sistence, northwest British Columbia, Canada”, Human http://www.consecol.org/vol1/iss1/art6/index.html, 1997. Ecology, 22(4) 443-466, 1994. Conklin, B. & L. Graham, “The shifting middle ground: Kuriyan, R., “Linking local perceptions of Elephants and con- Amazonian Indians and eco-politics”, American servation: Samburu pastoralists in northern Kenya”, Society Anthropologist 97(4): 695-710. and Natural Resources, 15: 949-957, 2002. Cox, P.A. and T. Elmqvist, “Ecocolonialism and indigenous Latour, B., Pandora’s Hope: Essays on the Reality of Science knowledge systems: village controlled rainforest preserves Studies, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999. in Samoa.” Ambio 26(2): 84-89, 1997 Leiber, Michael D. More than a Living: Fishing and the Social Croll, E. & D. Parkin “Cultural understandings of the environ- Order on a Polynesian Atoll. Boulder: Westview Press, ment”,In E. Croll & D. Parkin (eds) Bush Base, Forest 1994. Farm: Culture, Environment and Development. London: Lewis, H. “Ecological and traditional knowledge of fire: Routledge: 11-36, 1992. Aborigines versus park rangers in northern Australia”, Darlington, S.M., “The ordination of a tree: the Buddhist ecol- American Anthropologist 91(4): 940-961, 1989. ogy movement in Thailand”, Ethnology, 37(1): 1-15, 1998. Lu, F. E., “The common property regime of the Huaorani Deb, D. & K. C. Malhotra, “Conservation ethos in local tradi- Indians of Ecuador: implications and challenges to conser- tions: The West Bengal heritage”, Society and Natural vation”. Human Ecology 29(4): 425-448, 2001. Resources, 14(8): 711- 724, 2001 MacDonald, K.I., “Global Hunting Grounds: power, scale and Eghenter, C., “What is tana ulen good for? considerations on ecology in the negotiation of conservation”, Cultural indigenous forest Geographies, in press. management, conservation, and research in the interior of MacDonald, K.I., “Human-use management to diminish the Indonesian Borneo”, Human Ecology, 28(3), 331-357. impact of visitation on traditional lifestyles”, in L. Taylor & 2000. A Ryall (eds) Human Use Management in Mountain Areas, Ellen, R. & J. Bernstein, “Urbs in Rure: Cultural transforma- Banff: The Banff Centre/Parks Canada: 259-70, 2002. tions of the rainforest in modern Brunei”, Anthropology MacDonald, K.I., “Political Ecology and the demand for insti- Today 10(4): 16-19, 1994. tutional ethnography”. Paper presented at the Annual Freeman, J.R., “Gods, groves and the culture of nature in Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, New Kerala”, Modern Asian Studies 33(2): 257-302, 1999. Orleans, LA., Nov. 2002. (copy available from the author.) Gadgil, M., “Traditional resource management” in B. MacDonald, K.I. (2004) “Developing ‘Nature’: Global ecology Saraswati (ed) Lifestyle and Ecology, New Delhi: IGNCA and the politics of conservation in northern Pakistan”, in and D. K. Printworld Pvt. Ltd. 1998. J.G. Carrier (ed.) Confronting Environments: Local Gadgil, M. & F. Berkes, “Traditional resource management Environmental Understanding in a Globalizing World. systems”, Resource Management and Optimisation, 18: Walnut Creek: Alta Mira Press. 127-41, 1991. Marks, S.A., “Back to the future: Some unintended conse- Gezon, L., “The changing face of NGOs: Structure and com- quences of Zambia’s community-based wildlife programme munitas in conservation and development in Madagascar”, (ADMDE)”, Africa Today, 48(1): 121-141, 2001. Urban Anthropology 29(2): 181-215, 2000. Morris, B., “Woodland and village: reflections on the ‘animal Glacken, C., Traces on the Rhodian Shore, Berkeley: estate’ in rural Malawi, Journal of the Royal Anthropological University of California Press, 1967. Institute 1(2): 301-315, 1995. Goldman, M. “The birth of a discipline: Producing authorita- Neumann, R.P., “The postwar conservation boom in British tive green knowledge, World Bank-style”, Ethnography colonial Africa”, Environmental History 7(1): 22-47, 2002 2(2): 191-217, 2001. Ostrom, E.,Governing the Commons: the Evolution of Grove, R., “Conserving Eden: The (European) East India Institutions for Collective Action, Cambridge: Cambridge Companies and their environmental policies on St. Helena, University Press, 1993. Mauritius and in Western India, 1660 to 1854”, Oviedo, G. & Maffi, L., Indigenous and Traditional Peoples of Comparative Studies in Society and History 35(2): 318-351. the World and Ecoregion Conservation: An Integrated Guha, R., “Radical american environmentalism and wilderness Approach to Conserving the World’s Biological and Cultural preservation: a third world critique”, Environmental Ethics Diversity, Gland, Switzerland: WWF International & 11 (1), 71-83, 1989. Terralingua, 2000. Haenn, N. “Nature regimes in southern Mexico: a history of Pandey, D.N., “Cultural resources for conservation science”, power and environment”, Ethnology, 41(1): 1-26, 2002. Conservation Biology, 17(2): 633-35, 2003. Haila, Y. “Biodiversity and the divide between culture and Posey, D.A. (ed), Cultural and Spiritual Values of Biodiversity, nature”, Biodiversity and Conservation, 8: 165-181, 1999. London: UNEP/IUCN/Intermediate Technology Publications, Hamilton, L.S., (ed) Ethics, Religion and Biodiversity: 1999. Relations Between Conservation and Cultural Values. Proctor, J. D., “The social construction of nature: relativist Cambridge: The White Horse Press: 118-131, 1993. accusations, pragmatist and critical realist responses.”, Infield, M., Cultural values: a forgotten strategy for building Annals of the Association of American Geographers 88(3): community support for protected areas in Africa, 352-376, 1998. Conservation Biology 15(3): 800-802, 2001. Ranger, T., Voices from the rocks: Nature, Culture and History Ingold, T. “Culture and the perception of the environment”, In in the Matopos Hills of Zimbabwe, Bloomington: University E. Croll & D. Parkin (eds) Bush Base, Forest Farm: Culture, of Indiana Press, 1999. Environment and Development. London: Routledge: 40-56, Redford, K.H. & A. Taber, “Writing the wrongs: Developing a 1992. safe-fail culture in conservation”, Conservation Biology, Jepson, P. & S. Canney, “Values-led conservation”, Global 14(6): 1567-68, 2000. Ecology and Biodiversity 12: 271-274, 2003. Richards, P., Indigenous Agricultural Revolution, London:

16 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Hutchinson, 1985. benefits to be had from understanding the culture of Rival, Laura M. Thinking through History: The Huaorani of organisations (Goldman 2001). Amazonian Ecuador, New York: Columbia University Press, 7 Conklin & Graham, 1995; Ellen & Bernstein, 1994. 2002. 8 Brokensha, Warren and Warner, 1980. Rothenberg, D. and M. Ulvaeus (eds.). The World and the 9 Richards, 1985. Wild: Expanding Wilderness Conservation Beyond its 10 Conklin & Graham, 1995; Zimmerman et al. 2001. American Roots, Tuscon, Arizona: University of Arizona 11 Note that I am assigning this simplification to an activist Press: 81-88, 2001. community, and not to an indigenous community. Sharma, S., Rikhari, H.C., & Lok Man S. Palni, “Conservation 12 Alvesson, 1993; Walley, 2002; MacDonald, 2002. of natural resources through religion: A case study from 13 Gezon, 2000. central Himalaya”, Society & Natural Resources 12: 599- 14 Ingold, 1992. 622, 1999. 15 See, for instance, Deb & Malhotra, 2001. Sierra, R. “Traditional resource-use systems and tropical 16 Posey, 1999. deforestation in a multi-ethnic region in north-west 17 See, for instance, Sharma et al,. 1999; Castro and Ecuador”, Environmental Conservation 26(2): 135-145, Tibetts, 2001; Colding and Folke, 1997; Darlington, 1998; 1999. Hamilton, 1993; Posey 1999. Simmons, I.G., Interpreting Nature: Cultural Constructions of 18 the Environment, London: Routledge, 1993. But see Jepson and Canney, 2003. 19 Skutnabb-Kangas, T., Maffi, L., & D. Harmon, Sharing A World Schama, 1995. 20 of Difference. The Earth’s Linguistic, Cultural, and Baker, 1993. Biological Diversity, Paris: UNESCO Publishing, UNESCO, 21 For an exception to this see Morris, 1995. Terralingua, and World Wide Fund for Nature, 2003. 22 See, for instance, Rival, 2002; Ranger, 1999. Smith, E.A. & M. Wishnie, “Conservation in Small-scale 23 Johnson Gottesfeld, 1994; MacDonald, 2004. Societies”, Annual Review of Anthropology, 29, 493-524. 24 See, for instance, Infield, 2001; Kuriyan, 2002. 2000. 25 Chipeniuk, 1998. Soper, K., “Realism, humanism and the politics of nature”, 26 Butz, 2002; Haenn, 2002. Theoria 98: 55-71, 2001. 27 Bowen-Jones & Entwistle, 2002. This notion of using cul- Steedly, M.M., “The state of culture theory in the ture as an instrument in the service of conservation (as Anthropology of southeast Asia”, Annual Review of opposed to understanding ‘culture’ as a cultural product) Anthropology 28: 431-454, 1999. is increasingly common within the emerging field of con- Thomas, W.H. “One last chance: tapping indigenous knowl- servation marketing (cf., Pandey 2001, Johns 2003). edge to produce sustainable conservation policies”, Futures 28 Ovieda and Maffi, 2000; Skutnabb-Kangas, Maffi, & 35, 989-998, 2003. Harmon, 2003. Thorburn, C.C., “Changing customary marine resource man- 29 Harmon, 1995. See also the article by Harmon and Loh agement practice and institutions: the case of Sasi Lola in and by Maffi in this issue of Policy Matters. the Kei Islands, Indonesia”, World Development, 30 Anderson, 1997. 28(8):1461-79, 2000 31 See, for instance, Leiber, 1994; Zerner, 1994; Ehgenter, Tsing, A. “Notes on culture and natural resource manage- 2000; Smith & Wishnie, 2000; Lu, 2001; Colchester, ment.” Berkeley Workshop on Environmental Politics: 2003. Working Paper WP99-4. Berkeley: Institute of 32 See, for instance, Ostrom, 1993. Environmental Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 33 Marks, 2001; MacDonald, 2004 (in press). 1999. 34 See, for instance, Lewis, 1989. Walley, C.J., “’They scorn us because we are uneducated’: 35 Practice is the measured expression of the relationships Knowledge and power in a Tanzanian marine park”, between the other elements of culture that I have listed Ethnography 3(3): 265-298, 2002. here Watson, P.J., “Archaeology, Anthropology and the culture con- 36 See, for instance, Sierra, 1999. cept”, American Anthropologist 97(4): 683-694, 1995 37 See, for instance, Gadgil, 1992, Gadgil and Berkes, 1997. Williams, R., Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society. 38 MacDonald, 2002. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976. 39 Zerner, C., “Tracking Sasi: The transformation of a Central See, for instance, Grove, 1993; Neumann, 2002; Moluccan reef management institution in Indonesia”, in A.T. Cinnamon, 2003. 40 White et al. (eds) Collaborative and Community-based See, for instance, Freeman, 1999. 41 Management of Coral Reefs. West Hartford: Kumarian Steedly, 1999. Press, pp. 19-33, 1994. 42 See, for instance, Ellen & Bernstein, 1994. Zimmerman, B., Peres, C.A., Malcolm, J.R. & T. Turner, 43 Gezon, 2000; Redford and Taber, 2000; Pandey, 2003; “Conservation and development alliances with the Kayapo Thomas, 2003. of south-eastern Amazonia, a tropical forest indigenous people”, Environmental Conservation 28(1): 10-22.

Notes 1 See, for instance, Croll and Parkin, 1992, Ingold, 1992. 2 Soper, 2001 3 Tsing, 1999 4 Haenn, 2002. 5 Haila, 1999. 6 Institutional or organisational ethnography is still very much in its infancy, yet there are good examples of the

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 17 History, culture and conservation

Protection de la nature et identités culturelles en France Christian Barthod

Résumé. L’émergence d’une conception renouvelée de la protection de la nature, qui refuse désormais de limiter son champ aux seules « aires remarquables protégées » traditionnelles, a conduit l’Union euro- péenne et l’Etat à afficher des ambitions élevées en terme de surface bien que localement modulées, mais aussi à rendre moins compréhensibles pour les communautés rurales, car moins « spectaculaires », les rai- sons de l’enjeu de protection. Beaucoup de tensions sont alors comprises comme un conflit entre une nou- velle culture urbaine conquérante et une culture rurale traditionnelle sur la défensive. Or l’identité culturelle forte de la France s’est construite autour d’un double schéma d’allégeance à un pouvoir central protecteur fort, mais lointain, et d’enracinement local dans des terroirs ruraux vécus comme divers et spécifiques. La défense de ce qui fait l’identité des communautés rurales fragilisées passe alors souvent par le refus des projets de protection menés localement par l’Etat. Le gestionnaire de milieux naturels doit donc apprendre à développer une « ingénierie écologique » qui intègre la dimension culturelle, sans abuser des raisonne- ments scientifiques et techniques dans la défense publique du projet qu’il souhaite initier. La perception par- tagée de la valeur utilitariste, éthique et esthétique du projet représente un enjeu majeur. Dès lors la ques- tion clé devient la prise en charge de cette valeur par les acteurs concernés, au travers d’un mode de ges- tion à négocier.

spectateur ou acteur de l’évolution rapide En France, le débat sur la protection de la d’un Etat-Nation confronté à la dynamique créée par l’intégration dans l’Union euro- nature s’est développé depuis les années péenne, et un citoyen du monde. Ceci fait 1970 dans un contexte social souvent crispé de l’identité culturelle un sujet complexe qui avec les gestionnaires des territoires ruraux. devient rapidement passionnel. Mais avec le projet communautaire Natura 2000 qui a servi de révélateur, les années Le contexte national en France 1990 ont vu les tensions s’exacerber, au point d’être vécues, dans certains projets, La France, vieux pays d’une vieille Europe, comme un conflit entre une nouvelle culture se caractérise par une présence humaine urbaine, triomphante et conquérante, et une encore relativement forte sur la quasi-tota- culture rurale traditionnelle, fragilisée et sur lité du territoire, bien qu’en net déclin et la défensive. Ces deux types de culture présentant toutes les caractéristiques d’une cohabitent généralement dans un même crise majeure du modèle traditionnel de individu : les ruraux ne sont pas à l’écart ruralité. A la différence de beaucoup d’au- des circuits moderne de formation et d’infor- tres pays européens, l’identité culturelle mation qui façonnent un nouveau regard sur française s’est construite autour d’un double la nature, alors que les citadins cultivent la schéma, en apparence contradictoire mais nostalgie de racines rurales en cours d’effa- fondateur et structurant, d’allégeance à un cement. pouvoir central protecteur puissant mais lointain, et d’enracinement local dans des Au-delà de ces conflits,il se joue, à propos terroirs ruraux vécus comme divers et spéci- de la protection de la nature, quelque chose fiques, formant la matrice d’une identité cul- qui touche à l’identité culturelle du pays. En turelle forte. Europe, chaque être humain est à la fois un individu enraciné dans une histoire multi- Bien que le pays se soit fortement urbanisé séculaire et dans un « quelque part », un et industrialisé, au terme d’un long proces-

18 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

ser outre à ce qui était perçu comme des intérêts locaux égoïstes, au travers d’une démarche réglementaire dont la légitimité n’était pas contestée. Pour l’opinion publi- que, comme pour une partie significative des L’attachement à cette décideurs administratifs propriété rurale est et experts scientifiques, d’abord sentimental, l’enjeu était de soustraire culturel et identitaire, les territoires remarqua- et secondairement éco- bles aux menaces d’ori- nomique, au travers gine humaine que faisait d’une conception dure planer l’évolution techno- du droit de propriété, logique, économique et démographique. liée au droit romain et Figure 1. Paysage traditionnel dans le parc national des à l’héritage de la Pyrénées : derrière ce beau paysage bien entretenu se dis- Cependant, dans des ter- Révolution française, simule un équilibre rural de plus en plus fragile, mais auquel ritoires qui sont marqués qui façonne l’imagi- tiennent fortement les communautés rurales et les citadins depuis plusieurs siècles, (Courtoisie Parc National des Pyrénées) naire du citoyen répu- voire millénaires, par l’ac- blicain et l’ambiva- sus qui s’est accéléré depuis un demi-siècle, tivité humaine, l’idée de lence de ses relations tout ce qui touche au monde rural reste très gestion conservatoire à un Etat central fort. sensible car il touche à la manière même s’est imposée au cours dont les Français se perçoivent. Ce lien au de la dernière décennie monde rural se manifeste à la fois par la comme un outil pertinent pour maintenir ou mémoire vivace d’un enracinement familial recréer un contexte favorable à la conserva- dans un terroir, mais aussi souvent par la tion de tout ou partie des espèces et des médiation d’une propriété foncière habitats. Les conséquences en ont été d’une résiduelle1 encore très répandue dans les part d’afficher des ambitions de protection familles citadines. Cette situation est le fruit de la nature localement modulées mais glo- des héritages qui inscrivent le propriétaire balement élevées en terme de surface, et dans une lignée, dans une histoire, dans un d’autre part de rendre moins compréhensi- terroir et dans un devoir vis à vis de ses bles, car moins « spectaculaires », les rai- ascendants et de ses descendants. sons de cet enjeu de conservation. L’attachement à cette propriété rurale est d’abord sentimental, culturel et identitaire, Dès lors le chèque en blanc de l’opinion et secondairement économique, au travers publique, qui avait fondé une certaine politi- d’une conception dure du droit de propriété, que de l’Etat durant trois décennies n’est liée au droit romain et à l’héritage de la plus acceptable par une partie significative Révolution française, qui façonne l’imagi- de la société civile qui y voit une menace naire du citoyen républicain et l’ambivalence pour le monde rural et pour son identité. de ses relations à un Etat central fort. Dimension culturelle et identitaire de Tant que la politique de protection de la la protection de la nature nature a été perçue comme ne s’adressant Dans les sociétés urbaines modernes, la qu’à des territoires restreints dont le carac- nature accède au rang d’un objet contemplé tère remarquable était facilement perceptible de loin, quelle que soit la fréquentation par tous, l’Etat a bénéficié d’un appui tacite dominicale ou estivale de certains sites par- ou explicite de l’opinion publique pour pas- ticuliers. Cette confusion propre à une cul-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 19 History, culture and conservation

lopper une confusion entre le beau et le bien et revendiquer l’abolition de la différence entre le rêve et la réalité. Comme la culture romantique, essentielle- ment urbaine, la culture moderne privilégie l’individua- lisme et perçoit la Nature à la fois comme un tout unique et comme une source de bonheur que la vie sociale est désormais partiellement impuissante à apporter. Cette vision est bien éloignée de la tradition des populations rurales qui voyaient d’abord (mais pas exclusive- ment) dans la nature une source de biens et services très Figure 2. Circaète dans le parc national des Cévennes : image de concrets et directement appro- la biodiversité emblématique (Courtoisie Parc National des priables. Cévennes) ture urbaine, qui fait de la nature largement Entre les deux grandes visions anthropisée depuis le Néolithique en Europe traditionnelles de la nature, l’homme occidentale et de la nature dans certaines moderne, comme l’homme romantique, zones peu peuplées d’Afrique, d’Amérique choisit de plus en plus la vision organiciste latine ou même d’Amérique du Nord une et répudie la vision mécaniciste. A la même et unique réalité. Cette vision rend manière des romantiques, il cultive la nostal- plus difficile la perception de toute la gie d’une nature sauvage et mystique, incar- gamme des interactions possibles, négatives nant « l’âme du monde ». Comme l’homme mais aussi positives, entre l’homme et la romantique émergea de la « période des nature2. Néanmoins il subsiste encore dans Lumières » du XVIIIème siècle et du règne l’imaginaire urbain une distinction entre la « sans partage de la raison, l’homme moderne campagne » (zone rurale fortement mar- est fils de la science triomphante des quée par les activités agricoles) et la nature années 1945-2000 mais cherche un antidote (zone rurale où les espaces non agricoles à une vision prométhéenne de l’homme et sont dominants), ce qui complique singuliè- du monde, desséchante et angoissante. rement la perception des enjeux de protec- tion de la nature dans les zones agricoles, et Les sociologues ne disent pas autre chose, symétriquement la perception de la place lorsqu’ils affirment que la nature sauvage des activités humaines dans les zones rura- semble s’être désormais imposée dans les les non agricoles. pays occidentaux comme la référence la mieux partagée par l’opinion publique. Les Comme la période romantique, la culture débats actuels sur la gestion durable et la occidentale dominante actuelle, d’essence biodiversité sont régulièrement mis en pers- citadine, propose comme mots d’ordre le pective par rapport à des modèles culturels sentiment, l’imagination, l’expérience per- et techniques qui revendiquent comme réfé- sonnelle irremplaçable et la nostalgie. rence la nature sauvage, et non la nature Comme la quête éthique romantique, la historiquement « humanisée ». Certaines quête éthique moderne semble parfois déve- des questions majeures qui se posent

20 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

actuellement aux gestionnaires de milieux Aborder un projet public de protection dans naturels doivent donc être confrontées à toute sa complexité biologique et adminis- une grille d’analyse culturelle qui ne sous- trative sans prêter suffisamment attention à estime pas l’univers culturel citadin domi- la dimension culturelle de ce qui est souvent nant, sans ignorer pour autant les résistan- compris, par les propriétaires concernés et ces fortes parmi les acteurs du monde rural. par les populations locales, en terme de dépossession expose à des incompréhen- Trop souvent les acteurs ruraux estiment en sions majeures, susceptibles de conduire à effet être traités a priori comme des enne- des rancœurs plus ou moins verbalisées, à mis dans les projets de protection de la des oppositions, voire à des conflits. Il nature menés par l’Etat. Certains modes de convient donc de commencer par reconnaî- communication sur l’environnement ont en tre publiquement la qualité biologique d’un effet accrédité, bien à tort, l’idée que terroir façonné par des générations d’hom- l’homme est l’ennemi de la nature qui doit mes qui y ont durement travaillé, et d’intro- être protégée par l’Etat. Ce schéma culpabi- duire très tôt la référence, pour le passé et lisant est vécu comme inadmissible par des pour l’avenir, à un territoire géré. acteurs qui pensent légitimement se situer dans une lignée séculaire solidaire qui a for- Il faut s’appuyer sur ce qui fonde l’identité tement contribué à façonner ce territoire et du terroir pour refuser la fatalité d’une dis- cette nature, qui méritent aujourd’hui d’être solution dans une modernisation uniformi- protégés. Il est perçu comme une prise de contrôle d’un mode rural fragile par une cul- ture citadine triomphante. Pourtant cette nature et ces paysages témoignent souvent d’équilibres socio-techniques aujourd’hui profondément fragilisés sinon révolus.

Dans les zones rurales en difficulté, les acteurs qui restent au pays malgré un contexte économique et social souvent peu favorable, ainsi que ceux qui se veulent soli- daires avec eux, s’estiment « dépositaires » de ce qui fait la richesse et la spécificité d’un terroir « humanisé » au fil des siècles. Ils vivent donc comme une injustice les dis- Figure 3. Site de la Sanguinière, dans le parc natio- cours de protection qui ne font pas une nal du Mercantour : la forêt de mélèze semble natu- large place à l’homme, et développent dès relle et pérenne au citadin, mais la régression des lors une hostilité vis-à-vis d’un Etat qui ne pâturages d’altitude en sous-bois et le renchérisse- sait pas les reconnaître. Ils perçoivent sou- ment des coûts d’exploitation du bois laissent planer vent l’intervention « protectrice » de l’Etat une incertitude sur l’évolution du mélézein (Courtoisie comme le « coup de grâce » à un terroir Parc National du Mercantour & Jean-Louis Cossa) fragilisé, vis à vis duquel l’Etat n’assumerait pas son devoir de solidarité. La défense de ce qui fait leur identité passe alors souvent sante et sans âme. Il est ensuite possible de par le refus des projets de protection menés voir concrètement, avec les acteurs locaux, par l’Etat. Les conflits sont d’autant plus vifs comment préserver cette richesse qui fonde que cette identité est vécue à la fois comme simultanément l’identité d’une communauté niée et agressée. et celle d’un terroir. Cela suppose que la politique de la protection de la nature fasse

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 21 History, culture and conservation

de plus en plus appel, au côté des spécialis- monuments naturels ». Certes il convient de tes des sciences de la terre et de la vie, à souligner la forte dimension culturelle de des sociologues-ethnologues, ainsi qu’à des l’esthétique, enracinée dans la diversité des médiateurs locaux, bons connaisseurs des “ histoires ” et des milieux physiques et deux cultures qui risquent de s’affronter. biologiques qui façonnent le regard et l’ex- L’ingénierie écologique doit faire l’effort d’in- périence des hommes, diversité qui fait la tégrer une dimension culturelle. C’est en richesse de l’Europe. Dans une même partie pour cette raison que les élus locaux région, il faut également rappeler la diversité et régionaux se sont ainsi sentis plus à l’aise des opinions, et souvent les appréciations dans la politique des parcs naturels régio- différentes des univers culturels citadins et naux3 qu’ils ont eux-mêmes suscitée, que ruraux. Chacun a sa propre vision de ce dans celle des parcs nationaux et des réser- qu’est une “ belle nature ”, mais garde en ves nationales. mémoire ses émotions devant des animaux ou des plantes, un « coin de nature » ou Une politique de protection de la nature un paysage. Derrière l’éthique se cache sou- menée par des pouvoirs publics sensibles vent l’émotion esthétique. aux préoccupations d’une société très majo- ritairement urbaine, relayées par le monde associatif, ne trouve pas nécessairement un écho profond chez les élus nationaux. De ce point de vue, il faut noter que les parlemen- taires français manifestent en général une attitude moins favorable que celle du public4. A titre d’illustration, pour préciser les priorités nationales en matière d’environ- nement, la protection des paysages et la sauvegarde de la faune et de la flore ne sont évoquées que par un parlementaire sur vingt5. Ceci explique probablement qu’histo- riquement la politique de protection de la nature en France est dominée par un dialo- gue entre l’administration et les associations de protection de la nature, plus que par une vision d’ensemble, politiquement cohérente et volontariste, des élus nationaux.

Quelques difficultés rencontrées par les politiques de protection de la nature Les décideurs publics et les acteurs ruraux sont généralement mal à l’aise quand l’ap- proche esthétique intervient dans un proces- sus de prise de décision. Ils se retranchent souvent derrière des arguments rationnels Figure 4. Présence du mouton dans le parc qui dissimulent leur implication affective. On national des Pyrénées : le citadin ne perçoit oublie que les premières politiques de pro- plus tous les efforts qui sont mobilisés pour tection de la nature ont trouvé leurs avocats maintenir ce mode traditionnel d’exploitation des dans des amoureux de la beauté des « alpages d’altitude (Courtoisie Parc National des Pyrénées)

22 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

En effet, il est probablement nécessaire de mentaire politique et scientifique qui a justi- dépasser (ce qui signifie assumer, mais aller fié un projet de protection semble convain- aussi au-delà) une approche utilitariste, cant, intellectuellement fondé et reposer sur même rénovée, pour se situer en même des arguments structurés, il existe un cer- temps sur le terrain d’une approche éthique. tain désarroi à constater que l’adhésion Mais il est aussi nécessaire d’assumer une attendue n’est pas au rendez-vous. Dès lors approche esthétique, qui touche rapidement plutôt que de reconnaître un raisonnement aux motivations profondes des individus. inadéquat à saisir la complexité locale, la L’intégration de ces trois types d’approche facilité consiste à soupçonner ou identifier est la première condition d’une véritable de la mauvaise foi ou des intérêts cachés. démarche patrimoniale. Pourtant bien des Face à ce soupçon, la pensée universaliste discours généraux sur ce terrain se heurtent est presque toujours démunie et se raccro- à des fortes difficultés sur un projet particu- che, en désespoir de cause, à des argu- lier de protection de la nature, car la per- ments d’autorité ou à l’organisation d’un ception des valeurs utilitaires, éthiques et rapport de force. Parfois une telle stratégie esthétiques n’est pas la même partout. permet de passer en force, lorsque les sur- faces concernées sont faibles, mais de plus Universalisme et complexité locale en plus souvent, et plus encore quand les La pensée occidentale recherche l’universa- surfaces en cause sont importantes au lisme, et l’histoire prodigieuse des sciences regard des acteurs concernés, elle n’aboutit depuis le siècle des Lumières n’a fait que qu’à organiser une confrontation où les conforter cette sensibilité. Elle a développé à compromis sont mal vécus par l’ensemble cet effet une une véritable ascèse de l’es- des parties qui s’opposent. Les tensions que prit, qui a historiquement permis à l’homme suscite une action toute entière inspirée par de s’affranchir de la prison du particularisme la pensée universaliste sont exacerbées par local et de se doter d’outils opérationnels la montée inexorable des problèmes com- extraordinairement efficaces dans le plexes multi-acteurs qui caractérisent les domaine des « sciences dures », et raison- débats de société relatifs au vivant. nablement efficaces dans le domaine des sciences humaines. Mais trop souvent cette Face à une telle situation, des penseurs quête respectable s’est déformée en une français comme Henri OLLAGNON6 estiment recherche de principes, lois et mécanismes que la seule option opérationnelle raisonna- simples, dont la validité doit s’affirmer au- ble consiste à déplacer le débat vers d’une delà de la diversité des lieux et des cultures. part l’identification partagée de la valeur (utilitariste, éthique ou esthétique) de ce qui Les esprits formés à cette discipline intellec- est à protéger par et pour les acteurs pré- tuelle éprouvent généralement un penchant sents sur le territoire concerné, et d’autre net à privilégier une approche simplificatrice, part vers la question de la prise en charge tout entière tournée vers l’action, qui de cette valeur par ces mêmes acteurs, au regroupe toute une diversité de situations travers d’un mode de gestion à négocier. dans des catégories communes, et cherche Dans un tel contexte, l’intelligence stratégi- une grille d’analyse qui s’affranchisse, autant que est à privilégier par rapport à l’intelli- que faire se peut, des spécificités, particula- gence universelle (tout en intégrant celle-ci). rités et paramètres mal quantifiables. Dès L’intelligence stratégique d’une situation lors une pensée qui se veut universelle ren- passe nécessairement par une forte capacité contre souvent de graves difficultés à se à identifier ce qui fonde l’identité culturelle confronter à la complexité locale. des actuels protagonistes et possibles futurs partenaires, voire par une certaine empathie Trop souvent, à partir du moment où l’argu- pour la culture propre à chacune des parties

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 23 History, culture and conservation

en présence.

En effet les mots n’ont pas ou plus le même sens pour tous les acteurs concernés, d’au- tant plus que se cache souvent sous les mots la confrontation d’une culture urbaine et d’une culture rurale. Il est dès lors urgent de négocier le contenu sémantique du projet avant que la crise n’éclate. L’expression même de protection de la nature suscite souvent dans le monde rural une incompré- hension : protéger veut en effet dire implici- tement protéger contre quelque chose ou quelqu’un. Si on ne précise pas ce quelque Figure 5. Figure Plant d’Arnica dans le parc chose ou ce quelqu’un, on ne peut empê- national du Mercantour : image de la biodiversité cher les acteurs ruraux traditionnels de pen- perçue comme utile par tous (Courtoisie Parc ser qu’ils sont vus comme des agresseurs de National du Mercantour & Gilbert Rossi) la nature, et que les citadins, les « gens d’ailleurs », cherchent à protéger les terri- catégoriquement ce qu’ils dénoncent comme toire ruraux contre ceux qui y vivent et y une création de « réserves d’indiens ». travaillent. Pour éviter cette incompréhension, Henri OLLAGNON et son école de stratégie patri- Très rapidement, le débat sombre dans l’al- moniale proposent de parler en terme de « ternative manichéenne classique où chacun qualité d’un territoire », et en particulier de est sommé de choisir entre l’homme et la « qualité du vivant » du territoire. De fait nature ; les protecteurs de la nature sont les acteurs ruraux peuvent adhérer à la alors perçus comme fondamentalement hos- nécessité de maintenir ou restaurer un haut tiles à l’homme. Les ruraux se proclament niveau de qualité du vivant naturel et souvent « espèce menacée » et refusent humain sur leur territoire de vie.

La gestion patrimoniale selon Henri OLLAGNON La question est celle du mode de réduction, légitime, de la complexité des problèmes, en prônant l’alliance d’une intelligence intuitive et d’une intelligence universaliste. L’enjeu est de refuser aussi bien une approche de la nature en tant que « res nullius », qui fonde la croyance qu’on trouvera toujours des solutions plus tard, qu’une approche qui ne s’exprime qu’en normes et contraintes, et qui conduit les partenaires les plus proches du problème à se rebeller. L’objectif est de susciter les conditions qui permettent une appropriation, par les partenaires poten- tiels identifiés, d’un patrimoine commun qui fonde l’identité de chacun dans un monde en évolution, et qu’il convient dès lors d’agir ensemble. Le moyen est une gestion adaptative par objectif de qualité, et surtout pas une gestion fixiste qui prétend mettre en œuvre des outils valables en tous lieux et en tous temps. La condition, dans une société de droit, est de garantir à la fois l’envie et la sécurité des acteurs, ce qui n’est possible que dans un processus qui privilégie le contrat et le suivi de la mise en œuvre de ce contrat.

Il convient de ne pas sous-estimer les diffi- Q un processus d’appropriation du territoire cultés d’une telle approche qui comprend:7 par les populations, qu’il faudra inviter à

24 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

exprimer leur vision de l’avenir; principes opérationnels simples.

Q un processus de mise en évidence partagée des problèmes du territoire Le vrai critère de réussite c’est la prise en concerné; charge active de la qualité du vivant par les acteurs publics et privés concernés. Obtenir Q un partage des connaissances qui sous- une conviction et un engagement partagés tendent le besoin d’un projet, et en parti- suppose que la qualité du vivant soit vrai- culier les connaissances des acteurs ment perçue comme le patrimoine commun locaux; des acteurs qui peuvent la dégrader, et non Q la clarification par chacune des parties comme un patrimoine relevant d’une collec- concernées de ce qui n’est pas négocia- tivité lointaine plus ou moins manipulée par ble et de ce qui est désirable ensemble, des groupes de pression qui, de loin, parais- dans un débat explicite; sent tout sauf clairs.

Q un processus participatif à caractère con- Conclusion tractuel, nécessitant d’une réelle capacité d’animation locale et d’une médiation En France, la perception de la dimension localement reconnue, attentive aux culturelle des tensions et conflits autour de asymétries de pouvoir et de capacité la protection de la nature a été lente à s’im- d’argumentation; poser. Elle explique pourtant une grande partie des tensions rencontrées durant les Q l’identification des marges de manœuvre, années 1990, lors de l’émergence d’une où les groupes concernés ont des options conception renouvelée de la protection de la à discuter au delà de l’acceptation totale nature, qui refuse désormais de limiter son ou le refus total; ambition aux seules « aires remarquables Q le développement d’un « projet » protégées » traditionnelles. Si ces tensions cohérent, avec des objectifs et des et conflits sont si forts, c’est qu’ils mettent en cause beaucoup de l’identité culturelle d’un pays comme la France, et plus encore celle des gestionnaires de ses espaces ruraux. Les dépasser suppose une grande attention aux mots, aux représentations culturelles, aux processus de prise de déci- sion et de suivi des décisions, en revalorisant l’intelligence stratégique par rapport à l’in- telligence universelle, au ser- vice de la qualité biologique des espaces ruraux. Il est urgent de déplacer le débat vers d’une part l’identification partagée de la valeur (utilita- riste, éthique et esthétique) de ce qui est à protéger par et Figure 6. Site de l’Aigoual dans le parc national des Cévennes : le pour les acteurs présents sur le citadin ne perçoit plus les traces, en cours de disparition, de l’ex- territoire concerné, et d’autre ploitation humaine qui a pourtant marqué le milieu (Courtoisie Parc part vers la question de la National des Cévennes

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 25 History, culture and conservation

prise en charge de cette valeur par ces exploitées par leurs ancêtres, sans être directement et économiquement impliquées dans la vie des communau- mêmes acteurs, au travers d’un mode de tés rurales restées au pays, 2) les liens interpersonnels gestion à négocier. Il s’agit donc d’un chan- avec les acteurs ruraux locaux se distendent inexorable- gement nécessaire dans les modes de gou- ment au fur et à mesure où les générations passent. 2 Pour cette approche de la nature par la culture, on pas- vernance des projets de protection et de sera sous silence le débat légitime sur la place a priori gestion de ces territoires. de l’espèce humaine dans la nature. 3 Cf. Policy matters n°12 Christian Barthod (christian.barthod@ecolo- 4 PROSES Daniel Boy, Les Parlementaires et l’environne- ment, Rapport de recherche, 2003, 40 p gie.gouv.fr) est Sous-directeur des Espaces 5 Il est cependant intéressant de noter que, parmi les par- Naturels, Direction de la Nature et des Paysages, lementaires, les femmes et les élus urbains manifestent Ministère de l’Ecologie et du Développement une sensibilité très significativement plus forte aux ques- tion environnementales. Durable, France. Christian est membre du CEESP/ 6 Professeur de stratégie patrimoniale à l’Institut National CMWG. Agronomique Paris-Grignon 7 Ce cahier des charges qui doit réguler la confrontation entre l’offre et la demande en matière de qualité biologi- que d’un territoire, doit beaucoup à John DAY (chargé de la révision des limites et du règlement du parc natio- Notes nal marin de la grande barrière de corail, en Australie) et 1 Elle est résiduelle au sens où 1) des urbains, par héri- à Laurent MERMET (Professeur à l’Ecole nationale du tage, gardent la propriété d’anciennes terres agricoles génie rural, des eaux det des forêts, Paris).

The Tiger, the Pangolin, and the Myths of Panthera tigris amoyensis — Past, Present, and Future Chris Coggins

Summary. Globalisation is a set of processes driven in large part by free market capitalism and the exploitation of natural resources, but it is also partially mediated by the diffusion of norms for nature con- servation and resource management. In part because of the necessity to limit the scope and theoretical concerns of conservation research, the connection between politics, social history, and environmental change remain largely unexamined. This article explores the ways in which social and historical processes in Chinese history articulate with environmental change and the relationship between humans and tigers. While tigers were seen as important autonomous agents of a cosmo-magical cosmos in pre-modern times, the influence of Western missionaries and naturalists led to a profound shift in Chinese conceptualisation of nature. With the rise of modern industrialisation under the rubric of Maoist and Marxist ideology, nature was attacked as an obstacle to progress; tigers were attacked in organised campaigns, and other wild fauna and flora were systematically harvested for domestic consumption and export. After examining the role that political and economic forces have played in the long-term historical relations between people and tigers, I conclude with the proposition that nature conservation can no longer be viewed as a domain separate from the realms of political economy at large (macro-) scales of geographic analysis, and of

26 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

political ecology at micro- and meso-scales. Present-day tiger recovery efforts in China exemplify how complex, historically constructed conceptions of highly charismatic species like the tiger may not only change with the political economic relations of the times, but also lead to conservation schemes that can easily fail to meet the needs and interests of the local people and other less powerful residents of the host country.

For every person in the world to reach present U.S. levels of consumption with existing tech- nology would require four more planet earth. E.O. Wilson, 2002

We can never ignore the conditions (social, political, economic) under which we appropriate and transform the world around us in accordance with our needs, wants, and desires.

David Harvey, 1998

proclaimed socialist, holds that the dis- The two prominent scholars quoted above course of impending ecological collapse too often legitimates environmental policies that represent the fields of biology and geogra- favour the powerful and further victimise phy respectively. The first author is commit- the oppressed. Thus he invokes the princi- ted to the preservation of biological diversi- ple that “projects to transform ecological ty worldwide, the second to global social relations are [or should be] simultaneously justice in the form of equitable relations of projects to transform social relations, and... production. The biologist goes on to tell us transformative activity (labour) lies at the that the biosphere is infi- heart of the whole dialectics of social and nitely richer from an eco- the discourse of environmental change.” At this point it may logical standpoint than we impending ecologi- be useful to reiterate the oft-cited fact that previously imagined, but modern nature conservation evolved in cal collapse too often that human ignorance will 19th-century Western democratic societies legitimates environ- destroy most of its wealth with laissez-faire economies and concep- mental policies that by the end of the present tions of humans and nature peculiar to the favour the powerful century if drastic measures ideological and material conditions of a spe- and further vic- are not adopted posthaste. cific time, place, and people.2 timise the oppressed. Given the dominance of capitalism, the failures of While both positions point to the enormity large-scale command economies, and the of the crises associated with globalisation, fact that the earth’s finite “natural capital” they lack pragmatic, critical, and compre- (arable land, ground water, forests, marine hensive recommendations for grounding fisheries, petroleum, species, and ecosys- social justice and nature conservation chal- tems) is being destroyed by economic prac- lenges in practicable frameworks appropri- tices that fail to account for the value of the ate to a wide range of spatial scales, envi- living world, he maintains that first-world ronments, and social conditions. In part capital can and should pay for large-scale because of the necessity to limit the scope conservation and development in less-devel- and theoretical concerns of conservation oped countries. This, he avers, should be research, few commentators can make done through debt-for-nature swaps and meaningful connections between politics, similar accounting schemes.1 In contrast, social history, and environmental change. the geographer, a Marxian theorist and self-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 27 History, culture and conservation

This article cannot solve this problem, but I hope that it demonstrates several ways in which social processes articulate with envi- ronmental change. I contend that these matters, typically relegated to the realms of historical geography and environmental his- tory, can help forge new ...nature conserva- links between social jus- tion can no longer be tice and nature conserva- viewed as a domain tion. After examining the separate from the role that political and eco- realms of political nomic forces have played economy at large in the long-term historical (macro-)) scales of relations between people geographic analysis, and tigers, I conclude with and of political ecolo- the proposition that nature conservation can gy at micro- and no longer be viewed as a mesoscales… domain separate from the realms of political econo- my3 at large (macro- scales of geographic analysis, and of political ecology4 at micro- and meso-scales.

The Tiger and the Pangolin From 1992 to 1999 I conducted research on village resource management, environmen- tal perception, nature conservation, and the Figure 1. The three most important nature history of people and wildlife in southern reserves of the Wuyi-Daiyun Mountains. China. I spent a total of one year in three preservation, but they were also the sub- protected areas, the Meihuashan, jects of study and primary informants on a Longxishan, and Wuyishan nature reserves, wide range of topics involving the environ- which lie in the Wuyi-Daiyun Mountain mental history of their communities and of Range of western Fujian province (Fig. 1). the region as a whole. The results of the The upland region is noted for its rich study were published in a book called The assemblage of subtropical fauna and flora Tiger and the Pangolin: Nature, Culture, that until recently included the last surviving and Conservation in China (Coggins 2003). wild South China Tigers (P.t. amoyensis), one of eight original subspecies or races of The tiger and the pangolin are prominent tigers, four of which persisted in China at players in the environmental history of least into the 1990s. My work depended on southern China, and I invoked them in the the good will, cooperation, and close com- title, not only as subjects of study, but also panionship of local people who reside in vil- to represent two distinctive vectors of lages of the reserve buffer zones, settle- anthropogenic environmental change that ments established between 200-800 years have operated at different spatial and socio- ago. Not only did local people help with political scales in the region for many cen- field surveys of ungulate habitat use, bam- turies. I chose the tiger, which is associated boo cultivation patterns, and sacred forest in Chinese tradition with celestial forces and

28 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

imperial power, to symbolise the central river plains and coastal lowlands, and government and its historically long-lived increased exploitation of mountain role as arbiter of land use and environmen- resources caused environmental distur- tal management at macro-regional, region- bances that put humans in greater conflict al, and to some degree local levels. I adopt- with tigers. This is documented in ed the pangolin (Manis pentadactyla), a gazetteers of local history (difangzhi), which scaly anteater still common in the region I employed to analyze the historical geogra- that is both highly prized for its medicinal phy of human - tiger encounters. Five hun- value and feared for its magical powers, as dred and eleven records of tiger problems a representative of local agency - the every- in four southeastern provinces (Fujian, day resource management practices and Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong) provide long-term interests of villagers who have what may be the longest written chronology shaped mountain landscapes for centuries. of human-wildlife interactions for any region of comparable size in the world. During the The Tiger: Political Economy and roughly 1,900 year period under examina- the Rise and Fall of P.t. amoyensis tion, county and municipal records show Four historical periods have shaped relations that over 10,000 people were killed or 5 between people and tigers in southern injured by tigers. Encounters occurred in China. First, in pre-modern times Han peo- 146 of 362 present-day counties and admin- ples conquered and settled the southern istrative cities (a total of 40%) from across frontier regions, converting them into places the region, and span from the year 48 C.E. associated with the Chinese cultural realm; to 1953 (Figs. 2 and 3). The government second, in the period of Western incursion, took tiger incidents seriously; even a sight- colonial domination led to the diffusion of ing, if it occurred in or near a town, count- certain cultural values and practices to ed as history. This annalistic concern China, with profound impacts on the rela- stemmed largely from the fact that the tionship between humans and wildlife; third, state and nature were linked through a tra- in the period of geopolitical isolation, the ditional cosmo-magical concept known as Chinese Communist Party led the country in the Mandate of Heaven (Tianming), accord- a war against nature in the name of indus- ing to which disharmonies in the natural trialisation, modernisation, and the survival order, or Heaven (Tian), signaled political of the motherland; and fourth, during the disorder and misrule. Tigers were also seen current post-reform period unregulated cap- as having conscious volition and free italist production, state-run nature conser- agency and as emissaries of Heaven - the vation, and the rise of private NGOs have cosmos - they were held in awe. As with all given rise to new and sometimes con- inauspicious events not fully attributed to tentious claims about the goals and meth- human agency, management of tiger ods of nature conservation. attacks often fell within the purview of local officials, literate men of high social standing The first period began in the early centuries who could mediate with heaven to bring an of the common era with a series of migra- end to nature’s vengeance through acts of tions into the mountains, hills, and basins ritual expiation. As a nexus between heaven south of the Changjiang (Yangzi River), first and earth in the Chinese state religion and from North China in the early centuries of a representative of the emperor, the county the common era, and later from the crowd- or prefectural magistrate was expected to ed southeast coast. Gradually the south uphold the Mandate of Heaven. Good gov- became the richest grain producing region ernment meant a harmonious and prosper- in the empire; urban centers developed on ous peace between people and nature. The

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 29 History, culture and conservation

Figure 3. Distribution of human-tiger encounters in southest China. Records of tiger attacks and sightings form a wide- spread pattern across the greater southest upland region. Interactions from the Wuyi- Daiyun core area are particularly numerous. Figure 2. A temporal profile of human-tiger encounters in The large number of encounters in Fujian Southeast China. Recorded incidents increased dramatically Province may reflect the fact that data were in the mid-1500s and peaked in the last quarter of the gathered in an archive in Fuzhou, the capi- 1600s, with a smaller peak in the late 1800s. The first rise tal. corresponds with increased anthropogenic ecological dis- very act of keeping official records of turbance throughout the southeastern uplands, a result of tiger encounters was part of an effort agricultural commercialisation, land enclosure, and to monitor and manage a natural (or engrossment along the densely populated coast. This sent 6 a wave of settlers into the interior, where increased forest supernatural) hazard, and the follow- clearance and contact with tigers may appear to have ing gazetteer entry from Fujian illus- caused an increase in tiger incidents. Since the actual trates how tigers and people were records of tiger depredation may have held political signifi- engaged in an intricate dance of cosmic cance as well (due to the Mandate of Heaven concept), the agency and deferential human interven- peak in political unrest in the late-1600s - the transition tion: between the Ming and Qing dynasties - may account for the peak in records. The same may also hold true for the In spring of the seventh year of Ming peak in the early 1900s, around the end of the Qing Chongzhen (1634), in Pinghe county, (1911). Peaks in typhoons recorded in these periods sug- there were tigers on the rampage in gest that the record may have been as important as the the mountain forests...There were events themselves. countless attacks on people and live-

30 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

stock...The county magistrate pleaded with degree of prosperity and equity, had the city god and the mountain spirits for become the “sick man of Asia.” Into this mercy. As a result, one tiger was killed, two socio-political morass stepped capitalism, tigers sacrificed themselves (zibi) [probably science, Christianity, industrial technology, in traps], and two tigers fled. The disaster and “progress.” was then quelled. The local person, Zhu Longxiang, had a tiger-destroying sign A brief biographical example may illustrate (miehuji).7 (Pinghe County 1719: Juan 10: how new conceptions of nature were part of 12a) the package. Harry Caldwell, a Methodist missionary from Tennessee who was also a Given the reverence for the tiger evident in hunter and naturalist, left a detailed narra- Chinese art, literature, folklore, and medi- tive of his experiences with the people and cine, one might ask what caused the exter- wildlife of western and central Fujian from mination of the so-called “Lord of 100 around the turn of the century to the 1920s Beasts” throughout most of its range by the (Figs. 4 and 5). His autobiographical book, late twentieth century. It is clear that tiger Blue Tiger, provides useful information on parts were highly valued as medicine, and the South China tiger and many other that man eating tigers were often killed, but species of mammals and birds. It also would total destruction of the species have describes local perceptions of wildlife, been a human prerogative, or even a con- including the “superstitions” that Caldwell ceivable event, according to traditional vowed to destroy through hunting and Chinese views of nature?8 The settlement of preaching the gospel. Deploying superior large numbers of Westerners in China, firepower, Caldwell saw tiger hunting as “a especially in the late 19th and early 20th means for advancing the knowledge of the centuries, had a profound influence on Christian God in the heart of Asia,” and he indigenous views of nature and natural sought to refute local beliefs about so-called resources, and ultimately, on the treatment “spirit cats”10 that were protected by local of wildlife. Western colonial inroads into deities. He noted that the magico-religious China were underwritten by profits from the opium trade, and the British empire became the world’s largest trafficker of illegal drugs. Chinese government resistance to the drug trade led to the Opium War (1839-1842), China’s military defeat, and the opening of five treaty ports from Canton to Shanghai in which foreigners had the right to settle and trade. This led to extraterritoriality9 for for- eigners and an influx of Western missionar- ies, adventurers, and scientists through much of the Chinese backcountry. This was also an era of increasingly severe poverty, Figure 4. Methodist minister Harry Caldwell, with resource scarcity, famine, and disease, all of a tiger he killed in Fujian. He wrote of this speci- which were closely related to a demograph- men, “I shot the animal with a .22-caliber high- ic explosion that raised the population from power Savage rifle at close range, after the ani- roughly 100 million at the end of the Ming mal had charged me from a long distance. This is (1644) to nearly 500 million by 1900. The a bit of real missionary work I have greatly world’s greatest empire, where even rural enjoyed, and incidently have found most helpful people were accustomed to a certain in the preaching of the gospel.” From Caldwell (1924).

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 31 History, culture and conservation

other forest resources became mere com- modities, the sole purpose of which was to serve the economic needs of “the peo- ple,” and a voluntarist ideology promoting the mastery of humans over nature became the organizing political principle of the era.11

Aberrant as it may seem in retrospect, Mao’s “war on nature can best be under- stood in the light of Cold War geopolitics, China’s isolation from the world community, and the “Before the 1950s, Figure 5. Harry Caldwell and friends with quarry Marxist-inspired religious an estimated taken in Nanping, Fujian, in December 1921. In zeal to embrace science, 4,000 tigers the foreground are a wild boar and various game technology, industrialisation, inhabited a vast and progress to insure that birds. The men are holding the body of a reticu- area in the humid lated python. From Caldwell (1924). the country would rise again to face a hostile world head subtropics of cen- prohibitions against killing the animals were on. Modernisation came tral and southern stronger than game laws would have been, amid socially disruptive ideo- China; by the turn had they been part of the legal code, but logical movements: land of the century blind to any possible conservation functions reform, the Great Leap there were none. in these customs, the minister sought to Forward, communisation, portray local mores as aberrant supersti- the Backyard Iron Smelting Movement tions. with the “Three Bad Years” resulting from gross neglect of agriculture (up to 30 mil- Caldwell was not alone; many foreign nat- lion people died as a result), and finally, uralists and adventurers were active in the destructive climax of ideological fer- southern China, local people were vour known as the Cultural Revolution. employed as hunter-guides and specimen collectors, and from about 1900 on, there Before the 1950s, an estimated 4,000 tigers was a transfer of values and technology, inhabited a vast area in the humid subtrop- as well as the formation of a new market ics of central and southern China; by the for wildlife parts and specimens. This peri- turn of the century there were none. During od marked the beginning of a transforma- the 1950s, predator control was patriotic tion in local perceptions of wild animals and revolutionary. Teams of peasants and from supernatural beings to natural soldiers encircled tigers in their mountain objects for scientific investigation, and lairs, an ancient technique, but now the from a source of sacred medicine that was weapons of choice were grenades and sold in local and regional venues, to com- machine guns. The extermination of tigers mercial commodities to be sold in a grow- through systematic hunting was part of a ing international market. The vast environ- national movement to conquer nature. Anti- mental changes to come after 1949, as predator campaigns, like the “Kill the Tiger the Chinese Communist Party attained Movement” (Dahuyundong), with its slogan power, were driven by new definitions of “Kill the tiger, banish evil” (dahu chuhai), “natural resources” and a revolution in the were part of the national policy of “bending speed and thoroughness with which nature to the will of the people,” a refrain nature could be exploited. Wildlife and

32 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

that played almost daily in the national press. The hunting techniques of early 20th The death of Mao in 1976 and the rise of century Westerners like Harry Caldwell were Deng Xiaoping shortly thereafter led to the a catalyst for more systematic extirpation dismantling of the commune system and a campaigns against tigers. If Fujian natives series of major economic reforms by the were awed by Caldwell’s impressive firepow- end of the decade. “Socialism with Chinese er in the 1920s, they proved that they could characteristics” was the slogan for a transi- achieve the same results on their own after tion to a market economy. Under the “liberation.” But in contrast to Caldwell’s Individual Responsibility System” farm intense fascination with the natural history households could produce and market what- of the tiger, a love he expressed in the ever they liked as long as they met annual peculiar idiom of scientific interest mated to grain quotas. Urban and rural entrepre- religious fundamentalism and tempered by neurialism, joint ventures with foreign com- “sportsmanship,” the Chinese government panies, a growing infusion of foreign invest- was singularly committed to the permanent ment, and burgeoning free trade have given removal of the tiger from the stage of China the greatest sustained economic human progress. Wild animals became tar- growth for any region of comparable size in gets in a Maoist ideological war on nature. world history. Economic liberalisation has Peasants became crusaders in countless also marked a dramatic decline in the provi- “battles” against the wild, the uncultivated, sion of social services; central government and the unsettled. To subsidies for education, health care, agricul- During the 1950s, make the best use of ture, women’s organisations, transportation, predator control was wildlife, which was being and the like have been dismantled or patriotic and revolu- killed off at unprecedented severely weakened. tionary. Teams of rates, due in part to a peasants and sol- massive increase in mili- Local tax rates have risen sharply, and diers encircled tigers tary weaponry among the millions of rural people have migrated to in their mountain peasantry, the government the cities in search of work to make ends set up a system of Foreign meet. During this period of rapid globali- lairs, an ancient Trade Stations sation and radical social change, the technique, but now (Waimaozhan). The trade Chinese government has made a “great the weapons of choice in furs and skins (as well leap forward” in nature conservation, were grenades and as wild and cultivated establishing over 1,500 nature reserves in machine guns. plant products) was twenty years (by 2001 there were 1,757 fuelled by international reserves covering 13.2% of the country). demand. Government data collected from This abrupt change in official policy eight provinces in central and southern toward nature marks a turn toward con- China between 1951 and 1981 show how temporary international political norms, an estimated population of 4,000 tigers was and yet popular appreciation of distinctive rapidly decimated. From 1951 to 1955, fauna and flora is predominantly there was an official average annual produc- expressed through traditional cultural tion of 400 tiger pelts. From 1961 to 1965, practices involving ornamental horticul- this figure decreased to 152 per year, and ture, consumption of medicinal plants and there were an estimated 1,000 tigers left in animal parts, and the (now burgeoning) the wild. As tigers became scarce in the consumption of wild game as haute cui- early 1970’s production dropped to 1-2 in sine. In this context, an unprecedented most provinces and to 5 in Henan and level of official policy formulation in regard Hunan (Lu and Sheng 1986).12 to the South China tiger is a subject of

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 33 History, culture and conservation

significant interest. kilometres) were possibly adequate in size for tiger conservation. Undaunted by long In the 1980s, the South China tiger faced odds, the State Forestry Administration imminent extinction, with an estimated 30- pressed ahead, and in the Forestry Action 50 individuals inhabiting widely-disjunctive Plan for China’s Agenda 21, in 1995, saving pockets of wild mountain habitat. In 1990- the tiger was a high priority. In its latest 1991, the WWF (China) and the Wildlife incarnation, the tiger had become a “myste- Protection Associations of the Forestry rious and beautiful animal,” and a matter of Departments of Guangdong, Fujian, Jiangxi, national pride. By 2000, the State Forestry and Hunan, conducted field surveys under Administration had completed the China the direction of American biologist Gary Action Plan for Saving the South China Koehler. Meihuashan and Longxishan yielded Tiger, which included specific measures to the greatest number of tiger signs in the expand and link existing nature reserves southeast, while mountain lands at the bor- and restore habitats in: eastern Jiangxi, ders of Jiangxi, Guangdong, and Hunan Fujian, northern Guangdong, western contained the most signs in southern central Jiangxi, and Hunan (Fig. 6). The plan also China. Only Wuyishan (560 square kilome- called for the “rehabilitation” of 170 square tres) and Hupingshan (Hunan) (400 square kilometers of agricultural lands for wildlife habitat, the relocation of 3,900 families (roughly 19,500 people), and the protection of 12,800 square kilometres of mountain land where tigers could range freely, enough to support roughly 90-130 (State Forestry Administration 2001).

The following year, a Sino-American research team led by Ron Tilson and Jeff Muntifering conducted an eight-month long field survey involving nine protected areas in five provinces to determine the status of the South China tiger. Their final report, which came out in January of 2002, con- cluded that “...there is no remaining viable population of South China tigers existing anywhere in its historical range” (Tilson and Muntifering 2002;24). Like many state-con- ceived plans in China, South China tiger recovery efforts were not to be derailed by bad news, in fact, the government refused to publicise or even acknowledge the results. Perhaps this response is not surpris- ing; it comes from a tradition well devel- oped under Mao of “going it alone” when foreign advisors attempt to impose their wills or their truths on China’s central gov- Figure 6. Protected areas designated as tiger ernment. Another example of this approach reserves for habitat rehabilitation and tiger rein- is evident in the decision to proceed with troduction. The proposed Zixi Pilot Reserve is also the Three-Gorges Dam even after foreign shown.

34 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

experts strongly advised against it and the the first reintroductions succeed, additional World Bank withdrew funding. The case of tigers will be trained and released in the dam may in fact be particularly instruc- Meihuashan and perhaps other reserves tive since the management of human popu- (Huang Zhaofeng, personal communication; lations in preparation for tiger recovery and State Forestry Administration 2000). In July reintroduction - relocations of communities of 2001, a female gave birth to three in preparation for the “rising waters” of the healthy cubs, and the project manager, returning tiger populations - bears a strong Huang Zhaofeng, reported happily that the resemblance to the coercive relocations adult tigers had learned to kill live goats undertaken for dam and reservoir develop- and wild boar piglets. ment. The question in this case is “How much nature is enough?” How large and Unfortunately, the population may already how numerous will the reservoirs of biologi- be dangerously inbred; today there over 60 cal diversity need to be and what services captive tigers in China, but all are thought will they provide for the country as a whole to be descended from only six wild-caught and for local people who are not removed tigers, with most of the genetic material in from target regions? There are no easy or the population originating from just two of obvious answers, but private NGO’s, work- the founders. Compounding the difficulties ing alongside the state, promise to present is an official confidence in technological some intriguing and troubling suggestions. fixes to revive nature, and a corresponding disregard for socio-cultural variables; a new, Before examining private sector efforts, we and in many ways admirable agenda is should note that the most ambitious state- cloaked in an old, familiar technocratic led tiger recovery work to date is happening hubris that has caused disasters in China at Meihuashan, where six tigers occupy a before, and may yet again. In 1999, when new captive breeding and retraining facility. asked if Meihuashan villagers had been The 467 hectare facility encompasses a rep- notified about the plan to reintroduce the resentative array of habitat types near the tigers and whether there would be educa- southern boundary of the reserve, and the tional programs to explain the reintroduc- tigers have regular access to outdoor zones tion process, a reserve administrator where they are learning to kill mammals, responded that there was really no need to including captive prey. A deer farm was do so: “If there is enough wild prey in the established to raise sika deer as prey during reserve, there will be no conflicts between the training period and to attract tourists. It people and tigers. There is really no need is hoped that the tigers will produce at least for special programs like this.” In what will ten cubs by 2007, and that this second gen- be a 600 square kilometre reserve with eration will learn to hunt by following the some 10,000 residents, this may not be the example of their parents. By 2010, by which most prudent approach, but the China time managers hope the tigers will be capa- Action Plan for Saving the South China ble of bringing down large prey and surviv- Tiger shows that the government may have ing in the wild without direct human inter- an additional surprise for the people of vention, the doors of the enclosure will be Meihuashan in the near future, for it calls opened. The tigers will be released into a for the relocation of 300 families from the special tiger reserve, projected to be 600 larger tiger reserve area in order to rehabili- square kilometres in area (nearly three tate tiger habitat. times larger than the present nature reserve), and still have continuous access to An important question that Chinese officials the security and food of the enclosure. If do not ask is, whether rapid (and desper-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 35 History, culture and conservation

ate) measures to restore the tiger to its India do not want a Sumatran tiger, the habitat are called for? While the most com- Chinese do not want a Southeast Asian mon apposition for the South China tiger in tiger.” Whether extinction in the wild marks the last 20 years has been, “the most the end or a new beginning for the free- endangered of five remaining subspecies of ranging tiger in southern China may hinge tigers,” geneticists and zoologists who spe- on a struggle between nationalistic concerns cialise in tigrine diversity now argue that about the purity of China’s nature, on the there is no molecular genetic support for one hand, and a pragmatic grasp of scientif- the idea that so-called “tiger subspecies” ic evidence, on the other. are significant evolutionary units. Morphological and genetic diversity in tigers is low, and differences between regional populations is thought to be “clinal”, meaning that there are gradual changes in genotype and phenotype across the species’ geographic range, rather than abrupt, genetically significant boundaries. These differences reflect adaptation to different climates and habitats over the last 10-20 thousand years rather than longer-term sub-speciation (Kitchener 1999, Wentzel et al. 1999). This re- conceptualisation of tiger diver- sity has tremendous potential to revitalise tiger conservation efforts. As Andrew Kitchener suggests, “...critically endan- gered South China tigers could Figure 7. A young adult tiger in the Meihuashan Nature Reserve readily be genetically reinforced captive breeding and reintroduction facility. (Courtesy of Chris by animals from northern Coggins) Southeast Asia and possibly the Indian subcontinent. The most important By 2004, the most remarkable and con- conservation outcome is that tigers continue tentious tiger recovery efforts were the to survive in China, where they continue to result of collaboration between the SFA and perform their vital role as top predator.” a private NGO called Save China’s Tigers Unfortunately this idea has not been accept- (SCT). Li Quan, the founder and director of ed by representatives of China’s State the London-based SCT, is employing the Forestry Administration (SFA) in charge of tiger as a national symbol in order to expe- tiger recovery; the importance of the South dite reintroduction projects in what will China tiger as a national symbol is simply become heavily managed and enclosed too great to be undermined by the science “pilot reserves.” After initial efforts to work of genetics. As one Western tiger researcher closely with the IUCN/SSC Cat Specialist pointed out, “The tiger is not a biological Group (CSG) and Western conservation unit, it is a biopolitical unit. The people of experts (including providing funding for the

36 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

survey by Tilson and Muntifering), Quan has enumerated here, I would like to make note more recently relied on close ties with the of the distinct silence about certain people Director of the Wildlife Division in the SFA, in the discussions of tiger recovery. Wang Weisheng, to operationalise a bold, Certainly “local people,” “peasants,” and “vil- and critics say rash, tiger “rewilding” and lagers,” are mentioned in all reports and reintroduction plan. The project was official- plans, but they tend to get flattened into ly launched in September 2003 following abstractions, they are cast as barriers to—or formal protests to the SFA by the IUCN/SSC even saboteurs of—a potentially ecotopian CSG; and two captive tigers were taken to landscape, unnatural inhabitants of the an SCT-owned reserve in South Africa for wilderness to be. As the survey report for training. If all goes as planned, retrained the SCT plan states in regard to the 6,032 tigers will be flown back to China and residents of the two places that top the list placed in a 180 square kilometre enclosure of possible pilot reserves, “Action needs to in Zixi County, Jiangxi (Fig. 6), stocked with be taken on the ground to hasten emigra- ungulate prey and accessible to “eco- tion, build up prey levels and put into place tourists” in motorised vehicles; all this in the necessary infrastructure to re-introduce time for the 2008 Summer Olympics in tigers and to minimise potential conflict with Beijing (for which Quan is lobbying to make surrounding rural communities” (Anderson the “Chinese tiger” the official mascot). CSG et al. 2004; 6). The same text contains a condemnation of the SCT programme is group of four photographs of abandoned based on five primary concerns, outlined in stores, homes, and shops, along with four a letter, dated April 29, 2003, and small children in the one addressed to Wang Weisheng from the remaining classroom of a “Certainly “local peo- IUCN/SSC CSG: that South China tiger dying school, and these ple,” “peasants,” and recovery should be part of a national strate- photos illustrate “natural “villagers,” are men- gy to protect all four races of tigers in China emigration from Zixi.” This tioned in all reports (members of which still survive in the wild), hopeful reference to and plans, but they not just the one that is unique to China; newly opened “wildland” tend to get flattened that no reintroduction programs should conveniently avoids the into abstractions, begin until an up-to-date master plan for social implications of management of the genetic diversity of the waves of rural-to-urban they are cast as bar- captive population is developed and imple- migration - the tragic riers to— or even mented - removing individuals from the corollary of rural impover- saboteurs of— a breeding population could pose a significant ishment and dislocation potentially ecotopian risk to an already inbred group; that a that marks the downside landscape, unnatural Population and Habitat Viability Assessment of economic liberalisation inhabitants of the (PHVA) be conducted to insure sufficient in China. And what of the wilderness to be.” prey and habitat before reintroduction; that other 246 million citizens, tigers should not be taken to South Africa rural and urban, of the five provinces in since it is unnecessary, poses certain eco- question? Can we assume that they are pre- logical risks, and displaces native species. dominantly in favour of tiger reintroduction? The SFA never responded. The fact is that there have been no scientif- ic surveys of popular opinion regarding tiger The Pangolin: Local Social reintroduction in China; apparently the offi- Processes and Environmental cial decisions about nature are best left to Justice those who have money and power. It should be kept in mind however, that many While faults and merits of each side of the of the everyday decisions that shape the highly complex tiger controversy cannot be

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 37 History, culture and conservation

landscapes and ecosystems of southern world, and they will shape the nature of the China are still made by those who do not. future in rural southern China. In summary, the tiger has been shot, trapped, and Throughout this discussion I have tried to squeezed out of its final mountain haunts; if shed light on the relationship between it is to return, it will do so in a natural world social relations and the transformation of dramatically reconfigured by human design. nature. In the current phase of capitalist In recognizing this, and in knowing the development, nature is appropriated as mythical dimensions of the tiger of the past, what Escobar (1996) calls “ecological capi- the time has come for an international tal;” in this context the value of rare fauna effort to develop a socially just and environ- and flora lies not so much in their useful- mentally sound tiger reintroduction pro- ness as resources, but in gramme in the wilds of southern China. the tiger has been shot, their symbolic value and trapped, and squeezed the wealth of their Chris Coggins ([email protected]) genetic material. Nature out of its final moun- teaches Geography and Asian Studies at Simon’s reserves become reposi- Rock College of Bard. His research interests tain haunts; if it is to tories of accumulated return, it will do so in include rural community land use practices, politi- capital, investments cal ecology, nature conservation, the social con- a natural world dra- deposited in carefully struction of nature, and environmental history. matically reconfig- circumscribed conserva- His primary research is on China, where he is ured by human tion territories from now conducting a field survey of village sacred design. In recogniz- which, it is believed, div- forests in four culture regions. He is the author of ing this, and in idends can be reaped The Tiger and the Pangolin: Nature, Culture, and knowing the mythical over the long-term. It is Conservation in China. important to note, how- dimensions of the ever, that the biosphere tiger of the past, the reserve model on which References time has come for an China’s national nature Anderson, Jeremy; Hu, Defu; Su, Hualong; Lu, Jun; and international effort to Marc Stallmans. 2004. Survey of Pre-Selected Sites in reserve system is based, China and Recommendation on a Pilot Reserve for the develop a socially just is not structured in this Re-introduction of the Chinese Tiger. Report and environmentally dualistic fashion, but Commissioned by Save China’s Tiger. Caldwell, Harry. 1924. The Blue Tiger. New York and sound tiger reintro- emphasises land use Cincinnati: The Abington Press. duction programme in zoning, a more integra- Coggins, Chris. 2003. The Tiger and the Pangolin: Nature, tive approach to meeting Culture, and Conservation in China. Honolulu: The the wilds of southern University of Hawaii Press. the subsistence and sus- China. Escobar, Ardor. 1996. “Constructing Nature: Elements for a tainable commercial Poststructural Political Ecology.” In Liberation Ecologies: Environment, Development, Social Movements, edited by needs of local people while maintaining an Richard Peet and Michael Watts. London and New York: array of conservation goals at various Routledge. scales. Along the same lines, studies of Hammond, Charles E. 1991. “An Excursion in Tiger Lore.” Asia Major. (4) 1: 87-100. large-scale landscape ecology and social Harvey, David. 1998. “Marxism, Metaphors, and Ecological conditions in southern China, utilizing Politics.” Monthly Review. Volume 49, Number 11. Kitchener, Andrew C. 1999. “Tiger Distribution, Phenotypic remote sensing and GIS data, could be of Variation, and Conservation Issues.” In Riding the Tiger: major benefit in the formation of policies for Tiger Conservation in Human-Dominated Landscapes, land tenure equity, judicious game laws, edited by John Seidensticker, Sarah Christie, and Peter Jackson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. carnivore management strategies, and Lu, Houji, and Sheng Helin. 1986. “Distribution and Status addressing the subsistence and commercial of the Chinese Tiger.” In Cats of the World: Biology, Conservation, and Management, edited by Douglas S. labour issues of rural people. These are all Miller and Daniel D. Everett. Reston: National Wildlife critically important dimensions of the living Federation. McNeely, Jeffrey, and Kenton R. Miller, editors.1984.

38 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Conservation and Development: The Role of Protected 3 The discipline of political economy focuses on “aggre- Areas in Sustaining Society. Washington, DC: gates of individuals, on how power relations distribute Smithsonian Institution Press. resources between such aggregates and on how these McNeely, Jeffrey, ed. 1985. Expanding Partnerships in distributions of resources maintain relations of domina- Conservation. Washington, DC: Island Press. tion and subordination” (Mohun 1994; 478). Merchant, Carolyn. 1996. “Reinventing Eden: Western 4 Political ecology arose from the adjustment of cultural Culture as a Recovery Narrative.” In Uncommon Ground: ecology to political economic concerns in the 1980s. Rethinking the Human Place in Nature, edited by William From the 1930s to the 1980s, cultural ecology engaged Croon. New York: Norton. anthropologists and geographers in the application of Mohun, Simon. 1994. “Political Economy.” In The Blackwell ecological theory to the resource management and Dictionary of Twentieth-Century Social Thought, edited social practices of relatively isolated indigenous and by William Outhwaite, and Tom Bottomore. Oxford: peasant societies in order to show that they were Blackwell. “adaptive systems just like any other biological popula- Nash, Roderick. 1982. Wilderness and the American Mind. tion, and culture was posited as an ecologically func- 3rd Edition. New Haven: Yale University Press. tional attribute of the evolutionary demands of the Peet and Watts 1996. “Liberation Ecology: Development, environment” (Peet and Watts 1996; 5). Studies in Sustainability, and Environment in an Age of Market political ecology often maintain a carefully bounded Triumphalism.” In Liberation Ecologies: Environment, geographic framework, but are inherently concerned Development, Social Movements, edited by Richard Peet with a larger network of spatial and temporal process- and Michael Watts. London and New York: Routledge. es and relations. As Peet and Watts (1996; 5) explain, Perry, Richard. 1965. The World of the Tiger. Forge Village, “Market integration, commercialisation, and the dislo- Massachusetts: Murray Printing. cation of customary forms of resource management - Pinghe Gazetteer [Pinghe Xianzhi]. 1719. Pinghe County rather than adaptation and homeostasis - became the (Fujian). lodestones of a critical alternative to the older cultural Shapiro, Judith. 2001. Mao’s War Against Nature. or human ecology.” Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 5 This is hardly surprising if we consider Richard Perry’s State Forestry Administration 2000. State Forestry (1965) estimate that at least 1 million Asians had been Administration 2000. “China Action Plan For Saving the killed in the last 400 years, an average of 2,500 per South China Tiger.” year. Also, this figure would be much higher, but 395 State Forestry Administration. 2001. Breeding and records did not specify the numbers of casualties. Reintroduction Project for Saving the South China Tiger: 6 The connection between poor government, societal A Feasibility Study (Zhengjiu Huananhu Fanyu Yehua disorder (luan), and tiger depredation has lasted to the Gongcheng Jianshe). present, and some villagers in Meihuashan today say Stevens, Stan, ed. 1997. Conservation Through Cultural that the rise of the Chinese Communist Party brought Survival: Indigenous Peoples and Protected Areas. order, and as a result tigers “went away” (zoule). Washington D.C. and Covelo California: Island Press. 7 Probably a “fu” or written charm with magical proper- Terborgh, John and Michael E. Soulé. 1999. Continental ties. Conservation: Scientific Foundations of Regional Reserve 8 For those who are skeptical about this rhetorical ques- Networks. Washington, D.C. and Covelo, California: tion, see Coggins (2003) and Hammond (1991). Island Press. 9 Exemption from local legal jurisdiction. Wentzel, Joelle. et al. 1999. “Subspecies of Tigers: 10 Caldwell (1924) uses this term because the Chinese Molecular Assessment Using ‘Voucher Specimens’ of word for civet - “lingmao,” can be translated “spirit Geographically Traceable Individuals.” In Riding the cat.” The name lingmao is also commonly used in the Tiger: Tiger Conservation in Human-Dominated Southeast Uplands to denote a number of small and Landscapes, edited by John Seidensticker, Sarah Christie, medium-sized mammals like foxes, civets, leopard cats, and Peter Jackson. and mongooses. Western, David, R. Michael Wright, and Shirley Strum, edi- 11 For a comprehensive treatment of human-nature rela- tors. 1994. Natural Connections: Perspectives in tions from the Great Leap Forward through the Cultural Community-based Conservation. Washington D.C.: Island Revolution, see Shapiro (2001). Press. Wilson, Edward O. 2002. The Future of Life 12 Lu and Sheng 1986. Despite increased international control of trade in wildlife and wildlife products follow- Notes ing the formation of CITES in 1981, a CITES report 1 In support of his argument, Wilson (2002) provides a showed that by 1989 China had exported 89,656 cat remarkable array of financing schemes undertaken by skins, about 66% of the world total (reported) of the world’s wealthiest NGOs to establish large protect- 136,825. Though this report does not indicate species, ed areas in countries harboring the most biologically it shows that wild cat populations were relentlessly diverse environments. slaughtered through the 1980s. 2 For the history of wilderness preservation and conser- vation in the United States see Nash (1982). For a broader critique of Western constructions of humans and nature, see Merchant (1996). Critiques of “the Yellowstone concept” of protected area management, along with perspectives on community-based conserva- tion include McNeely and Miller (1984), McNeely (1985), Western, Wright, and Strum (1994), and Stevens (1997).

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 39 History, culture and conservation

The historical origins of modern forestry policy in Bolivia— The challenge to govern a vast land

Krister Andersson and Diego Pacheco

Summary. This article offers a fresh perspective on the latest round of reforms in Bolivia’s forestry sec- tor. Advocates claim that such reforms have improved the conditions for community forestry in the coun- try. We analyze how public policies in the forestry sector have evolved over time, and pay particular atten- tion to how different governmental regimes have dealt with the problem of forest tenure insecurity for smallholders and indigenous groups. Using historical narratives, we discuss the proposition that the devo- lution of de jure forest property rights to local user groups is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition to improve the security of forest tenure for the rural poor. We attribute the failures of past policies to a lack of fit between the coercive, government-engineered institutions and the reality of local forest users. Efforts to improve forestry sector governance in Bolivia, and other non-industrial countries, will be more effective, we argue, when the public policy process is capable of capitalizing on existing institutional arrangements that local groups have created to provide a variety of self-organised collective goods and services.

tions associated with secure forest tenure: Since the mid 1990s, Bolivia has made (1) A mutually recognised and clear delin- eation of the forest resources by both gov- efforts to create an enabling policy environ- ernmental authorities and local forest users, ment for community forestry. The 1996 and (2) Legal power for local users to forestry and agrarian reform laws recog- exclude and regulate the use of the forest nised smallholders and indigenous groups that they claim, either individually or as a as legitimate forest users, and decentralised group.2 The thematically focused historical many of the previously centralised gover- analysis of forest governance in Bolivia pro- nance responsibilities to regional and vides several insights into the realistic possi- municipal governments. Both the FAO and bilities and limitations of contemporary UNDP have praised Bolivia for their political forestry policies. will to decentralise and modernise the gov- ernance structure of the country’s forestry Forest governance in Bolivia sector.1 The reforms allow for local commu- nities and individuals to acquire formal Bolivia is one of the poorest and richest rights to manage forests, either as individ- countries in the world. It is poor in the ual or as common property. sense that more than half of its rural popu- lation suffers from some degree of malnour- The enforcement of these property rights, ishment.3 As a matter of fact, the current however, is still very much a top-down inequalities in terms of both income and affair, and it is unclear whether the reforms assets are one of the highest of the region. have actually increased the forest tenure But at the same time, Bolivia is rich when it security of rural dwellers. In this paper we comes to its endowment of natural examine the influence of past and present resources. In 1851, Gibbon described his forestry policies on local forest user deci- encounter with the lowland forests: “all the sions, paying particular attention to the silver and gold of Peru are not to be com- influence they have had on two key condi- pared with the undeveloped commercial

40 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

resources of this beautiful garden”.4 More ferent tree and shrub species have been recently, the FAO depicts the Bolivian bio- identified.5 logical diversity as one of the richest in the world, reporting that in the Lowlands alone, The majority of all Bolivians depend to seven distinct forest types with 2,700 of dif- some degree on the goods and services that the country’s forests provide. The for- est dependence is especially notable in rural areas, where people rely on the forest for a wide variety of household necessities such as firewood, construction materials, fodder, fruits, nuts, medicines, and in some cases wage labor.6 Hence, Bolivia’s forestry sector constitutes an important contribution in efforts to reduce poverty in Bolivia.7 A score of policy analysts along with Bolivia’s gov- ernment itself, recognise that while forestry does have a tremendous potential to allevi- ate poverty, the sector is far from reaching 8 Figure 1. Pristine rainforest in the Bolivian this potential. These observations beg a Lowlands in the early 20th century. Photo taken question: What prevents forestry activities by P H Fawcett outside Cobija in Pando in 1910. in Bolivia from contributing more to rural (Courtesy The Royal Geographical Society). poverty alleviation?

Figure 2. Forestry policy evolution in Bolivia

We would like to argue that forest resources administration, which continues trying to in Bolivia, whether they happen to exist on control Bolivia’s vast territory through a public or private land, are plagued by coercive, top-down governance strategy. ambiguous property rights. As shown by our brief historical review of forestry policies, In this essay, we analyze the implications of this problem appears related to the failure public policy on forest governance during of the heavily centralised governmental three distinct periods of Bolivian forestry

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 41 History, culture and conservation

sector history, which are characterised by: (i) Highland Control and Lowland Concessions (1825-1952), ii) Centrally Planned Economic Development (1953- 1992); and iii) Deregulation and Decentralisation of the State (1993-present) (Fig. 1).

Highland control and lowland con- cessions (1825-1952) Throughout history, the socioeconomic and political powers in Bolivia have resided in the highlands. After the Spanish invasion, Figure 3. Rubber tapper camp in Northern Beni, the powerful Spanish elite settled in the in the early 20th century. Photo by P H Fawcett, highlands and developed several commodity 1910. (Courtesy The Royal Geographical Society). industries. Eventually they constructed the necessary road infrastructure to export sil- control over the territory by giving out ver, rubber, tin, and gas via the ports on the large, privately financed land concessions in Pacific coast.9 The lowlands populations, on the lowlands to powerful third party estates. the other hand, consisted mostly of indige- Throughout this period, the absence of gov- nous groups who were locally rooted in a ernmental organisations characterised the combination of subsistence and local market lowlands. An observer from this period production, largely disconnected from cen- offered this description: “You speak of tral government and international mar- Bolivia to a Lecco Indian or to a man from kets.10 Demographically, the two regions the Beni, the Madre de Dios, the Aten, or could not have been more different in the the Challana, and they will tell you that they 19th century—the population density was do not recognise a government which does high and rising in the highlands while the nothing for them except to collect a person- lowlands remained virtually unsettled by al contribution.”15 Twenty years later, geo- white men and only sparsely populated by graphical explorer Edwards asked a canoe indigenous groups and rubber tappers.11 operator in the Beni river in the lowlands about what he thought of the government. The Bolivian government regime in the 19th The man replied: “Government? What is century may be defined as a feudalist state that? We know no government here.”16 that was created to maximise the gains from the export-oriented exploitation of the In the absence of government, a large part highland’s mineral resources. Most analysts of the forested areas of the lowlands was attribute the origins of this system to the an open-access resource governed by the “300-year process of Spanish colonisation “law of the jungle”, by which the most and dual society”.12 The government’s atti- aggressive and strongest was able to gain tude towards the lowlands at the time was control over the resources. Because of the that most of this land was either uninhabit- highland’s people’s fear of the indigenous ed or ill-inhabited.13 The attitude among the groups in the lowlands, these groups were highland settlers was not much different as able to go about their lives relatively undis- “the Aymara and Quechua population dread turbed by concession holders, rubber tap- the lowlands as they dread the plague”.14 pers, and other “developmentalists”. The Jesuit priests, however, did have a signifi- The government tried to establish indirect cant impact on the indigenous population.

42 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Their principal aim was to have the Indians According to historian Juan de la Mesa, the settle on the land to practice sedentary Paz Estenssoro administration set the tone agriculture.17 The role of the Missions has for government interventions in the been described as “frontier points to cap- Lowlands for the next three decades. By the ture, convert, and reduce to civilisation 1970s, the central government’s public sec- some of the less savage Indians, who as tor contained 520 agencies.19 neophytes learn the religion and customs of the white man.”18 The central government’s colonisation pro- gramme consisted of aggressive land titling In summary, during this time period, the with the objective of relocating scores of early republican governments essentially fol- landless people from the highlands to the lowed the Spanish strategy of creating order sparsely populated low- on, and control over, the Bolivian territory. lands. Settlers received a Informal arrange- They confiscated large, previously indige- conditional title of approxi- ments are still nous common areas and redistributed them mately 50 hectares on the prevalent strategies among certain interest groups under private agricultural frontier.20 The for lowland popula- ownership rights. As a result, the govern- centrally planned colonisa- tions to deal with ment’s allocation of formal property rights tion effort was an expen- tenure insecurity, encroached on the informal property rights sive task, and as more and variable climatic of certain indigenous groups – the de facto more people migrated to conditions, volatile rules that these groups had developed to settle in the lowlands, less co-exist with their neighbors and their and less government servic- markets and other shared resources. These encroachments es became available for set- risk factors created conflicts over property rights, which tlers.21 By the late 1950s, most frequently resulted in indigenous the titling programme started showing signs groups capitulating to the interests of the of heavy strain as the back-log of untitled more powerful colonisers. land grew quicker than government agen- cies could inspect and issue new official The conditions for indigenous forest users titles. to enjoy secure forest tenure during this era could not have been more inadequate, as The government’s capacity to respond to neither mutually recognised boundaries nor local settlers’ demand for titles as well as legally empowered indigenous resource requests for technical support and infra- users existed at the time. Moreover, the structure development for agricultural pro- intentions of government authorities and duction was severely hampered by the polit- local users with regard to the allocation of ical instability that characterised Bolivian property rights were at odds, making any rule in the post revolution era. For instance, mutually beneficial enforcement of rights during the 18-year period between 1964 impossible. and 1982, of the twenty different govern- ments in power, only five were civilian. Centrally-planned economic devel- Despite obvious political differences opment (1953-1985) between the military and civilian govern- The first post-revolution government in ments during these years, all shared the Bolivia, led by Paz Estenssoro in 1952, same centralist policy of government control 22 viewed the State’s role as that of a central over the productive sectors. The political planner and coordinator of economic devel- leaders’ vision of central government as the opment. During this period, mines and crucial locus of power over the productive other large corporations were nationalised. sectors would characterise government until

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 43 History, culture and conservation

the mid-1980’s, when economic crisis forced ment. The 1953 land reform viewed forestry the country into a World Bank-designed as a less productive land structural adjustment programme. use compared to agricul- The old agricultural ture. As a direct result of paradigm of the The government’s policies and practices the reform, clearing of for- colonisation era per- during this period were geared towards the est became the most sists at the expense creation of a nation-state based on private widely-accepted way of agricultural entrepreneurs. In a sense, these demonstrating control of forestry, and the efforts were a continuation of previous poli- over one’s land. Clearing tension between agri- cies, but it was not until after the agrarian land for agriculture also culture and forestry reform of 1952 that they gained momen- became an important as competing land tum. Despite the land reform’s ideological strategy to discourage the uses (rather than undertones of social justice, and recognition settlement of squatters. complementary) of the need for a more equitable distribution remains largely of land and resources, the reforms largely Even to this day, the old unresolved because of failed. De Janvry and Sadoulet (1989) pro- agricultural paradigm of the national govern- vide a viable explanation of such failures in the colonisation era per- the broader context of land reforms in Latin sists at the expense of ment’s pro-aagricul- America in the mid 20th century, arguing forestry, and the tension tural policies that “land reform failed to be redistributive between agriculture and because it sought to first modernise large forestry as competing land uses (rather farms, which allowed landlords to reinforce than complementary) remains largely unre- their power over the state.”23 solved because of the national government’s pro-agricultural policies. Although the new The limited capacity of central government, 1996 land reform26 recognises forestry as a aggravated by the extreme political instabili- legitimate land use, forest clearance has ty during the three decades following the become the traditional form of land 1952 revolution, led to little direct interac- improvement in the lowlands and continues tions between government and local set- to be the way rural people demonstrate tlers. As a consequence, the influence of control over contested land areas.27 government policy on local settlers’ land use decisions has been partial at best, and in The conditions for secure forest tenure some cases non-existent.24 In order to deal improved during this era as smallholders with the uncertainty that a lack of formal were given formal land titles in the tropical governance structure produced in their new environment, settlers turned to more infor- mal institutional arrangements to address the problems they faced. Such informal arrangements are still prevalent strategies for lowland populations to deal with tenure insecurity, variable climatic conditions, volatile markets and other risk factors.25

The government-led colonisation campaign in the Lowlands was fueled by governmen- tal policies with a strong bias towards agri- Figure 4. Soy bean plantations are considered the cultural production. Such policies were not main drivers of deforestation in the Bolivian low- conducive to sustainable forest manage- lands, as here in Pailón, Santa Cruz, in 2001. (Courtesy K. Andersson).

44 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

lowlands. The problem with the reforms  Household use of forest products and was that they produced strong incentives services on their land without any for- for settlers to clear the forest for agricultur- mal permits from the government; al land, as this strengthened their claim in  Forest management activities, including case of land disputes. As a result, forestry commercial timber logging, if in accor- activities were undervalued as a contribu- dance with the national standards of tion to the rural household economy in sustainable forest management;30 and comparison to agricultural activities. One of the lessons from this era is that the estab-  First option to apply for commercial lishment of formal property rights is not logging rights, but may pass on or sell enough to promote natural resource conser- these rights to third party users who do vation, especially if other public policies not hold formal titles to the land. encourage short-term strategies. The implementation of the new formal Deregulation and decentralisation property rights system has been a very of the state (1985-present) complicated and slow process partly In the mid-1980’s, there was a government- because of the number of contested land led and donor-supported effort to transform areas and the limited resources of the gov- the Bolivian central planning model to a ernment agencies in charge of implementa- modern market economy. The structural tion. The agrarian reform agency’s task to adjustment programme, which improved the sort out overlapping claims through an elab- financial stability of the country, was fol- orate ‘legal sanitation’ process carries an lowed up by a second generation of reforms impressive back-log. Five years after the in the 1990’s. Part of this reform package, new law was passed, less than 10 percent which focused on reducing the central of Bolivia’s land surface had gone through bureaucracy through decentralisation of the the legal sanitation process.31 public sector functions and privatised the government owned corporations, were the The new possibilities for rural smallholders 1996 agrarian reform28 and the 1996 to gain access to timber management rights 29 have also been met with forestry law. For the first time in Bolivian As a result of the history, the country’s formal legal frame- several challenges, mostly inflexible and slow work recognised forest management as a from government bureau- legitimate land use for all property owners. cracy. One recent study administrative Formal property rights with regards to for- determined that for forest system, very few est resources according to the two integrat- user groups to gain access local groups have ed laws can be summarised in the following to a community forestry been able to access manner: concession, 26 different formal timber administrative permits and Q The Bolivian State owns all forest management requirements had to be resources in the country; rights met.32 As a result of the Q Private ownership of forest resources are inflexible and slow administrative system, limited to forest plantations and harvest- very few local groups have been able to ed products that are accompanied by access formal timber management rights. In government permits; 2002, the authorities in more than one third of all forest rich-municipalities in Bolivia had Q The current private land holders’ user rights with respect to the forest on their failed to issue even one single management 33 land include: permit to local communities. Consequently, despite the promising

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 45 History, culture and conservation

reforms, only a small fraction of all forest tor.35 user groups in Bolivia have secure land title, and even fewer have secure access to for- The challenge to provide forest est resources. tenure security Despite recent reforms to address tenure Because of their closer geographical proxim- insecurity, only a small fraction of all forest ity to local forest users, and because of the user groups in Bolivia have secure land title, past failures of central governance, munici- and even fewer have secure access to for- pal governments are often considered to be est resources. Insecure land tenure adds to in a better position than central agencies to the uncertainties associated with forest engage in such co-provision activities.34 The users’ access and user rights to forest role of local governments within the new resources. Without such tenure security, for- regime is to monitor local compliance with est users are unlikely to develop longer time the new legislation, promote forestry sector horizons and instead favor activities that opportunities for smallholders, and to facili- provide short term pay-offs. In other words, tate the process through which smallholders forest users whose rights may be easily gain legal access to forest resources. challenged by the government or rival users are not likely invest in sustainable forest There is little doubt that the latest set of management activities, which distribute reforms has improved the conditions for benefits over the longer term. rural populations to enjoy forest tenure security in Bolivia. The reforms have explic- One of the main reasons for the current sit- itly recognised, at least on paper, that uation of widespread land and tree tenure indigenous groups and smallholder farmers insecurity in Bolivia is the extremely skewed are legitimate forest managers and stew- land distribution, especially in the forest-rich ards. The reforms have also instructed gov- lowlands. For instance, in the two largest ernmental authorities to work with the departments of the Bolivian Lowlands, resource users to determine what the actual Santa Cruz and El Beni, 87 percent of the boundaries of the managed resources are, land is concentrated in properties of 500 and then formalise the local users as the hectares and larger. These properties are in legitimate property right holders for that the hands of only 5.4 percent of the total resource. number of landholders. On the other extreme of the spectrum, 84.6 percent of An increasing number of empirical studies the total population of farmers represents are examining the conditions that may sup- small land holders who occupy only 6.9 per- port better outcomes for decentralised for- cent of the total land area.36 These inequal- est governance in Bolivia. Findings to date ities, which are the consequence of almost indicate that the outcomes for community 200 years of oligarchic land policies, pro- forestry is very mixed, but also that local voke conflicts over land and competing land users benefit when the recently empowered uses. municipal governments have more financial resources and qualified personnel; are pres- A recent survey with representatives of rural sured by both central government and local communities in 50 randomly selected user groups to take action; and when municipalities in Bolivia confirms the pres- municipal government representatives agree ence of forest tenure insecurity among to form collaborative agreements with smallholders in the Lowlands. When asked NGOs, central government and local user about the most serious problems in the groups to co-produce services in the sec- forestry sector that rural communities face,

46 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

84 % of the community leaders mentioned and what enforcement powers are assigned problems related to forest tenure. Legal to local user groups. Even if a formal agree- access to timber products was also men- ment is reached, the enforcement of the tioned as a particularly serious problem.37 rules will also require the active cooperation In addition to the skewed land distribution, from both governmental authorities as well a variety of other explanations have been as local forest users. The active involvement presented to explain insecure forest tenure of the local forest users seem particularly in Bolivia. These include: a sparsely popu- crucial for the monitoring and enforcement lated land with large patches of forests, and of rules as the governmental authorities a governance structure that introduces usually do not have either the resources or uncertainties into forest management.38 the personnel to do so. Hence, the future role that forestry activities will play in allevi- The Bolivian government’s policy responses ating rural poverty in Bolivia will depend to to these problems have a great extent on how national, municipal The future role that been similar to those of and community level actors work together forestry activities other developing coun- to monitor and enforce the forest property will play in alleviat- tries: central government- rights of the rural poor. ing rural poverty in led, command and control Bolivia depend to a instruments. As the histor- Conclusions great extent on how ical analysis revealed, such Why is forestry not playing a more impor- national, municipal a regime was designed to tant role in the fight against poverty in and community benefit a small group of Bolivia? The evidence we discussed points elitist rulers and was offi- to problems associated with forest tenure level actors work cially justified on grounds together to monitor security and legal access to forest of geopolitical interests. resources, which appear to and enforce the for- After a long history of have hampered rural people’s This transforma- est property rights of ineffective forest gover- ability to benefit from sus- tion process is the rural poor. nance policies, the 1996 tainable forest management. about much more forestry law marked a new While recent reforms have than just chang- beginning in Bolivia’s efforts to address increased the possibilities of ing the law- it is problems of forest tenure insecurity. creating improved conditions about transform- Progress has been slow, and many difficult for community forestry, many ing a deeply root- challenges lie ahead, but most analysts contemporary empirical stud- agree that a step in the right direction has ies suggest that this is by no ed culture of gov- been taken.39 means an automatic process. ernance One of the common challenges for govern- For these reforms to lead to any real ment and users alike is to create local level improvements in local forest users’ forest institutions can implement the progressive property rights, governmental authorities reforms in an effective and equitable man- need to interact with local users to develop ner. The eventual contribution of forestry to mutually recognised rules that control poverty alleviation will depend on the effec- access to forests and regulate competition tiveness of these joint efforts. over them.40 So far, such arrangements have developed only sporadically. There are The political history of Bolivia speaks of the several issues that such institutional government’s reliance on coercive gover- arrangements need to address, such as: nance as the principal method of inducing who has legitimate access rights to the for- citizens to conform to public policy. Coercive est; what harvesting activities are allowed; governance by any level of government —

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 47 History, culture and conservation

central, regional or municipal — is a very Governance of Forest Resources in Bolivia,” Journal of Environment and Development 12(1): 5-27, 2003. resource-intensive way of influencing user Andersson, K, “Can Decentralisation Save Bolivia’s Forests? behavior. This is especially true if the gov- An Institutional Analysis of Municipal Governance of ernment’s formal rules and policy are not Forest Resources, Ph, D, Diss, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN, 2002. congruent with the existing cultural norms, Becker, D, and R, León, “Indigenous Forest Management in which reflect the way people normally go the Bolivian Amazon: Lessons From the Yuracaré about solving daily problems. Despite recent People”, In Gibson et al. (Eds), 2000, People and Forests, MIT Press, Cambridge, 2000. efforts to decentralise and modernise Bowman, I, “Trade Routes in the Economic Geography of Bolivia’s forestry sector, many governmental Bolivia, Part II,” Bulletin of the American Geographical organisations continue to operate in a cul- Society 42(2): 90-104, 1910, Bruce, J, “Community forestry: Rapid Appraisal of Land and ture characterised by top-down manage- Tree Tenure”, FAO Community Forestry Note No, 5, FAO, ment styles. The historical account showed Rome, Italy, 1989. that when the formal rules created by such Cohen, J, M, and S, B, Peterson, Administrative Decentralisation: Strategies for Developing Countries, structures of government are imposed on Kumarian Press, Inc, 1999. local forest users, they are not likely to be Contreras H, A, and T,M Vargas, Dimensiones Sociales, effective. Ambientales y Económicas de las Reformas en la Política Forestal de Bolivia, Proyecto de Manejo Forestal Sostenible and the Center for International Forestry To make the new regime more effective, Research, Santa Cruz, Bolivia, 2001. government officials need to learn a differ- Church, G, E, “Northern Bolivia and President Pando’s New Map”, Geographical Journal, 18(2): 144-153, 1901. ent style of public management that is CIPEC, A National Survey of Municipal Mayors and capable of involving forest users in a more Technical Staff in 100 Bolivian Municipalities: Preliminary constructive way in the sector’s public policy Results, Center for the Study of Institutions, Population and Environmental Change (CIPEC), Bloomington, IN, process. This transformation process is 2001. about much more than just changing the de Janvry, A, and Sadoulet, E “A study in resistance to law — it is about transforming a deeply institutional change, The lost game of Latin American land reform”, World Development 17(9), 1397-1407, rooted culture of governance. One should 1989. therefore be careful to expect too much, Edwards, H, A, “Frontier Work on the Bolivia-Brazil too soon from the Bolivian reforms. Boundary, 1911-12,” Geographical Journal 42(2): 113- 126, 1913. Krister Andersson ([email protected]) and Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO), State of the World’s Forests 1999, Food and Diego Pacheco ([email protected]) are Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, Rome, with the Center for the Study of Institutions, Italy, 1999. Population and Environmental Change (CIPEC) Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, The Role of Forestry in Poverty Alleviation, FAO Forestry Indiana University Bloomington, IN, USA. Krister’s Department, Rome, 2001. research focuses on public policies for decentrali- Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, sed natural resource management, forest carbon Proceedings of Expert Meeting on Harmonizing Forest- Related Definitions, FAO, Rome, Italy, 2002. sequestration activities, and international deve- Fawcett, P, H, “Survey Work on the Frontier between lopment cooperation (see his book ¿Cómo hacer Bolivia and Brazil,” Geographical Journal 33(2): 181-185, funcionar la gestión forestal descentralizada?). 1909. Fawcett, P, H, “Explorations in Bolivia,” Geographical Diego studies the relationship between public Journal 35(5): 513-529, 1910. policies and rural populations in Bolivia, pursuing Fifer, J, V, “Bolivia’s Pioneer Fringe,” Geographical Review a doctorate in Public Policy. He is the author of 57(1): 1-23, 1967. Government of Bolivia, Ley del Instituto Nacional de la several books, including La Ley INRA en el Espejo Reforma Agraria (INRA), Ley No,1715 de 18 de octubre de la Historia and Las Tierras Bajas de Bolivia a de 1996, UPS Editorial, La Paz, Bolivia, 1996ª. fines del Siglo XX. Government of Bolivia, Ley Forestal, 1700, Ministerio de Desarrollo Sostenible y de Planificación, La Paz, Bolivia, 1996b. Government of Bolivia, Estrategia Boliviana de Reducción References de la Pobreza (EBRP), Ministerio de Desarrollo Sostenible Andersson, K, “What Motivates Municipal Governments? y de Planificación, La Paz, Bolivia, 2000. Uncovering the Institutional Incentives for Municipal Grieshaber, E, P, “Survival of Indian Communities in

48 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Nineteenth-Century Bolivia: A Regional Comparison,” Notes Journal of Latin American Studies 12(2): 223-269, 1980. 1 FAO, 1999; UNDP, 1998. Hernaiz, I, and Pacheco, d. La Ley INRA en el Espejo de la 2 Bruce, 1998. Historia: Dos Siglos de Reformas Agrarias en Bolivia, 3 Government of Bolivia, 2000; Woodson, 2000. Fundación Taller de Iniciativas en Estudios Rurales y 4 Church, 1901:146, cf. Fawcett, 1909. Reforma Agraria (TIERRA), La Paz, Bolivia, 2002. 5 FAO, 2002. Hecht, S, “Solutions or Drivers? The dynamics and 6 Pacheco, 2002. Implications of Bolivian Lowland Deforestation”, Mimeo, 7 FAO, 2001. 2001. 8 Kaimowitz, D,, G, Flores, J, Johnson, P, Pacheco, I, Pavez, Superintendencia Forestal, 2000; FAO, 2001. 9 J, Roper, C, Vallejos and R, Velez, “Local government and Fifer, 1967. 10 biodiversity conservation: A case from the Bolivian Kohl, 2002. Lowlands”, Shifting the Power: Decentralisation and 11 Fifer, 1967. Biodiversity Conservation, USAID BSP, Washington, DC, 12 Grieshaber, 1980:225. 2000. 13 Fawcett, 1910. Kohl, B, “Stabilizing neoliberalism in Bolivia: popular partici- 14 Bowman, 1910:191. pation and privatisation,” Political Geography B (4): 449- 15 Riviere, 1892: 207. 472, 2002. 16 Edwards, 1913: 125. Litvack, J,, J, Ahmad and R, Bird, Rethinking 17 Mather, 1922. Decentralisation in Developing Countries, The World 18 Weeks, 1946: 552. Bank Sector Study Series, Paper No, 21491, The World 19 World Bank, 2001. Bank, Washington, DC, 1998. 20 Urioste and Pacheco, 2001. Mather, K, F, “Exploration in the Land of the Yuracares, 21 World Bank, 1993. Eastern Bolivia,” Geographical Review 12(1): 42-56, 22 de Mesa, 2001. 1922. 23 de Janvry and Sadoulet, 1989: 1397. Mesa, Carlos D, Historia de Bolivia, Editorial Educativa, La 24 Pacheco, 1998; Contreras and Vargas, 2001. Paz, Bolivia, 2001. 25 Becker and León, 2000; Pacheco, 1998. Ostrom, E, Governing the Commons: The Evolution of 26 The so called INRA Law 1715. INRA is the National Institutions for Collective Action, Cambridge University Agrarian Reform Institute, the central government Press, New York, 1990. agency in charge of implementing the law. Pacheco, P,, and D, Kaimovitz, (Eds), Municipios y Gestión 27 Hecht, 2001. Forestal en el Trópico Boliviano,: Centro de Estudios 28 para el Desarrollo Laboral y Agrario, Taller de Iniciativas Government of Bolivia, 1996a. 29 en Estudios Rurales y Reforma Agraria, and the Center Government of Bolivia, 1996b. 30 for International Forestry Research, La Paz, Bolivia, The forestry law requires all logging activities to be in 1998. conformance with the national standards for sustain- Riviere, H, A, d, “Explorations in the Rubber Districts of able forest management. This means that previous to Bolivia,” Journal of the American Geographical Society of receiving the logging permits the applicant must devel- New York 32(5): 432-440, 1900. op a forest management plan for a twenty year rota- Superintendencia Forestal, Informe Anual 1999, Sistemas tion period. The management plan must be signed by a de Regulación de los Recursos Naturales Renovables, La certified forestry engineer. Paz, Bolivia, 2000. 31 Hernaíz and Pacheco, 2001. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Capacity 32 Contreras and Vargas, 2001. 21 Programme 1998 Annual Report, United Nations 33 Andersson, 2002. Development Programme, New York, 1998. 34 Cohen and Peterson, 1999; World Bank, 1998; Wunsch Urioste, J M. and Pacheco, D, Las Tierras Bajas de Bolivia a and Olowu, 1995 fines del Siglo XX, PIEB, La Paz, Bolivia, 2001 35 Andersson, 2003, Pacheco and Kaimowitz, 1998 Weeks, D, “Bolivia’s Agricultural Frontier,” Geographical 36 Pacheco, 1998. Review 36(4): 546-567, 1946. 37 CIPEC, 2001. Winter, M, Decentralised Natural Resource Management in 38 Andersson, 2002; Contreras and Vargas, 2001; Hernaíz the Sahel, Associates of Rural Development, Burlington, and D. Pacheco, 2001;. VT, 1998. 39 Contreras and Vargas, 2001; Kaimowitz et al., 2000;. Woodson, Q, T, Poverty and policy in Latin America and the 40 Winter, 1998. Caribbean, Technical Paper No, 467, World Bank, Washington, DC, 2000. World Bank, World Development Report 1988, Oxford University Press, New York, 1988. World Bank, Bolivia Country Brief, The World Bank, Washington DC, 2001. World Bank, Bolivia Forestry Sector Review, The World Bank, Washington DC, 1993. Wunsch, J, S,, and D, Olowu, (Eds), The Failure of the Centralised State; Institutions and Self-Governance in Africa, Westview Press, Boulder, CO, 1990.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 49 History, culture and conservation

Colonialism, hunting and the invention of “poaching” in the 19th and 20th Centuries

William M. Adams

Summary. The development of ideas about conservation in the twentieth century was greatly influ- enced by colonial ideas about hunting. This paper discusses the significance of hunting to conservation ideas in colonial Africa, and the sometimes rather mixed ideas about poaching and hunting by Africans. It draws out the similarities between such debates and the contemporary discussion of community-oriented versus strict conservation strategies. It argues that arguments about narrative change in conservation need to take account of the diversity of ideas about people and nature, both in the past and today.

chasing of foxes with packs of dogs, The origins of modern conservation became vital rituals of the landowning class, a mark of social achievement and the mark- thought are deep and complex, but the ers of a shared culture.4 In Scotland, the colonial roots of much twentieth century Highland Clearances from the 19th century thinking are widely recognised.1 There onwards had driven smallholders to news were, for example, important colonial con- lands in North America, creating the very cerns about deforestation, climate change real human emptiness celebrated by today’s and drought from the eigh- ‘wilderness’ enthusiasts. Victorian landown- teenth century onwards, Above all, it was ers hunted red deer in the barren hills they and game and forest the Victorian left behind5. Hunting in British colonial terri- reserves were created in a enthusiasm for tories, especially in Africa and India, was number of places.2 Above tied-in by connections of class and wealth hunting, and the all, however, it was the to this British Victorian world. In India, for heritage of British Victorian enthusiasm for example, the British took over and adapted traditions of elite hunting, and the heritage of elite Mughal hunting practices, especially landowning and British traditions of elite tiger shooting from elephant back and the ‘game manage- landowning and ‘game man- use of beaters. They added to them sports agement’, that gave conser- ment’, that gave such as pig sticking, and they exported their vation its familiar shape. conservation its enthusiasm for fox hunting as a sporting From such ideas the essen- familiar shape. activity to India, Australia and parts of tially preservationist Africa. approach of the protected area became the dominant conservation concept of the twen- An enthusiasm for hunting was by no 3 tieth century. means confined to the elite of the British Empire. It was shared by those newly As formal wildlife conservation was estab- wealthy from industrialisation in the USA. lished towards the end of the nineteenth From the 1860s, wealthy young men from century in African territories, it drew closely rich eastern industrial families had begun to on the European tradition of aristocratic frequent the Adirondacks to engage in the hunting, with beasts reserved for the King masculine pastimes of shooting and fishing. and his lords, in descending order of priori- Their approach was an odd combination of ty. In Victorian Britain, the shooting of British upper-class tradition and an attempt pheasants, grouse and red deer, and the

50 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

to recreate a romanticised American ‘fron- (shooting of excessive “the great mass of tier’ experience (although often this was numbers of animals).11 worth-wwhile sportsmen just a thin veneer over luxury tourism).6 An editorial in the are true protectors and This engagement of wealthy East Coast Saturday Review in 1908 conservators, who sin- Americans in game conservation is epito- had attributed the cerely desire the per- mised by Theodore Roosevelt. He hunted in decreases in game in petuation of game and the Adirondacks and in Maine in the 1870s, Africa to big-game and became a leading advocate of a manly hunters and to rich and hunting sport, and outdoor life. In due course, he went west to irresponsible young the conservation of the hunt buffalo in Dakota Territory in 1884, Englishmen amassing rights of posterity and returned there repeatedly to hunt, large game bags.12 In an therein” shooting elk, bear, buffalo and cougar. article in the SPWFE’s Roosevelt is well known for his enthusiasm journal, Sir Henry Seton-Karr argued that for the whole adventure of hunting, his “British sportsmen, as a class, have done keen delight in finding and killing game, and nothing in any wild country to reduce or the broader pleasure in wilderness.7 He was wipe out any kind of wild big game”.13 one of many such elite hunters, and led the establishment of the Boone and Crockett Colonial conservationists saw the chief prob- Club in 1888, which lobbied for the estab- lem with European hunting in Africa (as in lishment of a national zoo and the extension the USA) as primarily a failure of ‘true of the Yellowstone National Park (created in sportsmanship’, especially the killing of 1872).8 excessive numbers of animals, where “an otherwise sane man runs amuck”.14 There were problems with hunters “whose sport- Sporting conservation ing instincts are undeveloped”15, those To the wealthy sportsmen of industrialised “who get bitten by the ‘buck fever’, and who countries, conservation was a matter of self- fire away far more shots than they need”.16 control, of curbing unreasonable amounts of There were problems too with white set- killing. In 1921, William Hornaday wrote of tlers, who in East Africa (as in the the USA “the great mass of worth-while Nineteenth century in South Africa) treated sportsmen are true protectors and conser- game either as a subsidy for farm establish- vators, who sincerely desire the perpetua- ment, or as a pest. Settlers did not share tion of game and hunting sport, and the the ideals (or the money or leisure) of the conservation of the rights of posterity there- traditional traveling sportsman. When a in”.9 However, there were hunters who were motion was proposed to the Colonists’ just “game hogs”, and they were “just as Association in Kenya In 1909 that restric- brutal, savage and relentless as it ever was tions on killing game in settled districts in the worst days of the past”. should be removed, one correspondent to the SPWFE wrote “I am of the opinion that The same argument inspired the hunting under modern conditions, given trade in members of the Society for the Preservation horns and skins, the fauna of the high open of the Wild Fauna of the Empire, founded in plateaux here would be completely extirpat- London in 1903 to put pressure on the ed within five years”.17 Foreign Office not to de-gazette a Game Reserve in the Sudan.10 Edward North Conservation and wilderness Buxton believed the disappearance of American ideas of wilderness added a per- ‘game’ from Africa was primarily the result verse element to the cocktail of ideas of ‘reckless shooting’ and bloodthirstiness about people and nature in early twentieth

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 51 History, culture and conservation

der and moral instruction. The English gentleman’s country park, cleared of untidy peasant cottages, was landscaped to fit an aesthetic of pastoral beauty. By the end of the nineteenth century, Americans were worrying about the impacts of the closing of the Western fron- tier on the pioneer spirit that they believed defined the American national character. Early US conser- vationists, who saw nature under threat, expressed their concern in terms of the very ‘wilderness’ that had been so recently conquered. They came to believe that wilder- ness was precious, a source of Figure 1. The African elephant has been a critical species in wonder, something that demanded debates about conservation, hunting and poaching throughout urgent conservation. the twentieth century. (Courtesy Juan Moreias). Settlers have always struggled to century conservation.18 In Europe, the tra- roll back the wilderness, creating ditional meanings of ‘wilderness’ date from farmed and fruitful lands from the bush.19 the time when people feared nature - Settlers were therefore, from the first, the feared its animals, the lawlessness of wild enemies of ‘pristine’ nature, and the whole land. Beyond the tended fields and man- economic development aged woods, where lawless men roamed process the destroyer of the To those committed and danger lay, anyone benighted or set wild or natural in nature. In to wildlife conser- upon would not find help. Wilderness and the twentieth century, con- vation in the twen- wildness were not seen as virtues, but as servation developed in tieth century, the Europe and North America symbols of barrenness, of lack of improve- presence of people in ment and lack of care for the environment. as a reaction against the such supposedly In the USA, the story that the new settlers impacts of intensive agricul- told about themselves spoke in terms of ture as well as industrial ‘wild’ places has the frontier, and a country carved from the pollution, tourism and other seemed an increas- wilderness. Indigenous Indian populations, features of economic ingly significant which shrank before the onslaught of growth. It is for this reason conceptual and European disease and military power, were that protected areas are practical problem. airbrushed from history and removed to almost always portrayed as reservations. The vast lands of the West the sanctuaries of wild, un-transformed were annexed by the state, and held for nature. In North America, the clearance of the public good for the resources they con- indigenous people from the land has made tained. possible a relatively efficient separation of settled and ‘wilderness’ land, entrenched However, by the mid nineteenth century, in by the passage of the US Wilderness Act in both Europe and the USA, the nature that 1964. Elsewhere the attempt to impose a remained was widely was being seen as similar separation is far more problematic something to be treasured. The Romantic movement re-interpreted the brutishness To those committed to wildlife conservation of wild places as mystery, and the sav- in the twentieth century, the presence of agery of nature became a source of won-

52 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

people in such supposedly ‘wild’ places has seemed an increasingly significant concep- tual and practical problem. As people have been discovered in, or have intensified their use of land set aside for nature in reserves and national parks, those people began to be seen as unnatural, threaten- ing the balance of nature.20 Most indige- nous and pre-colonial conservation prac- tices and protected areas went unrecord- ed, and most are forgotten by contempo- rary conservation planners.21

The concept of protected areas suggested that ‘nature’ could in some way be isolated from environments transformed by human action, but in doing so it The concept of pro- outlawed numerous rural tected areas sug- livelihoods. In the USA as gested that ‘nature’ much as in Africa, it re- could in some way classified hunters as poach- be isolated from ers, wood-cutters as law- environments breakers, and small farm- transformed by ers as the destroyers of natural vegetation.22 Local human action, but subsistence and market in doing so it out- uses of living resources in lawed numerous ‘natural’ or ‘wild’ areas has rural livelihoods. been judged a problem not Figure 2. Arguably, humans have been the most only because it is done in discussed and the least understood species in supposedly ‘pristine’ nature, but also for conservation through the twentieth century. the manner of such hunting (the whole (Courtesy Juan Moreias). issue of the cruelty of low-technology hunting and trapping) and because it has ness, for example, can be quite meaning- not been based on scientific analysis of less to people of different tradition and sustainable levels of harvest. ethnicity.24 The concept of ‘wild’ nature, like ‘proper hunting’ is a product of Since 1950, conservationists have tended thought among certain classes of people in to imagine that ideas of wilderness are industrialised countries but has been universal, and are bound to touch some- adopted wholesale by the conservation where on indigenous ideas about nature. movement. There is no reason to expect this to be the case, because ideas about the value of the Hunting, and the romance of wild are the products of human culture.23 “poaching” Ideas of wilderness as something wonder- European hunters abroad took with them a ful are culturally specific. A conservation long tradition of opposition to subsistence ethic based on the standard Western tran- hunting, and a long tradition among British scendental and Romantic idea of wilder- and other European landowners of

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 53 History, culture and conservation

attempting to stop poaching. In medieval the table, fitted a familiar and popular lit- England, poaching was a capital offence, erary stereotype, for example in Richard and even in Georgian England, the Black Jeffries’ book The Amateur Poacher, or in Act had condemned poachers of the the way John Buchan portrayed his sport- landowner’s game to ing gentlemen poaching salmon and stags In Africa, subsistence transportation, or from hapless neighbours in the fictional hunting was general- worse. The Victorian adventure John Macnab.26 Poachers in ly seen to be haphaz- sporting estate had colonial Africa were also sometimes ard, inefficient, waste- generated a complex regarded with paternalistic tolerance for ful and cruel. Colonial and extensive hierarchy their sad lack of perception of the damag- observers thought it of employees devoted ing effects of their undisciplined ways. distracted rural people to protecting their mas- from gainful employ- ter’s game from the Hingston reflects this tolerance of individ- depredations of the ual peasant subsistence hunting, writing ment in cash crop pro- landless and lawless “when he hunts as an individual with his duction or wage poacher. In Africa, sub- primitive weapons with the object of killing labour. It was widely sistence hunting was everything obtainable he probably does proscribed by formal generally seen to be not cause any greater destruction than law, and the problem haphazard, inefficient, does the discriminating sportsman with his of poaching became an wasteful and cruel. modern weapons”. In a similar vein, increasingly impor- Colonial observers Edward North Buxton (founder of the tant issue in conserva- thought it distracted Society for the Preservation of the Wild tion as the twentieth rural people from gain- Fauna of the Empire in 1903) pointed out ful employment in cash century progressed. in 1902 that animals were the Africans crop production or ‘birthright’, and that “from time immemori- wage labour. It was al the destruction caused by the indige- widely proscribed by formal law, and the nous inhabitants has not appreciably problem of poaching became an increas- diminished the stock”.27 In delegation by ingly important issue in conservation as the Society for the Preservation of the the twentieth century progressed. R.W.G. Fauna of the Wild Empire (SPFE) to lobby Hingston represented the dominant view of the British Colonial Secretary in 1905, he sporting conservationists in the first half of argued that it would not be either expedi- the twentieth century, when he told the ent to interfere with “ancestral methods” Royal Geographical Society in 1931 that such as pitfalls and traps that that the decline of the African fauna was had been used “for an indefi- “Personally, I am primarily due to ‘the native hunter’.25 nite period”.28 inclined to think that Statesmen This portrayal of the destructiveness of In the 1920s and 1930s, the and Colonial local subsistence hunting was only part of Colonial Office and individual Governments have a more complex set of ideas about poach- Governors were sometimes a often given per- ing. There was a certain romantic flavour more sensitive to the needs haps an undue to the entreprise of the lone poacher. of local hunters than conser- Colonial attitudes were influenced by an vationists wished. In 1928, attention to the affectionate romantic exasperation felt for the Society for the rights of natives poachers in Britain in the early twentieth Preservation of the Fauna of compared with century. In the spirit of Robin Hood, the the Empire proposed other matters”. skillful lone poacher, outwitting the blun- (through the Colonial Office) dering forces of the law to put meat on that Forest Reserves in Nigeria should be

54 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

nent hunter and founder member of the SPWFE, squarely blamed the problem of diminishing game at the door of the ‘depredations’ of natives (along with their fel- low ill-doers, unsporting set- tlers).32 Hingston argued that “when natives hunt col- lectively, they then have the power to cause serious depletion through wholesale and indiscriminate methods employed”. There is no romance to such hunting33. The use of guns by African hunters was particularly Figure 3. The incorporation of poverty alleviation and the business problematic. Buxton urged sector into conservation programmes is a key feature of the ‘new that “special care should be conservation’ of the 1990s. A farm worker at Flower Valley, a com- taken to prevent modern mercial flower farm harvesting wild blooms in the South African weapons getting into the Fynbos (www.fauna-flora.com/around/africa/flower_valley.html). hands of the natives”, and (Courtesy Juan Moreias). other members of the early SPWFE delegation thought made into reserves “for the indigenous that even natives without guns should be fauna”, but this was rejected by the prohibited from hunting because the effec- Governor because preservation would tiveness of their hunting techniques had interfere with the hunting rights of the already been improved by colonialism.34 considerable number of people living in the 29 Forest Reserves. At the end of his tenure Had some traditional balance between ill- as secretary of the SPFE, C.W. Hobley armed and relatively un-ambitious indige- noted that in the Sudan and in some parts nous hunters and abundant populations of of West Africa, there was a school of their prey had been upset? Certainly it was thought which would “recognise vested obvious by the first decade of the twenti- 30 rights of natives to the Elephant”. Sir eth century that colonialism was triggering Peter Chalmers Mitchell commented diverse economic and social change. “Personally, I am inclined to think that Buxton observed that Pax Britannic’ had Statesmen and Colonial Governments have created new opportunities for killing game. often given perhaps an undue attention to There were Kamba hunters “at every water the rights of natives compared with other hole” on the Athi Plains because the 31 matters”. Maasai were not there to keep them away, and “everything that walked was killed The limits of tolerance with poison arrows”. Responsible colonial The tolerance of African hunting to which government should step in to control such romantic ideas about poaching gave rise hunting: “as we allow the natives to kill was easily exhausted. In particular it was game to a certain extent by preventing dispelled when hunters achieved efficiency fighting among them, we should also pre- in killing. Sir Henry Seton-Karr, a promi- vent their trapping and killing on a large

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 55 History, culture and conservation

scale”.35 nated widely in 1909, William Hornaday wrote “An Indian or other native has no Most commentators controlled romantic more right to kill game, or to subsist upon sentiment and advocated strict control of it all year round, than any white man in native hunting. Sir Alfred Sharpe, acting the same locality. The native has no God- commissioner of the Central African given ownership of the game of any land, Protectorate after a number of adventur- any more than its mineral resources; and ous shooting expeditions, wrote to the he should be governed by the same laws SPWFE in 1905 that “there seems to have as white men”.39 In the slightly uneasy been a general tendency, while rigidly post-war and pre-independence years, restricting Europeans from shooting big Mervyn Cowie, Director of the Royal game, to leave the native free to slaughter National Parks of Kenya, wrote 2the all he wishes without let or hindrance”. Judiciary must be convinced that the disas- Sharpe trumpeted the success of policies trous destruction of God’s great beasts by in the protectorate of British Central Africa. ruthless poachers is a crime against the These had effectively ended native hunt- rights of posterity, deserving really effec- ing, by enforcing a native gun tax (such tive punishment”.40 that whereas 12 years before “every native carried a gun2, now not one in a thousand Changing narratives in conserva- owned one), making natives subject to tion same licenses as Europeans (so that few After the Second World War, the problem took out licenses or shot game), and per- of illegal hunting came to the very centre suading District Magistrates to punish stage in conservation debates. Poaching natives found guilty of shooting game became more extensively commercialised, without a license.36 A correspondent from and the use of cheap but arbitrary killing South Africa commented “of course it is techniques such as wire snares became difficult to watch all the natives, but the more widespread. The impact of poaching constabulary have instructions to do all on the populations of species such as the 37 they can”. The SPFE Deputation to the rhinoceroses and elephant became a head- Colonial Office in line issue for global conservation.41 The “An Indian or other March 1930 urged “a methods used by poachers were now seen native has no more close watch” on native universally by conservationists as not only right to kill game, or to hunting “to prevent highly effective, but not ‘traditional’: there subsist upon it all year indiscriminate slaugh- might be romance and a sense of fair play ter of game by round, than any white for some in the idea of an elephant hunter 38 man in the same locali- natives”. armed with a bow and arrows, but there ty. The native has no was arguably none in a wire snare. God-ggiven ownership of The dominant sporting Moreover, any paternalistic benevolence in the game of any land, code from which so accounts of poaching was buried beneath any more than its much conservation a welter of humanitarian compassion for stemmed in the first mineral resources; and maimed animals. Still photographs and film three decades of the he should be governed provided powerfully tools for conservation- twentieth century had ists to express the cruelty, futility and by the same laws as little time for indige- destructiveness of the poachers’ trade.42 white men” nous hunting, whether Any possibility of tolerance of local subsis- in the British Empire or tence hunting was lost, as conservation indeed in North America. In his 15 point discourse focused on the need for more “sportsman’s platform2, which he dissemi- protected areas, tighter enforcement of

56 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

laws, and end to poaching and trade in Inuvialuit Final Agreement in 1984. In wildlife products. 1972, the Canadian Parks Service intro- duced the idea of National Park reserves, The strict defence of protected areas was, to be treated as national parks pending however, a conservation solution that in the completion of land claims. In East turn created its own problems. Debate Africa, experience at Amboseli National about the question of the role of people in Park through the 1970s, subsequently parks, and the effects of parks on people, developed into the Wildlife Extension began in the 1970s as part of a wider Project, experience from which in turn led debate about “community conservation”, or to the establishment of the African Wildlife “community-based conservation”.43 Foundation’s Tsavo Community UNESCO’s Biosphere Reserve concept Conservation Project (1988), the Kenyan made provision for human use of buffer Wildlife Service Community Wildlife zones, while in 1975, IUCN passed the Programme and the USAID-funded COBRA Zaire Resolution on the Protection of project (Conservation of Biodiverse Areas), Traditional Ways of Life, calling on govern- in 1991, and the African Wildlife ments not to displace people from protect- Foundation’s “Neighbours as Partners” ed areas and to take specific account of Programme.47 the needs of indigenous populations, and in the same year the UNESCO World Alongside the reconsideration of the role of Heritage Convention made specific provi- people in protected areas has gone a sion for the conservation of areas of his- renewed interest in conservation in terms torical and cultural significance.44 The prin- of “sustainable use”. This phrase includes ciples of community-oriented park man- three separate ideas: the fact that wildlife agement were discussed at the World use is an imperative or choice of people Parks Congress in Bali in 1982, and devel- (particularly the poor) in the pursuit of oped at Caracas in 1992 and Durban in their livelihoods; the issue of how popula- 2003. Following the Caracas Congress in tions and ecosystems are to be used and 1992, IUCN published a policy on Indigenous and Traditional Peoples and Protected Areas.

There were also changes in the way individual countries dealt with people and conservation. Thus in Canada and Australia there were significant changes in attitudes to indigenous land rights.45 Most Canadian national parks were des- ignated before the federal and provincial governments acknowl- edged the existence of Aboriginal right and title.46 Attitudes began to shift in the 1970s, in response to rising Aboriginal political aware- ness, and to the ground-breaking Figure 4. The creation of micro-enterprises based on harvested Berger inquiry into the Mackenzie wild species (such as these wood tourist carvings) offers impor- Delta oil pipeline, and then the tant opportunities for new livelihoods, but raises key questions about the sustainability of harvests. (Courtesy Juan Moreias).

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 57 History, culture and conservation

managed to achieve biological sustainabili- policy actors at all scales from politicians, ty, and the possibility that use can provide through aid and government bureaucrats, incentives to conserve biodiversity. After scientists and technical consultants much debate, IUCN launched the through to communities, for all of whom Sustainable Use Initiative in 1995, imple- they come to frame understandings of mented through a series of regional problems and possible solutions. Such nar- groups.48 IUCN members adopted a policy ratives can only be overturned by plausible on the sustainable use of wild living counter-narratives, as tightly focused and resources at the 2nd World Conservation well-argued as those they replace. Congress in Amman, Jordan, in 2000. This recognised that, if sustainable, the use of It has been suggested that the late 1990s wild living resources was an important saw a new counter-narrative, with argu- conservation tool. Such an approach would ments against the community approach, allow conservationists to try to align their amounting to a “back to parks” movement, efforts with the economic, social and cul- led by those committed to the survival of tural pressures that drive human consump- species above all other goals.53 There is tion, working with people to use and evidence that the “protectionist paradigm” derive benefits from species and ecosys- is simply being reinvented.54 Many conser- tems while sustaining biodiversity.49 vationists are sceptical that human use of living resources will ever be sustainable.55 The community approach to conservation Arguably, only a preservationist strategy is part of what David Hulme and Marshall offers any chance for species biodiversity Murphree describe as “the new conserva- in the twenty-first century. Rather than tion”50, reflecting the new development pursuing a community-based approach, orthodoxy of the 1980s about the market conservation needs a U-turn, back to as a driver of economic betterment, the parks, for nature’s “last stand”.56 need to slim down bloated state bureau- cracies, and the place of ‘communities’ in Those who argue that conservation must development. Such focus on strict protection are making argu- “Policy narratives thinking offered a sig- ments very similar to those made by their become culturally, nificant challenge to colonial predecessors early in the twentieth institutionally, and much existing top- century. However, those who advocate a politically, embedded down conservation pol- community-based approach, and who point in the thinking of poli- icy, and particularly to to the implications of strict protection cy actors at all the arbitrary establish- strategies on the livelihoods of the poor also have precursors in the early colonial scales—from politi- ment of protected days of conservation. The merits of these cians, through aid and areas, the eviction of weak and politically different strategies need to be argued on government bureau- marginal rural peo- their own terms, and no single solution is crats, scientists and ple.51 likely to be applicable in all circumstances technical consultants and acceptable to all stakeholders. through to communi- Such shifts in dominant Beneath contemporary ideas in conserva- ties— for all of whom policy narratives are tion lie complex streams of thought about they come to frame not unusual.52 Policy the right relations between people and understandings of narratives become cul- nature. Understanding the evolution of problems and possible turally, institutionally those ideas in the past may help us under- stand their power, and their utility, in the solutions. and politically embed- ded in the thinking of future.

58 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

William M. Adams ([email protected]) is Reader Ghimire, K.B. and Pimbert, M.P., (eds.) Social Change and in Conservation and Development at the Conservation, Earthscan, London, 1996. Grove, R.H., Green Imperialism: colonial expansion, tropi- Department of Geography of the University of cal island Edens and the origins of environmentalism, Cambridge, Cambridge (UK). He is a Trustee of 1600–1800, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995. Fauna and Flora International and Resource Hingston, R.W.G. “Proposed British National Parks for Africa, and a member of CEESP/CMWG. Africa”, Geographical Journal 77: 401-28, 1931. Hobley, C.W., The conservation of wild life: retrospect and prospect, Part I, Journal SPFE 32: 38-44, 1937. Hulme and Murphree, M., Communities, wildlife and the References “new conservation” in Africa. Journal of International Adams, W.M., “Nature and the colonial mind”, pp. 16-50 in Development, 11 (2). 277-286, 1999. William M. Adams and Martin Mulligan (eds.) Hornaday, W.T., “Post-war game conditions in America”, Decolonizing Nature: strategies for conservation in a Journal SPFE 1: 53-8, 1921 post-colonial era, Earthscan, London, 2003. Hulme, D. and Murphree, M., (eds.) African Wildlife and Adams, W.M., Against Extinction: the story of conservation, Livelihoods: The Promise and Performance of Earthscan, London, 2004. Community Conservation, James Currey, Oxford, 2001. Adams, W.M. and Hulme, D. “Conservation and Hutton, J. and Leader-Williams, N. “Sustainable use and Communities: Changing Narratives, Policies and Practices incentive-driven conservation: realigning human and in African Conservation”, pp. 9-23 in D. Hulme and M. conservation interests”, Oryx 37: 215-226, 2003. Murphree (Eds.) African Wildlife and Livelihoods: the Jacoby, K., Crimes Against Nature: squatters, poachers, promise and performance of community conservation, thieves and the hidden history of American conservation, James Currey, London, 2001. University of California Press, Berkeley (California), 2001. Barrow, E., Gichohi, H. and Infield, M., The evolution of Jeffers, H.P. Roosevelt the Explorer: Teddy Roosevelt”s community conservation policy and practice in East amazing adventures as a naturalist, conservationist, and Africa, pp. 59-73 in D. Hulme and M. Murphree (Eds.) explorer, Taylor Trade Publishing, Lanham (N.Y.), 2003. African Wildlife and Livelihoods: the promise and per- Kramer, R. van Schaik, C. and Johnson, J. (eds.) Last formance of community conservation, James Currey, Stand: protected areas and the defense of tropical biodi- London, 2001. versity, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1997. Barton, G.,R., Empire Forestry and the Origins of Langton, M., “The “wild” the market and the native” indige- Environmentalism, Cambridge University Press, nous people face new forms of global colonisation”, pp. Cambridge, 2002. 79-107 in William M. Adams and Martin Mulligan (eds.) Berg, L. Fenge, T. and Dearden, P., “The role of Aboriginal Decolonizing Nature: strategies for conservation in a peoples in national park designation, planning and man- post-colonial era, Earthscan, London, 2003. agement in Canada”, in Philip Dearden and Rick Rollins Leach, M. and Mearns, R., The Lie of the Land: challenging (eds.) Parks and Protected Areas in Canada: planning received wisdom on the African environment, and management, Oxford University Press, 225-255, Heinemann/James Currey, London. 1996. Toronto, 1993. MacKenzie, J.M., The empire of nature: hunting, conserva- Brandon, K. Redford, K. and Sanderson, S. (eds.) Parks in tion and British imperialism, University of Manchester Peril: people, politics and protected areas, Island Press, Press, 1989. Washington DC, 1998. Nash, R., Wilderness and the American mind, Yale Brockington, D., Fortress Conservation: the preservation of University Press, New Haven, Conn the Mkomazi Game Reserve, Tanzania, James Currey, Neumann, R.P. (1998) Imposing Wilderness: struggles over Oxford, 2002 livelihood and nature preservation in Africa, University of Bunce, M., The Countryside Ideal: Anglo-American images California Press, Berkeley (California), 1973. of landscape, Routledge, London, 1994. Poirier, R. and Ostergren, D., “Evicting people from nature: Burnett, G.W. and wa Katg”ethe, K. “Wilderness and the indigenous land rights and national parks in Australia, Bantu mind”, Environmental Ethics 16: 145-160, 1994. Russia and the United States”, Natural Resources Journal Buxton, E. N. Two African Trips: with notes and sugges- 42: 331-51, 2002 tions on big game preservation. London, E. Stanford, Prendergast, D.K. and Adams, W.M. “Colonial wildlife con- 1902. servation and the origins of the Society for the Cernea, M. and Schmidt-Soltau, K., “The end of forcible Preservation of the Wild Fauna of the Empire (1903- displacement? Making conservation and impoverishment 1914), Oryx 37: 251-260, 2003. incompatible”, Policy Matters 12: 42-51, 2003. Robinson, J.G., “Using “sustainable use” approaches to Croll, E. and Parkin, D. “Anthropology, the environment and conserve exploited populations”, pp. 485-498 in J.D. development”, pp. 3-10 in Croll, E. and Parkin, D. (eds.) Reynolds, G.M. Mace, K.H. Redford and J.G. Robinson Bush Base: Forest Farm; culture, environment and (eds.) Conservation of Exploited Species, Cambridge development, Routledge, London, 1992. University Press, Cambridge, 2001. Cronon, W. “The trouble with wilderness, or, getting back Roe, E., “Development narratives, or making the best of to the wrong nature””, in W. Cronon (ed.) Uncommon blueprint development, World Development 19: 287-300, Ground: toward reinventing nature, W.W. Norton and 1991. Co., 69-90, New York, 1995. Roe, D. Hutton, J. Elliott, J. Chitepo, K., Saruchera, M.. In Dunlap, T.R., Nature and the English Diaspora: environ- pursuit of pro-poor conservation: Changing narratives or ment and history in the United States, Canada, Australia more? In: Community Empowerment for Conservation, and New Zealand, Cambridge University Press, special edition of Policy Matters, 12, 52-53, 2003 Cambridge, 1999.. Schama, S. Landscape and memory, HarperCollins,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 59 History, culture and conservation

London, 1995. 27 Buxton, 1902, (p. 139) Seton-Karr, H., “The Preservation of Big Game”, Journal of 28 Minutes of proceedings at a deputation from the the Society for the Preservation of the Wild Fauna of the Society for the Preservation of the Fauna of the Empire Empire, 4: 26-28, 1908. to the Right Hon. Alfred Lyttelton (His Majesty’s Stevenson Hamilton, J., “Opposition to game reserves”, Secretary for the Colonies), 2 February 1905 Journal SPWFE Journal 1907: 53-9, 1907. SPWFE Journal 1905 (2): 9-18 (p. 12). Terborgh, J., Requiem for Nature, Island Press, Washington 29 General Meeting SPFE London Zoo, 15 October 1928, DC, 1999. Journal SPFE 1929: 5-12 (p.9) Toogood, M., “Decolonizing Highland Conservation”, pp. 30 C.W.Hobley, 1937 The conservation of wild life: retro- 152-171 in William Adams and Martin Mulligan (2003) spect and prospect, Part I, Journal SPFE 32: 38-44, (p. (Eds.) Decolonizing Nature: strategies for conservation in 39). a post-colonial era, Earthscan, London, 2003. 31 Vice Chairman of SPFE to AGM 27 February 1931, Western, D. and Wright, R.M., “The background to commu- Journal SPFE 13: 5-11, p. 6. nity-based conservation”, pp. 1-14 in Western, D., 32 Seton-Karr, 1908 (p.27). Wright, R.M. and Strum, S.C. Natural Connections: per- 33 Hingston, 1931, (p. 404). spectives on community-based conservation, Island 34 Journal SPWFE, 1905, pp. 12-13 Press, Washington, 1994. 35 Minutes of proceedings at a deputation from the Wilshusen, P.R., Brechin, S.R., Fortwangler, C.L., West, P.C. Society for the Preservation of the Fauna of the Empire “Reinventing a square wheel: critique of a resurgent to the Right Hon. Alfred Lyttelton (His Majesty’s “protectionist paradigm” in international biodiversity con- Secretary for the Colonies), 2 February 1905 Journal servation”, Society and Natural Resources 15: 17-40, SPWFE 2: 9-18 (p. 17). 2002. 36 Sir Alfred Sharpe (1905) ‘Slaughter by natives’, Journal SPWFE 2: 19. Notes 37 ‘Extract from a letter from a correspondent at 1 Adams, 2004. Barberton in South Africa, Journal SPWFE 1903 Volume 2 Barton 2003, Grove 1995, 1, Item 5, p. 40-1 (p. 41). 38 3 MacKenzie 1989; Bunce 1994; Neumann, 1998 Deputation to the Secretary of State for the Colonies 5 4 MacKenzie, 1989 March 1930, Journal SPFE 1930: 11-16, (p. 13). 39 5 Toogood,2003. W. T.Hornaday (24 March 1909, letter to Rhys Williams, 6 Jacoby. 2001. Journal SPWFE 5 (1909): 56-8, (p. 57) 40 7 Jeffers, 2003. Mervyn Cowie (1955) ‘Preserve or Destroy?’, Oryx 3: 9- 11 (p. 11). 8 Adams, 2004. 41 Adams (2004) 9 Hornaday. 1921, (p. 56, 54). 42 For example Bernard and Michael Grzimek (1960) 10 Prendergast and Adams 2003, Adams 2004. Serengeti Shall Not Die, Hamish Hamilton, London, and 11 Buxton, 1902 (p. 115). John Gordon Davis Operation Rhino, Michael Joseph, 12 Saturday Review Nov 24th 1906 (‘The Dying Fauna of London, 1972. an Empire’, Journal SPWFE, 3: 75-77, p. 76) 43 Western, Wright and Strum 1994, Ghimire and Pimbert 13 Seton-Karr, 1908, (p. 26 and 26-7). 1996, Hulme and Murphree 2001 14 Buxton, E. N., 1902, (p. 115, 116). 44 Poirier and Ostergren (2002). 15 Stevenson Hamilton, 1907, (p. 54) 45 Langton (2003). 16 Minutes of proceedings at a deputation from the 46 Berg, Fenge and Dearden (1993). Society for the Preservation of the Fauna of the Empire 47 Barrow Gichohi and Infield, 2001). to the Right Hon. Alfred Lyttelton (His Majesty’s 48 www.iucn.org/themes/ssc/susg/timeline.html Secretary for the Colonies), 2 February 1905 Journal 49 SPWFE 1905 (2): 9-18 (p. 12) Hutton and Leader-Williams, 2003. 50 17 Extract from letter 28 August 1909, Journal SPWFE Hulme and Murphree, 1999. 51 1909, p. 29. Poirier and Ostergren, 2002, Cernea and Schmidt- 18 Nash, 1973; Schama, 1995; Cronon, 1995; Adams, Soltau 2003, Brockington 2002, Neumann 1998. 52 2003 Roe, 1991; Leach and Mearns. 1996; Adams and 19 Dunlap, 1999; Langton, 2003 Hulme 2001. 53 20 Adams, 2004 Roe et al. 2003, 54 21 James Murombedzi ‘Pre-colonial and colonial conserva- Wilhusen et al. 2002 55 tion practices in southern Africa and their legacy today’, Robinson, 2001. 56 (http://www.iucn.org/themes/ceesp/Wkg_grp/TILCEPA/ Kramer, Schaik and Johnson, 1997; Brandon, Redford community.htm) and Sanderson, 1998;Terborgh 1999). 22 Jacoby, 2002;,Neumann, 1998. 23 Croll and Parkin, 1992. 24 Burnett and wa Katg’ethe, 1994. 25 Hingston, 1931 (p. 404). The word ’native’ here is used to reflect the language used in contemporary docu- ments rather than contemporary practice. 26 Richard Jeffries, 1978 The Amateur Poacher, Oxford University Press, Oxford (first published 1948; Jefferies died in 1897); John Buchan (1925) John Macnab, Hodder and Stoughton, London.

60 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice Conservation of dryland biodiversity by mobile indige- nous people—the case of the Gabbra of Northern Kenya

Francis Chachu Ganya, Guyo O. Haro and Grazia Borrini-FFeyerabend

Summary. The Gabbra are a mobile indigenous people of northern Kenya. Their livelihood strategy, through which they survived for centuries in one of the harshest environments on earth, managed to con- serve biodiversity through a complex and sophisticated natural resource management system that includes the raising of mixed livestock species; the practice of transhumance (mobility); the declaration and respect of “range reserves”; the declaration and respect of use rules for plant species with specific economic and cultural values; and a variety of rules and practices aiming at water conservation and at the protection of water point environments. This paper discusses these practises and their biodiversity conservation results. A number of phenomena that place these practices in jeopardy are mentioned in the paper, together with recommendations about recognising, respecting and strengthening, rather than diminishing, a manage- ment system that beautifully stood the test of time.

concern for their actual or potential eco- The rangelands of Eastern Africa occupy nomic importance and/or endemism. Inhabitants of rangeland make use of a a very large proportion of the land area of wide variety of plants— ranging from large Kenya (88%), Tanzania (83%) and trees to shrubs and herbs— for food, fod- Uganda (56%) as well as almost all of der, fuel-wood, timber, fibre, dyes, handi- Somalia, Eritrea and Djibouti. Rangelands crafts, gum and resins, and medicine. The harbour a very large number of plant relative importance of plant species varies species (the actual total numbers is still from one locality to another and from one unknown). For Kenya, the number of culture to another. In this paper we dis- plants species is estimated at 7,500, out cuss the uses and associated conservation of which 265 are endemic. Out of this patterns of natural resources by Gabbra total, about 1000 species are of particular pastoralists in the Marsabit district of Northern Kenya.

The Gabbra Pastoral Nomads of Northern Kenya In Kenya, the Gabbra are mostly found in the Marsabit district, at the extreme north of the country, bordering Ethiopia. They share land with the Borana and Rendille peoples, but people of Ariaal, Samburu, Burji, El-Molo, Turkana and Somali origin also live in the region. All are predomi- nantly pastoralists, except the Burji (agro- pastoralists) and Elmolo (mainly fishermen along Lake Turkana). The land use pattern of Marsabit’s residents is predominantly pastoral and agro-pastoral, with about Figure 1. Mobile people make use of different eco- 85% of the population practicing nomadic logical niches in the landscape. (Courtesy Boku or semi-nomadic pastoralism. Agro-pas- Tache)

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 61 History, culture and conservation

toralism is concentrated on 3% of the and the Gabbra have been increasingly total land area, mainly in the highlands of dependent on relief aid, which is available Mt. Marsabit, the Hurri Hills and Mt. Kulal. in the form of food relief or food for work initiatives run by the Kenyan government Over the years, natural resources in these and the World Food Programme. Since areas have been subjected to increasing 1972-73 different types of food aid have pressure. due to a variety of factors. Of been provided to the Gabbra on a more or primary importance has been the privati- less regular basis. The situation became sation of some land, traditionally held in particularly critical in the mid 80s, when common, for crop production activities. relief aid was provided for most of the This has affected even marginal areas not year. The year 1984 is still remembered as suited for agriculture. Government policies Olla Dima Suga (the drought of yellow have consistently favoured crop produc- maize). Overall, the Kenyan Food Security tion at the expense of pastoralism, and Committee consistently ranks Marsabit as state and development agents have pro- the second most vulnerable district in the moted site-focused planning and the country, after Turkana. The district is also sedentarisation of mobile communities. ranked as one of the poorest in the coun- The pastoral mobility routes have also try. been disrupted by the establishment of protected areas, such as the Sibiloi The Gabbra live in an area about the size National Park and Marsabit National Park, of Switzerland (40, 000 km sq.),1 which where herding is not allowed. This has led covers part of Northern Kenya (Marsabit to a major loss of dry season grazing district) and parts of southern Ethiopia— areas for the Gabbra. Compounding this, one of the harshest dryland environments there has been a significant increase in on earth. People, livestock and wild ani- human population. The Gabbra population mals are adapted to conditions of extreme in Kenya numbered 11,000 in 1969. heat and aridity. Their livelihood depends Presently, according to the 1999 census, it on a few strategic characteristics, which amounts to over 45,000 people. are interdependent, regulated by tradition- al management practices and stood their Despite the above, about 40% of the land ground for centuries if not millennia. in Marsabit can still be described as under Among those, the following are crucial: 1. utilised, mostly because of un-even distri- mobility; 2. diversity of raised livestock bution of water points species and 3. a well-functioning and Government policies but also, at times, socially respected management system. have consistently because of inter tribal Mobility enables the Gabbra to utilise the favoured crop pro- disputes. As a whole, the limited and spatially located range duction at the district is characterised resources as efficiently as possible. The expense of pastoral- by recurrent drought, diversity of livestock species, such as ism, and state and famine, endemic insecuri- camels and goats (browsers), and sheep ty, and poor infrastruc- and cattle (grazers) allows them to exploit development agents ture and social services. different niches in the environment and have promoted site To use a modern label, ensures them a supply of milk, meat, focused planning most of the local people blood, hides, skins and means of trans- and the sedentarisa- are “abjectly poor”. As a portation (camels and donkeys) under dif- tion of mobile com- matter of fact, there is ficult and changing situations. A well-func- munities livelihood anxiety among tioning and socially respected manage- the local communities ment system allows the Gabbra to main-

62 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

days and can thus graze up to 50 km from a water source.2 Rearing more than one species of livestock, each having different management and environmental require- ments, grazing levels and habits, feed preference, and different levels of toler- ance to different stresses, is a flexible and opportunistic strategic choice, which exploits the unpredictable availability of natural resources.3 In this sense, the camel is possibly the most important live- stock species, uniquely adapted to hot and arid environments. It is such a valued Figure 2. Gabbra families (olla) migrating from a animal that the Gabbra place it next to base camp to a different territory over a long dis- god in their social hierarchy. tance. (Courtesy of Chachu F. Ganya) tain the rules of rational and proper use of The possession of loading camels enables resources—an indispensable element in an the pastoralist households to wander environment dominated by scarcity and widely in pursuit of pockets of scarce pas- unpredictability. These include the declara- ture and grazing while relying on water tion and respect of “range reserves”; the drawn from sources up to 70 km away 4 declaration and respect of use rules for from base camp. The Gabbra women and plant species with specific economic and unmarried girls take camel caravans to cultural values; and a variety of rules and water on journeys that might take up to practices aiming at water conservation two days and in which they get physically and at the protection of water point envi- stressed from long-hours of walking with- ronments. All these factors, together, are out rest and food. The camels, however, crucially important to conserve the local enable them to move with their house- biodiversity. holds relatively rapidly and provide them with milk for long periods, including dur- Livestock diversity and biodiversi- ing dry spells. Importantly, the camels ty conservation hardly damage the environment, in con- trast to cows and other animals with The Gabbra keep mixed livestock species hooves. Their soft feet do not scuff up the (camel, cattle, sheep, goats and donkeys). top soil and do not expose it to erosion. In arid lands, species diversity is a crucial element of livelihood because different livestock species have a different tolerance to water and forage stress. Camels are capable of using grazing areas fairly dis- tant from water points, but cattle need to be located nearer to them. Cattle are affected more by watering distance, as they need to be watered every second day. Small-stock are affected to a lesser degree and can be without water for about four days. Camels may roam more or less freely over the range as, tradition- Figure 3. Gabbra women moving their base camp. ally, they are watered only every 10-11 (Courtesy of Chachu F. Ganya)

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 63 History, culture and conservation

They feed on various types of vegetation, The foora system is a practice of breaking and particularly on leaves, hence sparing up the livestock into a milk herd kept the soil-conserving grass.5 around base camp and a dry herd, which moves to pasture reserves, sometimes as Mobility and biodiversity conser- far as 50 km away from base camp. vation Young boys and girls take care of the herd in the foora under the guidance of at least The Gabbra practise three specialised 6 forms of nomadism: qayath, kunn and one adult. Most of the pastoral groups in foora. Qayath is the migration of base Northern Kenya practise foora (i.e. herd- camp and its livestock to far away territo- splitting) as a coping strategy. This ries at the beginning of the rainy season. reduces the competition for forage and Kunn is also long distance migration but in water resources between herds and opti- the reverse sense, from wet season pas- mises pasture utilisation. Practicing tures back to permanent water points. qayath, kunn and foora helps the Gabbra Foora entails an opportunistic movement to reduce overgrazing by limiting the con- of the ‘dry’ part of the herd (i.e. the ani- centration of livestock in drought reserve, mals that do not give milk) to exploit vari- wet season pasture and dry season pas- ous grazing and water resources. ture. The mobility pattern enhances restoration and stabilisation of the local Qayath and kunn systems involve move- ecological conditions. ment of entire livestock and base camp to and from wet season pastures. In qayath, One of the most interesting indirect bene- livestock and base camp move towards fits of a mobile lifestyle is that it enables lush pasture. But the movement is not the dispersal of seeds and the regenera- towards the same areas visited in the pre- tion of arid land vegetation. Nomadic ceding rainy season. The Gabbra return to grazing allows nitrogen to be returned to the same areas only after several years, the soil over dispersed areas. When the giving time for the environment to regen- land is grazed for relatively short periods erate and recover from past use. Qayath it generates rich grass. Hoof pressure acti- also applies to movement away from inse- vates the process through the crushing of cure drought reserve pastures areas to the grass and gravel. As a matter of fact, more secure ones. the Gabbra wander from one point to the other even before being pressured by the …a mobile lifestyle Kunn is movement of entire livestock and local pasture conditions—simply in order enables the dispersal base camp back to dry to ensure that the land is replenished for 7 of seeds and the season water points. the future utilisation. In this sense, regeneration of arid Unlike qayath, kunn is mobility is consciously used to enhance land vegetation… the also used to describe the growth of arid land vegetation. Gabbra wander from emergency movements, one point to the other when pastures and sea- Camels, goats, sheep, cattle and donkeys feed on diverse plant species and move even before being pres- sonal water sources dry up rather suddenly. different varieties of seeds from one area sured by the local to another, with preference to the most pasture conditions— Such movements can be strenuous and can palatable ones. The seeds of consumed simply in order to last several days with- plants get treated in the rumen of live- ensure that the land out the comfort of stock and are deposited over large areas is replenished for the water points. and/or in the night enclosures where the future utilisation. animals camp. In the enclosures there is

64 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

plenty of manure and urea, which provide Pasture and water are vital components of an optimal environment for seed to germi- the arid land ecosystem, which require nate and grow with the onset of rains. prudent management and conservation. Seeds that commonly grow in livestock The Gabbra manage their pasture through enclosures are Acacia tortilis, Sueda moni- ca, Ziziphus mauritiana, Indigofera spin- osa and Cordia sinensis, among many oth- ers. Also, along the livestock trails, the pressure of the hooves creates micro-envi- ronments for seed col- The seeds of consumed lection, germination plants get treated in and establishment. the rumen of live- Shortly after the rainy season, the grazing stock… the pressure of areas sprout up with a the hooves creates varied vegetation. innumerable micro- Whether or not delib- environments for seed erately practiced to collection, germina- this end, livestock tion and establish- mobility is thus an ment… seeds are dis- important medium Figure 4. In arid, non-equilibrium ecosystems persed and pasture is through which seeds moister areas of scrub vegetation are an important maintained. are dispersed and pas- ture is maintained. ecological niche. (Courtesy of Chachu F. Ganya)

Access rules, “range reserves” and controlled grazing. They move from the biodiversity conservation wells and other permanent water sources The Gabbra people are subdivided into as soon as it rains in order to preserve the five phratries, or sub-tribes, each encom- pasture closer to home (and the water passing 50 to 100 households related to source) for the times of real need. Similarly, they move from wet season specific grazing zone and movements.8 All grazing areas as soon as the water pans sub-tribes have an intimate knowledge of are dry to avoid overgrazing. plant types and distribution in their territo- ry. Their very existence is dependant on The rules regarding wet season and dry this knowledge. The grass, herbs, shrub, season grazing areas are strict, enforced and trees feed the livestock, which supply through fines and generally respected. herders with milk, meat, blood, skins, a Restrictions apply to grazing, wood gath- medium of exchange, a repository of ering and tree cutting. Fines are also wealth, and the basis of their social imposed on intruders from other areas organisation. Plants are of utmost impor- who access pasture without permission. tance in terms of livestock forage, but The range “reserves” can be large or they are also essential for use as fuel, in small. Large reserves can be closed sea- construction, and to craft the material ele- sonally, yearly or even be for many years, ments of the local culture. In fact, differ- but it is extremely rare that they are ent types of plants are used by the closed permanently. Small (micro) Gabbra for numerous ceremonies and ritu- reserves are often established around set- als conducted throughout the year. tlements and water points, while largeer

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 65 History, culture and conservation

range reserves usually comprise: groups of people and their livestock for areas closed during the wet season to religious/ceremonial purpose (“the peo- ensure the availability of good forage dur- ple’s pilgrimage”). In the absence of such ing the dry season; wise rules, this area would have been areas protected during normal times for use during droughts (drought reserves); areas protected to allow degraded zones to regenerate. The Gabbra holy places include single Reserves associated groves of trees, unique with sacred or ceremo- tree species, special nial sites are of partic- hills and hill tops ular importance for bio- (e.g., the mountain of diversity conservation. Forole), areas around Overall, cultural rules water points and have major conse- quences for natural unusual landscapes. resources. The Gabbra In the Gabbra territory holy places include sin- alone there are over gle groves of trees, Figure 5. Different ecosystem niches are prefer- 100 such sacred sites! unique tree species, entially used by diverse livestock species. special hills and hill (Courtesy Boku Tache) tops (e.g., the mountain of Forole), areas around water points and unusual land- degraded long ago and, likely, its unique scapes. In the Gabbra territory alone flora and fauna would have been lost. there are over 100 such sacred sites! Ritual and sacred places thus act as in situ These sites are protected and preserved gene banks and conservation sites for by each sub-tribe and their use is allowed many species of flora and fauna. Although only during ceremonies. It is also remark- these areas are small compared to total able that, while attending the frequent landscape, the cumulative area of numer- ceremonies and rituals, few animals ous such reserves is very significant. accompany Gabbra households. Despite changing times, these places remain sacred today. Forole is an important cultural site of Galbo— a sub-tribe of the Gabbra, and Use rules and biodiversity conser- tradition demands extremely strict envi- vation ronmental conservation measures for such For some pastoral communities depend- sacred areas. It is customarily forbidden ence on specific tree and shrub species to hunt in Forole, and no plants or parts can be extremely high. In some cases, of plants may be removed from the holy species are so valued that they are “pro- sites. Even a fibrous twig used as a tooth- tected” in order to sustain their production brush has to be left behind before one for valuable religious, socio-cultural or leaves the area. No herding sticks or tradi- economic uses. The Gabbra ensure this by tional twigs are cut there. These restric- setting use limits (quantity) and devising tions are instituted in order to ensure sur- rules on the manner of use of many vival of flora and fauna of this geographi- grasses, shrubs and trees in their territory. cally small area that is periodically (every For example, they have taboos against 7 years or so) subjected to visits by large killing some trees, in particular those that

66 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

relate to rituals or demarcate ceremonial Salvadora is also used for the treat- grounds and shrines. Other trees are pro- ment of retained after-birth in livestock. tected not for ritual reasons, but because It enjoys a similar protection status they are seen as valuable resources, and among the Gabbra, the Samburu and people make a conscious effort to limit the Rendille. their exploitation. These are some exam- Q Grewia tenax and Balanites aegyptiaca ples: are useful sources of fruits, which are Q A fully-grown Acacia tortilis called extremely scarce in the desert environ- Korma (bull) is protected because it ment. Grewia is not used for firewood produces highly nutritive pods con- nor are its straight sticks used for con- sumed by sheep and goats. Complete structing traditional huts. Balanites is cutting is not allowed, and at least one so revered that nobody of its branches is always left intact to dares to sit under its Strong cultural ensure the plant’s regeneration.9 shade before putting a beliefs greatly tuft of grass on his/her Q Certain trees and shrubs can only be contributed to harvested four times in a year, during head. All these plant species have multiple preservation and the propitious months (Yaka – March; enhancement of Faite – June and two Somder – uses, including cultural biodiversity con- September and October). These include rites, food and even Erythrina burtii (wolena) a soft wood medicinal applications. servation in the drylands. plant used for making traditional stools; Q Among the Samburu, Grewia bicolor (haroresa) and Zanthoxylum chalybeum (loisuk) and Sansevieria robusta (algi) which pro- Myrsine africana (seketet) are harvest- vide materials for building and thatch- ed / collected only by elderly men and ing a bridal house, and Asparagus women because of the belief that africanus (ergams) which provides the young people, in their hurry, destroy material for making the bride and the plant by uprooting them. groom’s milk container. Q The Gabbra protect and conserve Q Other culturally important plants are medicinal plants through complex Salvadora persica (adhe), Grewia tenax taboos and mystifications. Only trained (deka) and Balanites eagyptiaca herbalists are allowed to harvest, (badh). Salvadora’s twigs are used to process and prescribe the herbal reme- brush teeth and the plant is not sup- dies. The roots of Albizia antihelmintica posed to be cut by any metallic object, (hawacho) are used as a de-wormer for used as fire wood, or for building live- both livestock and human beings. stock enclosures. Because of its Uprooting and ring barking of medicinal demand for maintaining community plants are not allowed, and herbalists oral hygiene, this plant is accorded spe- only dig one side of the plant or cial protection status. Its harvesting is remove a section of its bark by peeling done by breaking off only that part of upwards to get the required portion. It the twig that is required. Elders say is a taboo to harvest medicinal plants that “ibedhel bias dhuo niti adayu nam (dig out roots or de-bark) for the sec- riga adhe budo bafatet ir jir” (instead ond time if there is evidence of fresh of taking an unpalatable drink for harvest. It is believed that such plants breakfast, one is better off chewing on have no potency as the first harvester a Salvadora tooth brush) and they refer has taken away the medicine. to Salvadora as milk (adhe anana). Q Among the Gabbra and Samburu, the

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 67 History, culture and conservation

traditional herbal knowledge is a well- guarded secret and can only be passed on to favourite sons and daughters in the family. For the young to be able to practice, they must go through a ritual ceremony, and receive blessing through spitting on their hands, those same hands that will dig the potent herbs and treat the sick. Unless such cere- monies are performed the herbs will not have potency.

Such strong cultural beliefs greatly con- tribute to the preservation and enhance- ment of biodiversity conservation in the Figure 6. The limited access to permanent water drylands. One may even wonder whether points conditions the Gabbra to use the water these rules were not purposefully devised that collects on the ground surface after the by clever elders who— through taboos rains. (Courtesy of Chachu F. Ganya) and mystic beliefs—succeeded in making individuals accountable to society for the of boiled, especially by foora people. To destruction of plants of medicinal and cul- cope with thirst while water is scarce peo- tural value. Unfortunately, such plants are ple drink only milk or livestock blood. now being increasingly harvested and ris- Young animals, (i.e. calves, kids and ing demand and cultural change seem to lambs) unable to move to water points be overpowering the traditional rules. with their mothers are usually kept in There are no known efforts to propagate thatched, dome-shaped kraal (waab) to and process these plants for commercial avoid exposure to the sun and minimise purpose with a view to alleviate poverty in the requirement for water. The availability the region. of water regulates the size of the herds as, when the shallow wells dry up, only Rules and practices about water limited numbers of goats and sheep are and biodiversity conservation allowed access to water. The rest of the livestock are conditioned to move else- Water forms the basis of life for the where. nomadic Gabbra. It is available in plenty only during the rainy season, while in the The water points consist of springs, wells, dry season the Gabbra have to travel vast surface pans, dams, and rock catchments. distances to collect this precious resource. Temporary waters such as seasonal laga, During such times, women bear the brunt rain pools, puddles or ponds are regarded of shortages more than men because it is as a communal resource in the same way their responsibility to fetch water for the as natural pasture, and they are subject household.10 Water saving practices are to rules and regulations as is the case for extreme. Clothes are only occasionally natural pasture. Nobody has personal washed and baths are rarely taken. Even ownership claims or control over them, hands are not regularly washed, and but hara (man-made pans), and some sometimes, if it becomes necessary to do natural pans (gottu or dholollo) and rock so, only with the urine of camels and catchments (qarsa) lasting more than a cows. Tea is prepared using minimal month or two, are fenced and are gov- amounts of water. Meat is roasted instead

68 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

erned by rules. The rules are set by a (father of watering schedule) or jarsa eela ‘well council” or its appointee (who, how- (well council). Thus, up-keep, control, util- ever, has no inheritable right), and the isation and maintenance of the wells are water point is fenced-in by thorn bush the constant concern of all community enclosures that must be maintained. members and access to the wells and the Silting may be a problem and de-silting is work connected with them are basic con- sometimes done using hand tools, human siderations of any stock management unit. labour and occasionally draught/pack-ani- If and when the owner of a well is not mals. The water rules minimise contami- around, for instance, a well council or the nation through practices such as washing clan elders (jarsa gosa) see to it and and/or bathing or through the urine and supervises the necessary maintenance faecal matter of the livestock. Watering of work. livestock is instead done by using nanniga (watering troughs) or meeri (man-made, The traditional wells are all protected by a sometimes filtered, extensions that protect stonewall, approximately 1.5m high, which the main water body, improved as water- prevents surface water flowing into and ing spot). Transgressors who damage the contaminating the well. To protect the pan of the tribesmen (hara borana balees) water structures and the immediate envi- are fined/ punished by the relevant coun- rons of the wells against direct exposure cil of elders. to agents of weathering, erosion and degradation, the dargula (i.e. the zone The wells are the most important source immediately outside the well perimeter of water and the only form of individual and the watering troughs, where livestock ownership of fixed resources among the rest after drinking), and the itis (i.e. the Gabbra. Shallow wells known as mado or outer area where livestock organised into adadi and deep wells groups wait for their turn before watering) …cutting down known as tula are owned and any shade trees within these environs trees or lopping by certain individuals said are recognised by customary law as their branches to be the confi belonging to the well owner. Outsiders within the recog- (owner/father) of the well, may not enter or use the resources of nised area of a well who can pass on the right these areas, without prior permission. It is is tantamount to of ownership to his eldest a serious offence to cut down trees or lop shaving off the son. The ownership of the branches in the dargula, or to bring ani- well cannot be lost even if mals into the dargula or itis without a hair of someone’s the owner has moved prior permission to do so. In fact, the wife… away in search of grass in Gabbra and Borana communities equate other distant areas or if the confi relationship between the well the well collapses through disuse and is and the owner to the relationship between re-excavated by another person. Although a wife and husband. The well is said to be individuals can own them, the wells are the wife of the abba eela/confi (father of held in trust for the general good and the the well) and any offence committed with owners are basically administrators of an regard to the wells/water structures, the object for public utility. All other people dargula, the itis or any other resources have the right to water their animals in within these environs is equated to these wells and this is done free of charge offences committed to someone’s legal as long as the access right is negotiated wife and meted out with similar severe successfully and secured through the abba punishments. Thus, cutting down trees or eela (father of the well), or abba heerega lopping their branches within the recog-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 69 History, culture and conservation

nised area of a well is tantamount to ing communities; shaving off the hair of someone’s wife; Q several “drought reserves” and dry sea- and to demolish or smash the watering son pastures reserves have been lost to troughs is the equivalent of cutting off her other land uses, including state protect- breasts. To remove the perimeter thorn ed areas; bush fence of a well is the same as strip- ping naked in public the wife of its owner, Q the utilisation of range resources is while burying a well is like burying her uneven, mostly due to lack of reliable alive. These and other rules and the cor- water sources; responding punishments help the Gabbra Q people are perceived, and starting to to manage their limited water resources, perceive themselves, as “poor” and, as to avoid the destruction so often visible they are totally dependent on natural around “modern” water points and to pre- resources, are attempting to get them- serve biodiversity in a variety of special selves out of “poverty” by taking up microenvironments. inappropriate practices, such as agricul- ture in marginal areas. Problems and recommendations Rangelands harbour a wealth of biodiver- The hopes of reversing such a situation sity, which is economically and culturally are not high, but depend on a reversal of essential for the pastoral people. Over the perception and policy regard- years, the culture of the Gabbra have ing mobile pastoralism. Mobile Mobile pastoral- developed an elaborate system of land pastoralists need to be recog- ists need to be use practices that helped to conserve the nised as key partners for bio- unique flora in the rangeland and provided diversity conservation in dry- recognised as key for the livelihoods of pastoralist communi- land ecosystems. Natural partners for bio- ties.11 Currently, however, a number of resource managers and con- diversity conser- constraints and challenges are increasingly servationists should value and vation in dry- apparent in opposition to the Gabbra con- build upon the rich indigenous land ecosystems. servation efforts: knowledge of mobile indige- Q the cultural practices, including taboos, nous communities such as the Gabbra and that helped to conserve biodiversity in support their livelihood system as the only the past are being eroded by rapidly sustainable option in arid, non-equilibrium changing social and economic circum- stances;

Q traditional natural resources manage- ment institutions are weakening due to conflicts between cus- tomary organisations and statutory laws;

Q people’s range and capacity for mobility are reduced due to Figure 7. The young Gabbra girls are largely tasked with the responsibil- the government ity of herding goats and taking them to drinking points (Courtesy of efforts at sedentaris- Chachu F. Ganya)

70 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

ecosystems. Pastoralists need help to Guyo O. Haro ([email protected]) is regain land lost to competing uses—such Chairman of the Board of Directors of PISP and a as unsustainable agricultural uses in the member of WAMIP on behalf of a Gabbra sub- few pockets of available water resources, tribe. Both Chachu and Guyo are Gabbra. without which the whole pastoral liveli- hood system is jeopardised across the Grazia Borrini-Feyerabend ([email protected]) landscape.12 They also need help to is Chair of CMWG/CEESP and an associate mem- regain/ restore pasture through appropri- ber of WAMIP. ate water points in their paths and migra- tion routes. And their social organisation, which demonstrated enormous resource Notes 1 Kassam, A., and D. Stiles, An Ethno-Botanical Study management capacities in some of the of Gabbra Plant Use: Marsabit District, Kenya, manu- most difficult environments on earth, can script, 1983. be much better recognised, valued and 2 Bake, G., “Water resources”, pp 53-62 in Schwartz, H.J., S. Shaaban and D. Walther (eds.), Range strengthened. Importantly, traditional Management Handbook of Kenya, Volume II(1) management systems should never be Marsabit District, MOLD, Nairobi, 1991. replaced by top down institutions and 3 Kariuki, G. K., T.Tadingar and K.O.Farah, “Socio-eco- nomic Impacts of Small Holder Irrigation Schemes projects, even if designed in support of among the Boran Nomads of Isiolo District, Kenya”, lofty decentralisation, development and The African Pastoral Forum, Working Paper Series No conservation objectives or any other “sav- 12, PINEP, University of Nairobi, Kenya, 1996. 4 Intermediate Technology Development Group, ior scheme” promoted from outside. We Northern Kenya Pastoralists Project Annual Report owe a profound respect to the Gabbra and 1997/1998, Report to CAFOD, RAPP, ITDG, Nairobi, other mobile indigenous people. We 1998. 5 should listen to them, and not allow dia- Stiles, D., “Nomads on Notice: Can Kenya’s Gabbra survive drought, bandits, and foreign relief?”, Natural logue to be sabotaged through convenient History, 53, September 1993. stereotypes.13 The Gabbra’s wealth of 6 Legesse, A., “Adaptation, drought, and development: the Boran and Gabbra of northern Kenya”, pp 261- knowledge, skills and institutions allowed 278 in Huss-Ashmore, R & S.H, Katz (eds.) African them to conserve much of their biodiversi- Food Systems in Crises, Part One: Microperspectives, ty while the rest of the world, in much Food & Nutrition in History & Anthropology, Volume 7, Gordon & Breach, New York (NY, USA), 1993. easier environments, was busy destroying 7 Maybury-Lewis, D., Millennium: Tribal Wisdom and its own. We should admire their intelli- the Modern World, Viking, Penguin Books, New York gence, care and stamina and, first and (NY, USA), 1992. 8 foremost, learn from them before coming Legesse, op. cit. 9 Legesse, op. cit. in with any of our recipes to “improve 10 Oba, G., Pastoralists Traditional Drought Coping their lives” and “conserve their biodiversi- Strategies in Northern Kenya, Euroconsult and Acacia ty”. Consultants, Marsabit, Kenya, 1997. 11 In this article we have not discussed the local fauna, but interesting practices also exist in favour of animal biodiversity. 12 Bassi, M., “The making of unsustainable livelihoods”, Francis Chachu Ganya ([email protected]) is Policy Matters, 10: 7-12, 2002. Chief Executive Officer of the Pastoralist 13 Farvar, M.T. “Myths, challenges and questions on mobile pastoralism in West Asia”, Policy Matters, 12: Integrated Support Programme (PISP) in 31-41, 2003. Marsabit. Chachu is a member of CEESP/SLWG and member of the Coordinating Committee of WAMIP (the World Alliance of Mobile Indigenous Peoples).

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 71 History, culture and conservation

Continuidad y discontinuidad culturales en el manejo ambiental de tres diferentes ecosistemas en Colombia

Juan Mayr Maldonado y Guillermo E. Rodríguez-NNavarro

Resumen. Colombia, gracias a su localización geográfica en el trópico americano, cuenta con una extraordinaria diversidad cultural y biológica. El presente ensayo analiza tres diferentes regiones, repre- sentativas de algunos de los principales ecosistemas de América tropical, así como la continuidad cultural en el manejo de los ecosistemas por parte de las familias lingüísticas que los habitan: Macro Chibcha, Karib y Arawak. Estos sistemas lingüísticos están relacionados directamente con elementos culturales. Los grupos Macro Chibchas son por excelencia sedentarios, los Arawak son semi-nómadas y los Karib son gue- rreros que influenciaron toda la costa Caribe de Colombia, teniendo enorme contacto con grupos ribere- ños. Cada unos de estos grupos culturales se ha adaptado a diferentes ecosistemas: la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta—sistema montañoso independiente a la cordillera de los Andes; los valles aluviales de los ríos Cauca, Magdalena, Sinú y bajo San Jorge—la mayor zona de humedales en el país; y la Amazonía colom- biana—correspondiente a las cuencas de los ríos que tributan al Amazonas y algunos que lo hacen al alto Orinoco. El conocimiento tradicional y los mecanismos de adaptación a esta variedad de ecosistemas tie- nen muchos elementos vigentes que imponen el gran reto de ser interpretados e incorporados a las políti- cas para el adecuado manejo ambiental de estos ecosistemas tropicales de alta complejidad y fragilidad. Los tres casos seleccionados para este ensayo muestran diferentes evoluciones culturales. En algunos casos la transformación cultural evidencia una continuidad cultural asociada a un manejo adecuado de los ecosistemas tropicales de alta fragilidad. En otros casos se han perdido muchas de las tradiciones cultura- les asociadas al manejo y uso de los ecosistemas, con la consecuente perdida de interesantes y muy apropiadas formas de manejo ambiental.

que su biodiversidad.1El presente artículo La relación existente entre cultura y busca explorar tres regiones colombianas habitadas en la actualidad por diferentes manejo de los ecosistemas tropicales es grupos étnicos y donde se evidencian singu- algo evidente en un país de enorme biodi- lares vestigios arqueológicos asociados al versidad como lo es Colombia y extrapola- manejo sostenible de los ecosistemas. Se ble a la América tropical en su conjunto. trata de ecosistemas diferentes de alta bio- diversidad: la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta En Colombia encontramos varias familias es una masa montañosa aislada en la costa lingüísticas que dan origen a las diversas del Caribe poblada desde tiempos prehispá- etnias: Macro Chibcha, Karib y Arawak. nicos por grupos Macro Chibcha; las plani- Estos sistemas lingüísticos están relaciona- cies inundables del Caribe Colombiano fue- dos directamente con elementos culturales. ron sometidas a diversas incursiones de Los grupos Macro Chibchas son por exce- guerreros Karib; y la Amazonia Colombiana, lencia sedentarios, los Arawak, (Tucano, conformada por la gran cuenca de los ríos Huitoto y Bora) son semi-nómadas y los que vierten sus aguas al Amazonas, incluye Karib guerreros que influenciaron toda la una población indígena constituida por mas costa Caribe de Colombia, teniendo enorme de cincuenta etnias pertenecientes al grupo contacto con grupos ribereños. La diversi- lingüístico Arawak.2 En estas tres regiones dad cultural existente, aun hoy en día, se encontramos aun hoy en día permanencias ha mantenido en gran proporción al igual

72 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

culturales que ofrecen elementos de gran Finalmente se analiza la Amazonía colom- utilidad para enfrentar los retos actuales y biana que corresponde a las cuencas de los futuros en el manejo adecuado de ecosiste- ríos que tributan al Amazonas y algunos mas tropicales de alta fragilidad.3 que lo hacen al alto Orinoco. Esta región conservó la vegetación selvática durante El primero de estos ecosistemas es la Sierra varios períodos en el pleistoceno y el holo- Nevada de Santa Marta, la montaña litoral ceno cuando, al bajar la temperatura y dis- más alta en el planeta, rodeada de planicies minuir la pluviosidad por efectos de episo- aluviales en el Caribe Colombiano, y que sir- dios glaciales, grandes extensiones de bos- vió de refugio pleistocénico para muchas ques fueron transformados en sabanas. Fue especies y donde hay evidencia de asenta- allí, en las áreas con mayor pluviosidad, mientos prehispánicos con plataformas líti- donde se refugiaron grandes números de cas interconectadas por una intrincada red especies animales y de flora. El aislamiento de caminos de piedra que evidencian un prolongado de estos refugios permitió que manejo sostenible de ecosistemas frágiles sus habitantes evolucionaran en formas dis- de montaña de alta pendiente. En la actua- tintas. Se explica así la amplia variación de lidad este sistema montañoso esta habitado grupos culturales en la Amazonía donde no por miles de campesinos que han migrado hay barreras geográficas que la justifiquen.5 de otras regiones del país en búsqueda de En la actualidad la región se ha visto ame- oportunidades y por cuatro pueblos indíge- nazada por la colonización coquera, la nas que se consideran custodios del “cora- explotación maderera, el oro aluvial y el zón del mundo” y que hoy en día se deba- ten en medio del conflicto armado entre paramilitares, guerrilleros y las fuerzas armadas.

Un segundo ecosistema lo constituyen los valles aluviales de los ríos Cauca, Magdalena, Sinú y bajo San Jorge donde se presenta la mayor zona de humedales en el país, mejor conocida como la región de la Mojana. Allí los grupos prehispánicos Ze n ú modelaron a lo largo de los siglos un com- plejo sistema de canalizaciones y aterraza- mientos a la manera de plataformas que sobresalían en épocas de inundación, siste- ma este de gran magnitud que aún se evi- dencia después de más de 500 años de abandono. Estos vestigios ponen de mani- fiesto la adaptación a tierras inundables donde se aprovechaban al máximo y de manera periódicamente los fértiles sedimen- tos producto de las inundaciones.4 En la actualidad habitan allí pueblos de pescado- res y la región se ha visto transformada por la ganadería extensiva en manos de gran- des terratenientes. Figura 1. Mapa de Colombia mostrando las tres regiones

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 73 History, culture and conservation

conflicto armado, en tanto que las poblacio- de esta manera espacio a la validación del nes indígenas han visto cómo sus territorios conocimiento tradicional indígena. van siendo afectados paulatinamente. Historia del Poblamiento: La Históricamente han sido muchos los facto- Compleja Relación entre Cultura y res que han intervenido en los procesos de Manejo Ambiental aculturación de las comunidades indígenas Uno de los elementos que facilita com- a lo largo de los siglos. Las guerras duran- prender los procesos históricos del pobla- te la época de la conquista, los procesos miento indígena desde épocas precolombi- de catequización, así como las intervencio- nas es la arqueología, puesto que eviden- nes económicas y grandes explotaciones cia elementos de la tradición cultural a tra- en los territorios indígenas a partir del vés del tiempo y el espacio. La arqueología modelo occidental impuesto por los euro- se plantea como un eje de análisis impor- peos han marcado el transcurrir de estos tante que permite establecer elementos pueblos, y más recientemente lo han claves de relación entre cultura y medio hecho el narcotráfico y el conflicto armado. ambiente. Sin embargo, son varias las poblaciones indígenas que lograron aislarse y sobrevivir El poblamiento de América data de 14.000 para mantener muchas de sus formas y años aproximadamente. Los lugares en los tradiciones culturales a pesar de la perse- cuales de origina la cerámica en Colombia cución y explotación a la que han sido antecedieron a muchos otros similares en sometidos; la resistencia indígena y la Meso América y los Andes Centrales. lucha por el respeto a su autonomía hacen Probablemente estos todavía parte de su agenda. fueron los focos cultura- …la continuidad cul- les de los cuales deriva- Sin lugar a dudas, los exitosos procesos de tural se ha visto favo- ron las culturas que flo- adaptación y readaptación a circunstancias recida por una escasa recieron en el país. En el adversas son factores que han permitido presencia institucio- Caribe Colombiano, que aun exista una continuidad cultural en 5.000 a.C. en San nal y la creaciín de diferentes lugares de la América tropical. Jacinto, Bolív a r, aparece resguardos indígenas una de las cerámicas y el establecimiento de En el caso colombiano y particularmente más tempranas de Parques Naturales en las tres regiones que trata el presente América. Fue un período ensayo, esta continuidad cultural se ha Nacionales, varios de de difusión de técnicas y visto favorecida por una escasa presencia los cuales son coinci- florecimiento de culturas institucional y la creación de resguardos dentes con territorios que se adaptaron a dife- indígenas y el establecimiento de Parques indígenas rentes ecosistemas Naturales Nacionales, varios de los cuales logrando un alto grado de desarrollo.6 La son coincidentes con territorios indígenas. influencia Chibcha y Mesoamericana en los Esta legislación se ha visto reforzada más vestigios arqueológicos en el Caribe recientemente por la Constitución política Colombiano, indican que en cierto período promulgada en 1991, que reconoce la plu- de la época prehispánica, pueblos portado- riculturalidad como parte fundamental de res de una cultura homogénea se despla- la nacionalidad colombiana y estipula una zaron a lo largo de esta región de América, serie de preceptos constitucionales relacio- utilizando especialmente los ríos Atrato, nadas con el respeto cultural, así como el San Juan, Sinú, San Jorge y Cauca siguien- derecho a un gobierno propio de acuerdo do una dirección norte-sur, hasta alcanzar a los usos y costumbres indígenas, dando las comarcas andinas centrales. Desde el

74 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

oriente, se dieron migraciones de pueblos adaptación que garantizaron la subsisten- de origen Arawak y Karib, quienes debie- cia, y talvez las muy buenas condiciones ron seguir rutas naturales y de fácil pene- de vida, para los grupos humanos, mode- tración como los ríos Magdalena y Orinoco. laron el proceso de sedentarización, el des- arrollo de diferentes tipos de cultivos, el En el siglo XVI, cuando llegaron los espa- manejo de los recursos, los estilos de habi- ñoles, la influencia Karib alcanzaba hasta tación, los instrumentos (en particular los los umbrales de la sábana de Bogotá, cerámicos) y los sistemas simbólicos y siguiendo principalmente el curso del río rituales La gran variedad de biomas: mon- Magdalena. La participación de un estrato tañas, altiplanos, valles interandinos, faldas Arawak en el contexto cultural de los pue- o vertientes, sabanas, llanuras y litorales, blos prehispánicos, está atestiguada por la hizo que en el pasado esos paisajes mode- presencia de algunos núcleos pertenecien- laran culturas diferenciadas que generaron tes a este grupo lingüístico en la península de la Guajira sobre el mar Caribe. Entre estos grupos lingüístico-culturales se dio una intensa interacción al habitar el territo- rio de la costa norte. Existen notables simi- litudes entre los pueblos de origen Chibcha y los Arawaks, especialmente en sus códi- gos éticos y sociales que rigen una y otra sociedad y en la existencia de una elite sacerdotal. Fueron frecuentes los mestiza- jes entre estos últimos y los Karib, no obs- tante haber sido enemigos irreconciliables entre sí. Las alianzas se hacían después que los prisioneros Caribes eran sometidos a un proceso de aculturación.7

Entre 7.000 y 2.300 años a. C., el hombre americano avanza notablemente en el conocimiento de su medio ambiente, lo que favoreció el aparecimiento de la agri- cultura, del cual son testigos los desarro- llos del cultivo del maíz y la yuca, de gran importancia en el proceso de sedentariza- ción. La agricultura se constituyó en punto Figura 2. Mujer indígena Kogi tejiendo de partida en el desarrollo de las culturas mochila o bolsa tradicional (Cortesía Juan precolombinas, que transformaron diversos Mayr Maldonado) espacios geográficos.8 El manejo del medio ambiente en las sociedades prehispánicas una amplia gama de respuestas adaptati- estuvo impregnado por una actitud cosmo- vas a ecosistemas de alta fragilidad.9 lógica ante la naturaleza. Las labores de caza, pesca, recolección y agricultura A la llegada de los conquistadores en el correspondían a procesos naturales de siglo XVI, la región de la Costa Caribe se relación del hombre con los animales, encontraba habitada por diversos grupos peces y plantas. La riqueza de los diversos indígenas, entre los cuales se destacan los ecosistemas y las diferentes formas de Tairona y Zenú, quienes alcanzaron los

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 75 History, culture and conservation

El manejo del medio más altos grados de des- las evidencias arqueológicas encontradas, ambiente en las arrollo y sedentarismo en cualitativamente diferentes a las poblacio- sociedades prehispí- la Colombia prehispánica. nes indígenas actuales. Se sabe muy poco nicas estuvo Tanto los Tairona como los sobre las formas de adaptación, subsisten- Zenú, de marcada influen- cia y organización sociopolítica prevalentes impregnado por una cia mesoamericana, habí- en diversas épocas y áreas, que trascien- actitud cosmolígica an iniciado una explota- dan la sucesión de estilos cerámicos como ante la naturaleza. ción de los recursos natu- en el caso Tikuna donde se observa una rales de manera sistemáti- lenta pero estable evolución estilística en ca, manteniendo el equilibrio de los ecosis- las evidencias arqueológicas a lo largo de temas intervenidos, cuya evidencia perma- los siglos, mostrando la continuidad que nece hoy día. Por un lado los Tairona des- aun se mantiene en elementos tan cotidia- arrollaron sofisticados sistemas de manejo nos como la cerámica.12 ambiental para la explotación de los recur- sos en zonas de grandes pendientes, de La Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta manera tal que se garantizara su subsis- La Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, la mon- tencia y la consolidación de sus formas taña litoral más alta del mundo, se eleva culturales y dominio territorial. La produc- abruptamente desde las costas del mar ción de excedentes económicos permitió el Caribe y en tan sólo 42 kilómetros alcanza surgimiento de especialistas, de una com- una altura de 5.775 metros en sus picos pleja jerarquía socio-política y de asenta- nevados. Cuenta con un territorio de mientos con características urbanas, que 17,000 km2 de donde nacen 35 cuencas en el caso Tairona llegaron en algunos hidrográficas que abastecen a una pobla- casos a agrupar más de 5.000 habitantes, ción cercana a los dos millones de habitan- como lo evidencian los conglomerados de tes y donde se presentan todas las zonas terrazas líticas o ciudades de piedra cuyos climáticas de la región tropical de América. 10 vestigios se mantienen actualmente. Por Su importancia biológica global fue recono- otro lado los Zenu, especialmente concen- cida por la UNESCO al declararla Reserva trados en el río Sinu y Bajo San Jorge de la Biosfera. manejaron los ciclos hidrológicos de acuer- do a las épocas de lluvia y sequía en zonas En tiempos prehispánicos habitaron la de inundación mediante un sistema de Sierra los indígenas Taironas, quienes canales artificiales. Una numerosa pobla- aprovecharon los diferentes pisos térmicos ción se estableció a lo largo de los ríos, en mediante un sistema sostenible de uso de viviendas aisladas o en aldeas, construidas los recursos. Grupo consolidado desde los sobre grandes plataformas artificiales. A primeros siglos de nuestra era, alcanzó su esta época corresponden los canales de máximo esplendor después del año 1000 control de aguas que cubren cerca de d.C. Densas poblaciones se conglomeraron 5.000 kilómetros cuadrados de terrenos en numerosos núcleos urbanos en los cua- inundables, las plataformas de vivienda y les construyeron terrazas, canales, cami- los montículos funerarios en donde se nos, escaleras y cimientos de viviendas. encuentran objetos de oro y cerámica de Investigaciones arqueológicas en Ciudad la tradición modelada-pintada.11 La ocupa- Perdida, uno de los poblados Taironas, han ción de la Amazonía tiene también una permitido entender cómo las ciudades considerable antigüedad y aparentemente Taironas se adaptaron a las condiciones del existían allí poblaciones más densas y medio ambiente sin romper con el equili- estables de lo que hasta hace pocos años brio ecológico.13 se pensaba según lo atestiguan muchas de

76 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Hoy, en la parte alta de las montañas viven 4 grupos indígenas: Kogi, Arhuacos, Wiwa y Kankuamos, quienes mantienen en gran medida sus tradiciones precolombi- nas. Su población total, distribuida en tres resguardos, se estima en 60.000 personas. Igualmente, unos 250.000 campesinos provenientes de diversas regiones del país viven en las faldas media y baja de las montañas, y quienes han traído consigo las prácticas culturales de sus lugares de ori- gen, conformando un amplio mosaico cul- tural. Hasta hoy, es la “Ley de la Madre” o “Ley Antigua” la que rige el comportamien- to general de los indígenas, y son los Mamos (sacerdotes o chamanes) quienes hacen respetar este complejo código de leyes por medio de sus consejos, ofrendas (pagamentos) y ceremonias, para así garantizar el normal funcionamiento de los ciclos vitales de los hombres, animales y plantas. La Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta se percibe como un cuerpo vivo donde cada uno de los elementos de la naturale- za es parte vital de la cultura indígena fun- damentada en una relación armónica con Figura 3. Terrazas y caminos arqueologicos el medio.14 Sus formas de producción des- Tairona en el alto río Buritaca (Cortesía Juan arrollan sistemas de agricultura de panco- Mayr Maldonado) ger (cultivos de subsistencia) tradicional- mente basados en ciclos de migraciones intervenir que puedan constituir reservas altitudinales, utilizando los diversos pisos en tiempos de necesidad. térmicos lo que garantiza una producción diversificada y el descanso de los suelos de La historia de la colonización en la zona, manera periódica. Debido a las presiones en especial aquella que fue impulsada por externas sobre los territorios indígenas, se la violencia bipartidista a mediados del han introducido actividades no tradiciona- siglo pasado, trajo consigo el deterioro les que atentan contra la conservación de ambiental ante la tala indiscriminada prac- los recursos naturales como la ganadería ticada por los nuevos pobladores para en los páramos. La autoridad de los sacer- establecer sus parcelas, y produjo el des- dotes Kogi se basa en un conocimiento plazamiento de las comunidades indígenas detallado de los fenómenos ecológicos y hacia las tierras altas, frías y menos pro- en decisiones apropiadas en el contexto de ductivas. En las últimas tres décadas este un ecosistema agrícola controlado por proceso se logró estabilizar y en algunos rituales locales de los ciclos de vida. Los casos se ha revertido con el logro de la sacerdotes Kogi tienen dos objetivos: man- constitución y ampliación de los resguar- tener la densidad de la población por dos y los esfuerzos realizados por ONGs, la debajo de la capacidad de carga del terri- comunidad internacional y las organizacio- torio, y conservar zonas ecológicas sin nes indígenas, así como una mayor inter- vención estatal. Sin embargo, más recien-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 77 History, culture and conservation

temente las presiones sobre el territorio entre las estribaciones montañosas del tradicional han aumentado, en particular Norte de la región Andina y la llanura de la por el conflicto armado que se vive en la región Caribe.16 Las llanuras tropicales del región por el control territorial de una de Caribe en el norte colombiano son zonas las regiones estratégicas, desde el punto de ciénagas, estuarios y sabanas, con una de vista político, militar y económico, entre fauna variada. Estos humedales son funda- grupos paramilitares, las guerrillas y el ejército nacional. El conflicto ha llevado al asesinato de líderes indígenas y campesi- nos, al desplazamiento de los pobladores de la región y al rompimiento de los ciclos rituales de los indígenas hasta poner en riesgo su seguridad alimentaría. De otro lado, la agro-industrialización de gran escala de la región, hoy con gran presión para la aceptación de cultivos transgéni- cos, en especial de las zonas planas alre- dedor del macizo montañoso y la incorpo- ración a proyectos tecnológicos y de mer- cadotecnia mundiales, ponen en peligro los Figura 4. Paisaje húmedo del bajo Sinu. sistemas culturales tradicionales.15 La ame- (Cortesía Andrés Mayr) naza que viven en la actualidad los pue- blos indígenas y sus prácticas culturales en mentales en la amortiguación de inunda- asocio al uso indebido e insostenible de los ciones, al permitir la distribución de cabe- recursos naturales realizado históricamente zas de agua originadas por las lluvias en y las nuevas ocupaciones armadas del las partes altas de los ríos y el desplaye de territorio, ponen en peligro el futuro de las aguas, facilitando la decantación y acu- más de dos millones de habitantes, así mulación de sedimentos.17 como la irrigación de grandes zonas agro- pecuarias ubicadas alrededor del macizo Los Zenúes se expandieron desde ocho que dependen en la región del recurso siglos antes de la era cristiana por las hídrico que nace en la Sierra Nevada. cuencas de los ríos Sinú, San Jorge, Cauca y Nechí. Al momento de su auge, su terri- Las Llanuras Inundables del Caribe. torio estaba dividido en provincias con fun- Hacia el continente, la llanura del Caribe ciones económicas complementarias: pro- esta delimitada por las estribaciones de las ducción de tubérculos alimenticios, de cordilleras Occidental y Central. En el fren- variadas manufacturas y explotación del te de humedad definido por estas cordille- oro. Se debe destacar entre los Zenú el ras en la parte sur de los actuales departa- uso del adobe, elemento que ningún otro mentos de Córdoba, Sucre, Bolív a r y Cesar, grupo precolombino tuvo en Colombia. se desarrolla una franja de selva húmeda Sobresalieron por su asombroso manejo tropical. Debido a su topografía, el paisaje hidráulico, conduciendo los excedentes de está dominado por la presencia de ciéna- agua a sus salidas naturales, y utilizando la gas interconectadas por medio de caños y sedimentación que proporcionaba abun- con zonas cuya inundación es fluctuante. dante alimentación natural, riego y fertili- Como ecosistema, presenta una gran diná- zación de áreas de cultivo. En las zonas mica hidrológica, asociada a las fluctuacio- inundables del Bajo San Jorge los indíge- nes del clima y su ubicación intermedia nas manejaron las aguas mediante un sis-

78 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

tema de canales artificiales que cubre nado, solo existe un pequeño y casi simbó- cerca de 500.000 hectáreas. Una numero- lico resguardo donde se tiene una clara sa población se estableció a lo largo de los continuidad en actividades textiles, artesa- ríos, en viviendas aisladas o en aldeas, nales y de orfebrería. De manera general, construidas sobre plataformas artificiales. puede afirmarse que en la zona la base natural presente ha llegado al límite de sus La agricultura Zenú alcanzó niveles de des- posibilidades de sostenibilidad: la degrada- arrollo muy altos, hasta el punto de usar ción es evidente y está afectando la totali- en forma habitual sistemas de riego que dad de los procesos socioeconómicos. La suponían la existencia de fuerza laboral deforestación con fines agropecuarios, la organizada por autoridades suprafamilia- alteración inducida de la dinámica hidráuli- res. A la llegada de los españoles forma- ca por medio de tapones y canales, la apli- ban todavía una cultura viva y densa, que cación de metodologías de explotación no soportó el contacto con los invasores inapropiadas, ha generado un cambio europeos.18 La región quedó abandonada generalizado en las condiciones originales por varios siglos y en ella lograron subsistir hacia terrenos abiertos para uso en gana- aldeas de pescadores que mantuvieron dería, agricultura, asentamientos e infraes- muchos de los elementos culturales del tructura. Esto ha ocasionado que en la pasado. La ausencia estatal en el siglo XX actualidad existan algunas especies en y en particular aquella de los años cuaren- riesgo de extinción, un marcado deterioro ta y cincuenta generaron el gamonalismo, del hábitat y una disminución crítica de la con un extenso control sobre la región capacidad productiva. Además, las pobla- para el mantenimiento de los grandes ciones que habitan los valles inundables hatos ganaderos. Así en épocas de lluvia el están sometidas a inundaciones y desas- ganado pasta en las tierras altas y cuando tres resultantes de las crecientes de los las aguas bajan es trasladado a las tierras ríos, situaciones que generan la pérdida de bajas y más fértiles. En este proceso son las cosechas y hasta las viviendas con muchas las ciénagas y humedales que han todos sus enseres, con el consiguiente sido desecados. Todo esto ha estado incremento de la pobreza para los habitan- acompañado por la politiquería, la violencia tes de la región. política y el ingreso de las guerrillas y el narcotráfico en las décadas de los sesenta, La Amazonía Colombiana ochenta y noventa. En efecto, la guerrilla La amazonia colombiana se caracteriza por terminó reemplazando al estado colombia- ser una región cubierta en su gran mayoría no, que abandonó la región “a su suerte”. por selvas con extensos y caudalosos ríos Hoy, como en muchas otras regiones natu- que tributan sus aguas al río Amazonas. rales de Colombia, la región se debate en Su territorio presenta numerosas lagunas y medio del conflicto armado entre paramili- zonas pantanosas. Esta extensa llanura tares, guerrillas y fuerza pública por el tiene varios relieves de poca altura y un control territorial. Adicionalmente la región clima de selva tropical súper húmedo, con cuenta con un vecindario donde se practi- lluvias abundantes. Su base natural está ca la minería del oro tanto a nivel indus- conformada por numerosos ecosistemas trial como artesanal, formal e informal, disímiles que interactúan entre sí, que pre- situación esta que ha generado una conta- sentan una gran diversidad de flora y minación de mercurio sin precedentes fauna y un alto grado de endemismo. Otra sobre los cuerpos de agua. dimensión no menos importante es la ofer- ta hídrica de la Cuenca Amazónica, una de En medio de este panorama tan desafortu- las mayores fuentes de agua dulce del pla-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 79 History, culture and conservation

neta y reguladora del clima mundial. Los afloran en los lechos de los ríos. Según numerosos ríos constituyen una de las Reichel-Dolmatoff (1976) los nativos inten- mayores riquezas de la región: la existen- taban controlar la acumulación de energía cia de una estación seca y otra de lluvias, en sectores específicos de su cosmos, al produce un gran descenso de las aguas de interior del cual se encontraba aquello que los ríos y, a continuación, un gran ascenso. hoy llamamos “ecosistema”. En consecuen- Esta dinámica del sistema hídrico genera cia, la regulación ritual de los flujos de complejas cadenas alimenticias que dan energía permitía que se desarrollaran acti- sustento a una fauna increíblemente varia- tudes respetuosas hacia los diferentes da en especies. Considerados en general, componentes del ecosistema, perpetuando los suelos de la Amazonía son pobres, un balance ancestral entre el ámbito y las comunidades humanas. Otros autores habían reportado sistemas conceptuales semejantes a los que describiera Reichel- Dolmatoff para la Amazonia colombiana. Estos, también eran el resultado del pen- samiento chamánico.19 El chamanismo es un sistema coherente de creencias y prác- ticas religiosas, que tratan de organizar y explicar las interrelaciones entre el cos- mos, la naturaleza y el hombre. Estas explicaciones sobre el lugar que el hombre ocupa en la naturaleza en parte se funda- mentan en experiencias visionarias que, Figura 5. La comunicación en la Amazonia por tener una común base neurofisiológica, Colombiana es fluvial. (Cortesía Andrés Mayr) son muy convincentes.

tanto en materia orgánica como en mine- Históricamente la cuenca amazónica fue rales. Aún los del pie de monte y las vegas percibida, hasta hace unos pocos años, inundables son inferiores a los fértiles sue- como un territorio sin historia, o como un los andinos. Los nutrientes para la frondo- gran infierno verde que debía ser coloniza- sa vegetación no se encuentran en el del- do y ocupado por la civilización. El mito de gado suelo sino en la capa de hojarasca y un territorio vacío se expresó en diversas detritus que lo cubre, de donde las plantas formas. Un Ministro de Agricultura de los obtienen directamente a través de sus Colombia proclamaba, en la década del 50, raíces y micorrizas. que la Amazonía “era una tierra sin hom- bres, para los hombres que necesitan tie- Debido al clima húmedo en el Amazonas, rra”. Esta perspectiva justificó diversas la recuperación de vestigios arqueológicos políticas desarrollistas que percibían el pro- es una tarea muy difíci l . Aquello qué dura- greso de la región en términos la destruc- ría normalmente siglos y hasta milenios en ción de sus bosques para transformarlos otras áreas más secas, se desintegra rápi- en pastos, la integración de las culturas damente en el Amazonas. Debido a este nativas y el estímulo a todas las formas de hecho, los resultados de la cerámica y las ocupación foránea. Sin embargo han sido herramientas de piedra se han convertido numerosas las intervenciones que se han en los precursores en la historia del dado sobre la Amazonía y sus pobladores - Amazonas, así como numerosos petroglifos valga la pena recordar la época de la Casa tallados y pintados sobre las rocas que Arana y las explotaciones caucheras que

80 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

redujeron a numerosas poblaciones indíge- estar transgrediendo los límites de la ofer- nas a la esclavitud; la época del trafico de ta ambiental y atentando no solamente pieles que incentivó la cacería a lo largo y contra la seguridad alimentar de los gru- ancho del territorio; las misiones religiosas pos humanos, sino también contra la exis- y más recientemente los cultivos ilíci t o s tencia misma de las diversas etnias. Con la que han transformado y degradado vastos Constitución Política de 1991, los pueblos territorios de la Amazonía, con sus secue- indígenas encontraron un nuevo espacio las de transformación cultural y violencia, para defender sus derechos colectivos y donde los grupos armados compiten por el culturales, así como para hacer valer su territorio y el negocio de autonomía. Muestra de esto es el fortaleci- Con la Constituciín la coca, a la vez que el miento de sus organizaciones y gobierno Política de 1991, los gobierno nacional res- propio, que ha venido asumiendo el mane- pueblos indígenas ponde de manera militar jo directo de los recursos que transfiere la encontraron un nuevo y mediante las fumiga- Nación a las diferentes regiones para salud espacio para defender ciones con herbicidas y educación, al igual que la recuperación sus derechos colectivos para la erradicación de de los sistemas tradicionales de educación y culturales, así como los narcocultivos. En como mecanismo de defensa cultural indí- para hacer valer su todos los casos, el gena. autonomía. comercio, del cual no han escapado los indí- Reflexión a Manera de genas, ha producido un Conclusiones interminable ciclo de la deuda y la conde- En todos los casos discutidos, encontramos na de los habitantes a una vida de depen- evidencia arqueológica de desarrollos cul- dencia. Todas estas situaciones han tenido turales adaptados a ecosistemas muy dife- profundas repercusiones sobre los numero- rentes, donde aun hoy en día hay perma- sos pueblos indígenas que habitan la nencias culturales asociadas a regiones de región. alta biodiversidad donde el conocimiento tradicional y las evidencias arqueológicas En total existen 121 resguardos indígenas nos pueden dar valiosos elementos para el establecidos en la Amazonía Colombiana, manejo de estos frágiles ecosistemas.20 que cubren más de la mitad de la región Muchos elementos culturales amazónica y que comprenden las áreas de producidos antes y después mayor diversidad. En algunas zonas los La continuidad de la Conquista se encuentran resguardos se sobreponen con las áreas de cultural se expre- diseminados hoy en día en Parques Nacionales, mientras que los res- sa en la reproduc- forma de vestigios y objetos tantes constituyen parte de la Reserva materiales, y en la continui- ciín de las príc- Forestal Amazónica. Cien mil habitantes dad de prácticas sociales y ticas econímicas, aproximadamente, pertenecientes a 59 rituales, en los pueblos, en las sociales, políticas etnias, forman la actual población indígena veredas y en los centros urba- y simbílicas. de la Amazonía colombiana. nos. El manejo ancestral de los territorios hoy se ve afectado enorme- La adopción de modelos culturales occi- mente por las formas de ordenamiento dentales por parte de la población indígena territorial y de tenencia de la tierra que de la Amazonia ha significado la desapari- impide a los actuales grupos mantener ción de algunas de las estrategias median- cierta movilidad que exige a veces el com- te las cuales sus antepasados lograron plejo manejo de los ecosistemas como es subsistir durante milenios en la región. Los muy evidente en la Amazonía, a medida de actuales procesos de adaptación parecen que “el hombre blanco” va apropiándose

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 81 History, culture and conservation

del territorio. trabajo del barro, los textiles y la cestería; la realización anual de romerías y fiestas El conocimiento acerca de los procesos de agro-religiosas que responden a creencias cambio ocurridos en las sociedades indíge- de renovación de ciclos de producción; la nas a raíz de la conquista española es práctica de conocimientos médicos de principalmente de índole numérica, pero curación y enfermedad en que opera la tal vez muy poco se ha tratado el aspecto magia y la brujería; conocimientos natura- cultural. Sin embargo, estos procesos cul- les y cosmovisiones antropomorfizadas; y turales ofrecen fuentes riquísimas de infor- relaciones sociales, creencias y costumbres mación comparados con la documentación que estructuran el ciclo vital de los indivi- relacionada con los cambios anteriores. duos, el cortejo sexual, la utilización del Una sociedad tan importante y tan cercana medio ecológico, y las relaciones interfami- a nosotros como la indígena nos ha legado liares entre otras.”21 innumerables costumbres en todos los campos: la artesanía, las prácticas agríco- Cada sociedad en una época determinada las, las formas de tenencia de la tierra, las y en el marco de un sistema económico normas sociales en la escogencia de la específico, produce un cierto tipo de orde- pareja, el curanderismo, la medicina tradi- namiento del espacio, que aun esta vigen- cional, las prácticas alimenticias, la vivien- te en estas regiones y es aun rescatable si da rural, el vestido tradicional, el folclore, se valida y valora el conocimiento ancestral la justicia, la resolución pacífica de los con- de los antiguos pobladores y se toma su flictos y la cosmovisión ecológica. La conti- experiencia y practicas como elemento nuidad cultural se expresa de muchas fundamental en el desarrollo de prácticas y maneras: “Estas permanencias culturales propuestas de manejo ambiental hoy día, se reproducen todos los días, consciente o como se puede ver en las áreas seleccio- inconscientemente, en las prácticas econó- nadas para este ensayo. En aquellos eco- micas, sociales, políticas y simbólicas. La sistemas donde se ha mantenido la cultura riqueza y diversidad cultural de tales mani- hay importantes lecciones y opciones para festaciones es compleja, y comprende el la sostenibilidad, como es el caso de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. Muchos indígenas del norte de Colombia se han adaptado con éxito a un medio ambiente de laderas en el que se explotan diversos nichos ecológicos. Si se observa la tradición cultural de los indios Kogi de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, se des- cubre una historia de adapta- ción ecológica que va desde el cultivo intensivo de maíz en las tierras bajas a cosechas de caña de azúcar y café en las zonas templadas para producir dinero en efectivo que les facili- te la compra de productos Figura 6. Danzas ceremoniales en la fiesta de Santa Rosa, el la como el algodón; los sacerdo- Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. (Cortesía Ricardo Rey) tes-shamanes juegan un papel

82 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

importante en el diseño de una serie de largo del río Amazonas o de ríos que pro- mecanismos culturales locales de control vienen de los Andes, son fertilizados perió- de esas prácticas. Las dicamente, mientras la tierra firme carece En aquellos ecosiste- familias individuales de fertilización natural y sus ecosistemas mas donde se ha explotan una amplia dependen básicamente del reciclaje de los mantenido la cultura gama de micro-medio- nutrientes disponibles en el suelo o los que hay importantes lec- ambientes, al mismo se captan a través de la lluvia. ciones y opciones para tiempo que son aguda- la sostenibilidad, mente conscientes en Hoy en día el reconocimiento a los conoci- cuanto a la necesidad mientos tradicionales indígenas y el apoyo como es el caso de la de preservar los recur- al fortalecimiento de los gobiernos y auto- Sierra Nevada de sos de la tierra, el agua ridades indígenas (Constitución Política de Santa Marta. … Allí y la vegetación, así 1991) empiezan a constituirse en uno de donde se han cambia- como la diversidad los principales caminos para el manejo do las tradiciones y genética autóctona.22 territorial y la conservación y uso sosteni- no se han mantenido ble de los ecosistemas y la las prícticas cultura- Allí donde se han cam- autonomía cultural. En el en el Amazonas se les se han generado biado las tradiciones y caso de la Sierra Nevada empiezan a ver tam- situaciones ambienta- no se han mantenido las esto es obvio y en el bién una serie de les desastrosas, como prácticas culturales se Amazonas se empiezan a avances mediante el han generado situacio- ver también una serie de es el caso Zení. fortalecimiento de nes ambientales desas- avances mediante el forta- trosas como es el caso Zenú, donde se lecimiento de las autorida- las autoridades han presentado modificaciones sustantivas des indígenas en sus res- indígenas en sus al arraigo cultural pero aun se mantienen guardos, la transferencia resguardos, la las tradiciones y además se observa un de la educación a manos transferencia de la movimiento renacentista desde lo cultural. indígenas y el fomento a la educaciín a manos En el área Zenú la dinámica hidráulica investigación indígena a indígenas y el natural se ha vuelto adversa y el agota- cargo de ellos mismos en fomento a la investi- miento de la oferta ambiental está resul- coordinación con sus auto- gaciín indígena a tando en un balance negativo en el cual ridades tradicionales. cargo de ellos mis- los recursos invertidos (tiempo, insumos, mos en coordinaciín esfuerzo) no compensan los beneficios Los sistemas agrícolas tra- obtenidos, por lo tanto la rentabilidad local dicionales aún utilizados con sus autoridades no es adecuada, llevando a un empobreci- entre los actuales indíge- tradicionales miento generalizado. Sin embargo aun se nas deben ser registrados, mantienen los canales prehispánicos que adaptados y fortalecidos combinando así fueron diseñados precisamente para el los principios sólidos y de sostenibilidad control de estas zonas inundables— exten- desde un punto de vista ecológico de los sas obras de ingeniería que aun sobreviven sistemas agrícolas tradicionales con ciertas y que pueden ser la respuesta más actual técnicas específicas de agricultura comer- y adecuada al manejo de estas frágiles cial, y así lograr nuestro objetivo de crear pero fértiles tierras. nuevos sistemas de producción, que per- mitan a la vez mejorar las condiciones de La comprensión de la dinámica de los bos- vida de los colonos y preservar los recur- ques tropicales, es, sin duda, uno de los sos forestales renovables. El debate se aspectos fundamentales para entender la centra en los procesos de desarrollo que ocupación de la Amazonía. Los suelos a lo se vienen dando y afectando los ecosiste-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 83 History, culture and conservation

mas de la Sierra Nevada y las propuestas Referencias indígenas y evidencias recientes del ade- Andrade, A., “Desarrollo de los sistemas agrícolas tradi- cionales en la Amazonia”, Boletín del Museo del Oro, cuado manejo indígena como una alterna- 21:39-59, 1988. tiva para garantizar la sostenibilidad regio- Angulo Valdes, C., Arqueología de la Ciénaga Grande de nal.23 Santa Marta, Fundación de Investigaciones Arqueológicas Nacionales, Banco de la República, Bogotá, 1978. Investigaciones en sistemas de producción Bray, W., “Across the Darien Gap: A Colombian view of intensiva con bajo impacto ambiental, tal Isthmian Archaeology” en: Archaeology of Lower Central America, University of New Mexico Press, como son huertas, terrazas en laderas y Alburquerque (New Mexico, USA),1984. eras sobre los filos, han encontrado que la Cavelier, I. y S. Mora (eds.) Ambito y Ocupaciones mayor parte de la información existente Tempranas de la América Tropical, 3-4. Fundación Erigaie -Instituto Colombiano de Antropología, Bogotá. proviene de investigaciones en arqueología 1995. económica de civilizaciones del trópico Clifford, J. y G. Marcus, Writing Culture, University of americano. Biólogos, agrónomos y arqueó- California Press, Berkeley (California, USA), 1986. Colin,C., D.Y. Ley and C. Peach, Geography and Ethnic logos, intrigados en saber cómo los anti- Pluralism, Allen & Unwin, London. 1984. guos sostenían vastas poblaciones sobre Descola, P., In the Society of Nature: A Native Ecology in Amazonia, Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural áreas que hoy son devastadas por las Anthropology, 93, Cambridge University Press, prácticas agrícolas de mundo moderno, Cambridge (UK), 1997. han sido quienes han brindado los mayo- Escobar, A., “Whose knowledge, whose nature? Biodiversity, conservation, and the political ecology of res aportes en esta área. De otro lado, el social movements”, Journal of Political Ecology, 5:53- conflicto armado y los cultivos ilíci tos aten- 82, 1998. tan de manera severa contra los territorios Eyles, I., Space, Territory and Conflict, Gegraphical Papers No. 1, University of Reading, Reading (UK), indígenas, sus prácticas culturales, su 1970. autonomía y sus derechos humanos y cul- Fals Borda, O., Mompox y Loba. Historia doble de la turales. La resolución de estos problemas Costa, V. I. Editorial Carlos Valencia, Bogotá, 1979. Friede, J., “La conquista del territorio y el poblamiento” permitiría mejores oportunidades a la con- en Tirado Mejía, Alvaro (Ed.), Nueva Historia de tinuidad cultural y la armonía social que Colombia, Vol 1, Planeta, Bogotá, 1989. Colombia tan necesita. Harris, D. R., “Agricultural Systems, ecosystems and the origins of agriculture” en Ucko P. J. and G. W. Dimbleby (eds.), The Domestication and Exploitation of Plants and Animals, Duckworth, Londres, 1969. Juan Mayr Maldonado Harries, K. Y and R. Norris, Human Geography: Culture, ([email protected]) es un importante con- Interaction, and Economy, Merrill, Columbus (Indiana, servacionista ganador, entre otros, del premio USA), 1986. Instituto Colombiano de Antropología, Introducción a la Goldman para el medio ambiente. Ministro de Colombia Amerindia, Instituto Colombiano de Medio Ambiente en Colombia durante cuatro años Antropología, Bogotá, 1987. y actualmente asesor del PNUD, Juan es de Instituto Colombiano de Antropología, Colombia Prehispánica, Regiones Arqueológicas, Instituto muchos anos miembro del CMWG y, desde 2003, Colombiano de Antropología, Bogotá. 1989. Deputy Chair del CEESP. Instituto Linguistico Caro y Cuervo, Atlas Linguistico y Etnográfico de Colombia— Seis Tomos y Un Manual, Instituto Linguistico Caro y Cuervo, Bogotà, 1963. Guillermo E. Rodríguez-Navarro Le Roy, G., Geográfica humana y ecológica, V. I. Editorial ([email protected]) es un arqueólogo que ha traba- Carlos Valencia, Bogotá, 1983. jado durante mas de 25 años en la Sierra Nevada Lleras, R., Historia Prehispánica y Permanencias Culturales, en Historia y Culturas Populares, Instituto de Santa Marta y ha desarrollado muchas accio- de Cultura y Bellas Artes de Boyacá, Centro de nes para la conservación del macizo. Guillermo Investigación de Cultura Popular, Tunja (Colombia), actualmente trabaja en la Corporación Caja de 1989. Murrilo-Sencial, Z., “La Mata de Ahuyama: sistemas aní- Herramientas que apoya las causas indígenas y micos y clasificaciones totémicas”, pp. 139-149 en busca se respete su autonomía. Guillermo es Ricerca e Cooperazione El Pueblo de la Montaña tambien de muchos anos miembro del CMWG/ Sagrada: tradición y cambio, Ricerca e Cooperazione, Santa Marta (Colombia), 1997. CEESP. Oyuela C., A., “Dos sitios arqueológicos con desgrasante

84 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

de fibra vegetal en la serranía de San Jacinto Mountain Development: a State of Knowledge, Report (Departamento de Bolív ar)”, Boletín de Arqueología, for IUFRO Research Series no. 5, Oxford (UK), 2000. Año 2, No. 1, Fundación de Investigaciones Rodríguez-Navarro G.E, “Andean Stewardship: Tradition Arqueológicas Nacionales, Banco de la República, Linking Nature and Culture in Protected Landscapes of Bogotá, 1987. the Andes”, Forum, The Journal of the George Wrigth Parsons, J.,”Los campos de cultivo prehispánicos del Bajo Society, 17(1):47-55, 2000. San Jorge”, Revista de la Academia Colombiana de Smith, A., The Ethnic Origins of Nations, Blackwell, Ciencias Exactas, Físicas y Naturales, Vol. XII, No. 48., Oxford (UK), 1986. Voluntad, Bogotá,. 1970. Solorzano, B. y F. de Dangond, Implicaciones Plazas, C. y A.M. Falchetti, Asentamientos Prehispánicos Socioeconómicas de la Cannabicultura en los en el Bajo Rio San Jorge, Fundación de Departamentos del Magdalena y de la Guajira, Tesis Investigaciones Arqueológicas Nacionales, Banco de la de Grado, Universidad del Magdalena, Santa Marta República, Bogotá, 1981. (Colombia), inédito, 1978. Plazas, C. y A.M. Falchetti, “Poblamiento y adecuación Striffler, L., El Río San Jorge, S.E. San Marcos, Sucre hidráulica en el Bajo río San Jorge, Costa Atlántica (Colombia), 1953. colombiana”, en Denevan, W., K. Mathewson y G. Striffler, L., El Río Cesar, Relación de un Viaje a la Sierra Knapp (eds.), Prehispanic Agricultural Fields in the Nevada de Santa Marta, Ediciones del Senado de la Andean Region, Part 1, BAR International Series 359 República, Bogotá, 1986. (i), 1987. Tayler, D., The Ika of Colombia and their System of Reichel-Dolmatoff, G., “Los Kogui: una tribu de la Sierra Beliefs, Disertación Doctoral, Ashmolean Library, Nevada de Santa Marta, Colombia”, Revista del University of Oxford, Oxford (UK), inédito, 1973. Instituto Etnológico Nacional, 4(1-2):1-32, Bogotá, Valencia, G., Córdoba su gente y su folclor. Casa de la 1950. Cultura, Montería (Colombia). 1987. Reichel-Dolmatoff, G., “Momil, excavaciones en el Sinú”, Wiesner, L., Historia Prehispánica y Permanencias Revista Colombiana de Antropología, 5:112-143, Culturales, en Historia y Culturas Populares Antares, Bogotá. 1956. Reichel-Dolmatoff, G., Colombia, Series “Ancient People Notas and Places”, Vol. 44, Thames and Hudson, London. 1 Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1965. 1965. 2 Smith,1986. Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. y A., Dussan, “Un sistema de agri- 3 Lleras, 1989. cultura prehistórica de los Llanos Orientales”, Revista 4 Plazas y Falchetti, 1981. Colombiana de Antropología, 17:198-200, 1974. 5 Andrade, 1988. Reichel-Dolmatoff, G., “Cosmology as ecological analy- 6 Oyuela, 1987. sis; a view from the rain forest”, Man, 2:307-318, 7 Instituto Lingüístico Caro y Cuervo, 1963. 1976. 8 Reichel-Dolmatoff, G., “Colombia Indígena—período pre- Angulo Valdes, 1968. 9 hispánico”, pp 14-65 en Tirado Mejía, A. (ed.), Nueva Instituto Colombiano de Antropología, 1989. 10 Historia de Colombia, Planeta, Bogotá, 1989. Bray, 1984. Reichel- Dolmatoff, G., “Cultural change and environmen- 11 Plazas y Falchetti, 1987. tal awareness; a case study of the Sierra Nevada de 12 Cavelier y Mora, 1995. Santa Marta, Colombia”, Mountain Research and 13 Rodriguez-Navarro, 2000. Development, 2(3):289-296, 1982. 14 Rodriguez-Navarro, 2002. Reichel- Dolmatoff, G., The Sacred Mountain of 15 Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1990. Colombia’s Kogi Indians” en Brill, E.J. (ed.) 16 Le Roy, 1983. Iconography of Religions, Institute of Religious 17 Striffler, 1953. Iconography, State University of Groningen, Leiden 18 Parsons, 1970. (Paises Bajos),1990. 19 Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1976 Rodríguez-Navarro, G.E. “Spiritual Significance and 20 Descola, 1997. Environmental Effects of offerings amongst the 21 Wiesner, 1989. Indigenous People of the Sierra Nevada de Santa 22 Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1982. Marta”, en Mountains of the World, Proceedings of the 23 Tayler, 1973. World Mountain Symposium, Interlaken, Switzerland, Swiss Agency for Development and Co-operation, Centre for Development and Environment, University of Bern, April 2002 http://www.iucn.org/themes/wcpa/wpc2003/pdfs/pro- gramme/workshops/broader/sacred/smartamex.pdf Rodríguez-Navarro G.E., “Indigenous Knowledge as an Innovative Contribution to the Sustainable Development of the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta, Colombia. The Elder Brothers, Guardians of the “Heart of the World”, Ambio, 29(7):455-458, 2000 Rodríguez-Navarro G.E, “Sacred Forests in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Colombia”, pp. 128- 130 en Price M.F and N. Butt (eds.), Forests in Sustainable

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 85 History, culture and conservation

History, culture and participatory marine conservation in a Brazilian fishing community

Patricia Pinto da Silva

Summary. Brazilian coastal communities are faced with increasing pressures on the living marine resources on which they depend. Policies related to property rights of the marine environment, specifically the creation of direct use collaboratively managed marine protected areas, may provide the mechanism for supporting and sustaining traditional coastal livelihoods. Maritime Extractive Reserves, a new type of government-community collaborative management regime, are being established in coastal areas of Brazil in order to protect natural resources while sustaining local livelihoods. These reserves may enable fishing- dependent communities to maintain or even strengthen the traditional institutions that have governed these resources over time. This paper explores the role that history and culture in Arraial do Cabo (Rio de Janeiro) play in determining this community’s ability to collaboratively manage local marine resources.

indigenous strategies and European ones. Small-scale fishing communities around These methods include the use of small, hand-made crafts (such as rafts or dugout the world are at serious risk from depleting canoes) and simple technology. Traditional fish stocks, coastal pollution and other fishers often have intimate knowledge of threats to the marine environment. There their surroundings and seasonal changes are an estimated 200 million people whose with belief systems adapted to the conser- 1 livelihoods depend on fishing many of vation of special areas. Frequently, tradition- whom live at the margins. U.N. Food and al coastal communities depend on forest Agriculture Organisation figures show that resources to enable them to take advantage the number of people fishing and fish farm- of those of the sea. Their simple boats, ing worldwide has more than doubled since rods, masts, even nets are made from local 2 1970. The poorest two-thirds of the world’s terrestrial resources. Although their meth- population obtain approximately forty per- ods are low tech in comparison industrial 3 cent of their protein from fish. Fishing is fishing, artisanal fishers bring in as much as not only a source of nutrition but it is also 70% of the total catch in Brazil.4 an important source of employment. Significantly, artisanal or small-scale fish- The strategies of small-scale fishers are eries employ twenty times as many people often congruent with conservation goals. It as the industrial fisheries that are rapidly is not uncommon that over time, local man- replacing them. agement regimes have developed that establish when, by whom and where both Brazil has over 4,500 miles of coastline sea and terrestrial resources can be used. encompassing a multitude of marine envi- Many of these groups have developed local- ronments. This ecological diversity, coupled ly appropriate resource management sys- with the country’s cultural diversity, has tems influenced by the characteristics of encouraged the proliferation of fishing their natural resource base and their cultur- methods as distinct from one another as the al context.5 Supporting these types of environment that sustains them. Fishing regimes may be relevant not only for practices are often an amalgamation of strengthening local livelihoods but also for

86 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

conserving marine resources. encouraged by favorable conditions for feeding related to the quiet bays surround- Brazilian coastal communities are being ing the cape. The uses of these resources faced with increasing pressures on the living have always complemented each other. marine resources upon which their liveli- Fishers and their families have used materi- hoods depend. Policy changes on property als from the forest and dunes for making rights of certain marine areas may create nets, while salt mined from nearby lagoons an enabling environment for fishing commu- served to preserve fish before the arrival of nities to adapt to these pressures while industrial freezers. maintaining or even strengthening the tradi- tional institutions that have governed these The hills that today surround the dense resources over time. This paper explores urban center of Arraial do Cabo once the history and culture of one such commu- formed an archipelago of volcanic islands. nity, Arraial do Cabo (Rio de Janeiro), and Over time, winds and strong ocean currents the likelihood for successful long-term col- deposited sand along the coast creating lective marine conservation. Research in this sandbanks. These sandbanks eventually municipality, the location of the first open- linked the former islands together connect- water direct use marine protected area, ing them to the mainland and forming a suggests that history and culture may be cape extending into the Atlantic Ocean. This the defining factors in determining the suc- cape is surrounded by distinctive coastal cess of long-term resource conservation ini- formations ranging from protected coves tiatives. and harbors to rough and rocky open ocean terrain. This process also created favorable Local marine resources conditions for a variety of different ecosys- Terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems in Arraial tems to emerge all of which have at some do Cabo are deeply intertwined. Land for- point or another been utilised in supporting mations are in part a result of distant ocean local livelihoods. Local ecosystems include currents and the movements of sediments sand dunes, restingas6, salt lakes, coral just as the migration of fish has been reefs, lagoons, mangrove forests and patch- es of the acutely threat- ened Atlantic Rainforest.7

The richness of the aquatic ecosystem sur- rounding the cape is due largely to the upwelling phenomenon. Waters at depths of 120 meters or more receive little sun- light essential for the pri- mary production of phy- toplankton. The absence of these small creatures results in a high nutrient concentration at these depths. In a few coastal areas around the world, due to oceanographic, Figure 1. Canoe on Praia Grande (Courtesy Patricia Pinto da Silva)

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 87 History, culture and conservation

geographic and meteorological factors, deep versity or non-governmental organisation) oceanic waters up-well, bringing with them to the federal environmental agency that nitrates and phosphates that act as fertiliz- describes the unique or significant ecologi- ers for the more superficial coastal waters. cal and social characteristics of the area in The availability of these nutrients thereby question. By proposing an MER, local fishing groups hope to gain greater control over attracts a high diversity of aquatic plants their marine resources, including the ability and animals and increases the richness of to exclude outside users. They are also the ecosystem. The result is an extremely granted long term tenure over the resources diverse aquatic system which has sustained with the assumption that more stable the livelihoods of the inhabitants of the tenure will encourage a greater sense of cape over thousands of years. The principal ownership and result in greater protection commercialised species are: mullet (Mugill of these resources. This approach is based spp.), bonito (Auxis sp.), blue fish on the assumption that local resource users, (Pomatomus saltatrix), squid (Loligo san- with support from the State, may be the paulensis) and a species of dogfish (Squalus best stewards of the marine resources their livelihoods depend on. If approved, repre- acanthias). sentatives from the community and the Marine Extractive Reserve’s (MER) state develop a utilisation plan via a series of participatory planning meetings that As a result of both internal and international should involve all relevant stakeholders. pressure, the Brazilian Government has Resource users can be represented by an expanded its protected area network over existing group or association or if none is the last ten years. Although the Extractive appropriate or available group is created for Reserve conservation category was created this purpose which consists of a board of in 1990, it was only in 1997 that this con- elected representatives. It is via this organi- cept was applied to open water marine sation that user rights and responsibilities areas. Currently there are plans to create are established. Membership is mandatory direct use marine conservation areas along over time and determines rights over the the coastline in order to protect the cultural resource in question. Finally, the plan is set and ecological diversity of coastal areas. A to work, and adapted over time to meet list made available by changing management needs. This policy trend is National Center for the significant… it repre- Sustainable Development In 1997, Brazil’s first open-water MER was sents the first gov- of Traditional Populations created in Arraial do Cabo. One of the pri- (CNPT) indicates an mary goals of this integrated conservation ernment-ssponsored increasing trend towards effort to protect the the establishment of and development initiatives is to protect the common property direct use marine beach seining community that has tradition- ally fished in this area. The fishing practices resources upon which reserves. Of 22 reserves currently being created, employed by this group along with the for- small-sscale fishers 18 focus on aquatic mal and informal institutions that govern depend. resources with the major- them provided the justification for the cre- ity (13) encompassing ation of this conservation and development open water marine environments in coastal area. The creation of this MER was also areas (See Fig. 2). This policy trend is sig- seen as a vehicle for the long-term protec- nificant in that it represents the first gov- tion of the area’s rich marine ecosystem, ernment-sponsored effort to protect the common property resources upon which nurtured by the up-welling phenomenon small-scale fishers depend. and intrinsically linked to these traditional activities. In part, protection of these In order to create an MER, interested com- aspects of the community is seen as impor- munities must submit a proposal (usually tant because local fishing activities are developed with the assistance of a local uni- based on sustainable principals and local

88 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

tory schools of fish (See Fig. 3). The clarity of the water is essential in order to spot incoming schools of fish as well as to identi- fy the species, size and number present in the school, a process often referred to as “baptizing”. The lookout baptises the schools and decides whether they are wor- thy and well placed to be caught.

Another important resource for the success of beach seining is the availability of a large dugout canoe. These are fashioned from huge trees and when finished are approxi- mately one meter in diameter and seven to eight meters long (See Figs. 1 and 7). Four men maneuver the canoe (rowers), two men are responsible for placing the huge net in the water, and the skipper or mestre Figure 2. Present and Future Extractive is responsible for co-coordinating this process by receiving hand signals from the Reserves (Courtesy Patricia Pinto da Silva) distant lookout and relating them back to knowledge.8 the rest of the team. The last member of the team stays on the beach throughout Beach seining Beach seining takes place on the four main sand bottom beaches on the cape. In princi- pal, seiners from all beaches abide by a similar set of rules which define timing, use rights and how fishing activities take place. On all but one beach, seining is done by day. The basic strategy for day seining throughout the cape is the same. This type of fishing requires clear placid water, high nearby hills and sandy coves in the coast- line. Each canoe has approximately nine crewmembers collectively called the com- panha. Although all positions are important Figure 3. Lookout spotting incoming schools and necessary, the lookout is the corner- of fish (Courtesy Patricia Pinto da Silva) stone for this type of beach seining. Because beach seiners do not use bait and this process and is responsible for a rope do not move from location to location look- connected to the net that he pulls when sig- ing for schools, they must actually see the naled. As soon as the signal is given and fish that they are attempting to catch the net starts to go in the water, this person before they can effectively ‘fence’ them in starts closing the sides of the net to prevent with their net. the fish from escaping. He is later joined by the rest of the crew and often by other par- The lookout stands on the top of the hill to ticipants who help in the lengthy affair of get a bird’s-eye view of the incoming migra- pulling the net on to shore (See Fig. 4).

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 89 History, culture and conservation

Table 1. Number of fishers in Arraial do Cabo10 Hook and Line Fishers 1,000 Purse Seiners 80 SCUBA fishers 20 Shell Collectors 90 Beach Seiners 150 Total 1,340 Gear groups Arraial do Cabo has a population of approximately 26,000 people.9 Though no official statistics exist, based on the number of participants in the different fisheries, there are approximately 1,340 fishers including Figure 4. Fishers and community members pull in the shell-fishers (See Table 1). Fishing, net (Courtesy Patricia Pinto da Silva) therefore, represents an important source of employment and is an The Fishing Culture of Arraial do Cabo essential part of the local economy. Arraial do Cabo means literally “Hamlet on Fishers distinguish themselves from each the Cape”. In fact, Arraial do Cabo was not other based on two primary factors, ethnici- one hamlet but two (Praia dos Anjos and ty and gear type, and divisions between Praia Grande). Over time, it grew into four fishers run deep. Long-term residents, who neighborhoods with the third developing call themselves cabistas, regard other into an Afro-Brazilian neighborhood after groups that have come in recent years to the abolition of slavery in 1888 and a fish as outsiders and call them caringos fourth, Praia do Pontal, with the establish- (thought to be a variation on gringo). These ment of Alkalis chemical plant and housing groups rarely fish together and generally for its upwardly mobile employees. engage in different types of fishing activi- At the beginning of the 20th Century, the deep soft sand and lack of transport sepa- rated these hamlets. Now, increased urbani- sation and paved roads have merged them together, transforming them from independ- ent entities into neighborhoods of a larger municipality. The four main neighborhoods get their names from the beaches with which they are associated: Praia dos Anjos (Angel Beach), Praia Grande (Long Beach), Prainha (Little Beach), and Praia do Pontal (Point Beach), indicating the importance of the beach in the lives of its residents. Today, although the municipality spans the Figure 5. Group size and ethnic divi- four areas, these distinctions are still rele- sions among Arraial do Cabo fishers vant. (Source: Pinto da Silva, 2002)

90 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

ties. Newcomers mainly use hook and line Table 2. Fishing days per beach12 gear while cabistas tend towards other gear with beach seining being the most tradition- Praia Grande 21 Days 42 canoes al. Beach seining means much more than Praia dos Anjos 12 Days 12 canoes just a type of fishing to cabistas. Seining is a central and unifying symbol of their col- Prainha 7 Days 7 canoes lective identity and a ritualistic display of Praia do Pontal 4 Days 4 canoes their cultural and historic connection to marine resources. Invariably, all Cabistas, of the resource flow, Praia Grande, the first had or have a family member that beach beach in the flow, has attracted many more seines. Even those who do not seine partici- fishers hoping to get a first chance at pate by helping to pull in the net, or in the incoming shoals (See Fig. 6). To accommo- past by salting the fish after they were date its popularity, more than one canoe caught (a role traditionally filled by women). fishes on a given day. Where canoes work Figure 5 illustrates the different fishing in pairs, locally called canoas casada’ or modalities, the number of fishers involved in married canoes, each canoe takes turns each, as well as the distribution of some of casting their net. As the process of recoiling the different ethnic groups that participate the net is time consuming, the presence of in each. a second canoe avoids the possibility of shoals passing without being caught during Social groups, divisions and resource governing institutions In the absence of government support and regulation, the beach seining community in Arraial do Cabo has been governed by a set of locally constructed and communally recognised institutions that regulate access to and use of common fishing grounds. Although originally a set of informal institu- tions, these rules were codified in 1921 by the local fishing guild.11 Complex norms include restrictions on the type of gear, ves- sel and number of crew that can participate in addition to determining access to local Figure 6. Resource flow around the cape fishing grounds. (Source: Pinto da Silva, 2002)

This bundle of rules is called Table 3. Rotational Access system on Praia Grande – “married the Direito do Dia or Day canoes”14 Rights system. This system defines daily access to the Day Canoe Day Canoe Day Canoe resource through a system of Day 1 1-2 Day 8 15-16 Day 15 29-30 rotational access. There are a Day 2 3-4 Day 9 17-18 Day 16 31-32 certain number of ‘fishing days’ Day 3 5-6 Day 10 19-20 Day 17 33-34 associated with each of the Day 4 7-8 Day 11 21-22 Day 18 35-36 four local beaches that deter- Day 5 9-10 Day 12 23-24 Day 19 37-38 mine when each owner has the right to fish (See Table 2). Day 6 11-12 Day 13 25-26 Day 20 39-40 Day 7 13-14 Day 14 27-28 Day 21 41-42 Given the local understanding After day 21 the user access system starts again from day 1

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 91 History, culture and conservation

this process. On Praia Grande, “beach sein- ple from Praia dos Anjos and so on. ing should never occur with greater or less In recent years ownership patterns among than two canoes”.13 A breakdown of the beach seiners have changed dramatically. canoe partnerships from Praia Grande is Only 12 percent of fishers in Arraial do Cabo described in Table 3. are owners or part owners of the boats they fish on. Within beach seiners, concentration Although beach seiners are all Cabistas, sig- is even more marked. Within this fishery, a nificant divisions exist within this group. few individuals (father and son) from Praia After 500 years, racial and ethnic differ- Grande have amassed ownership of the ences and divisions between the beaches majority of canoes and nets, thereby con- run deep. Locals often state that the differ- trolling the associated access days to the ent neighborhoods are like different tribes. fishing grounds. Much to the resentment of Work teams are often made up of family fishers from other beaches, not only have members and historically, fishers lived in the they accumulated control over the Praia neighborhood they fished in. Each neighbor- Grande fishery but they are also buying up hood has kept many of the ethnic and racial the access days on other beaches. These characteristics of its colonial origins. Seiners owners are vertically integrated and own from Praia Grande, for example, are largely icehouses and fishmongers and therefore of Portuguese decent, and those of Praia play an important role in setting the value dos Anjos of French or northern European of the catch. Ownership patterns on Praia decent. Prainha’s residents are descendants dos Anjos reflect these changes. of Africans forced into the transatlantic On Praia dos Anjos, ten individuals own slave trade. These communities exist side parts of the twelve canoes along with by side, within a minute’s walk of one access to the associated fishing grounds. Of another. these, five are residents of Praia dos Anjos and the other five are residents of Praia The horizontal crew structure is no longer Grande. The five owners from Praia dos reflected in the ownership patterns of the Anjos own 37.5 percent (4 ½ canoes) of days, nets, canoes and other means of pro- the total while owners from Praia Grande duction. In the past, because of the own the lion’s share at 62.5 percent (7 ½ expense of the materials used in this activity, princi- Table 4. Praia dos Anjos Ownership Breakdown15 pally the net and canoe, groups of individuals would Total # of owners on P. dos Anjos 10 collectively own these # of owners who are P. dos Anjos residents 5 items. Fifty years ago it # of owners who are P. Grande residents 5 would have been very com- mon for a canoe to have Percentage of total owned by P. dos Anjos residents 37.50 % three or four owners. As Percentage of total owned by P. Grande residents 62.50 % the nets are significantly Percentage of total owned by one family (from P. Grande) 50.00 % more expensive than the canoes, they often had Percentage of total owned by women (widows) 16.60 % even more owners. These owners were canoes). A single family from Praia Grande most often crewmembers. Also, owners of owns 50 percent of the total (see Table 4). canoes from each beach were typically resi- dents of that beach. Praia Grande canoes Seiners commonly expressed that they felt were owned by people from Praia Grande, that their fishery was being overrun by a Praia dos Anjos canoes were owned by peo- handful of powerful owners. In addition,

92 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

they complained that as these owners pur- panha has an interest in and incentive to chased “days” they would bring in their own protect its ‘day’ and right to fish, the crews to work these days thereby leave less group will naturally ensure that other fishing opportunities for resident seiners. canoes comply with the system. For This trend has only increased tension example, if a companha arrives on the between the beaches. beach on their fishing day and there is a canoe out of sequence already there, the Monitoring & Enforcement companha that has the customary right to Ostrom16 has referred to monitoring and fish will fight to protect and maintain it. enforcement as central to common prop- erty management regimes. For measures It is not just the sequence, though, that to be effective monitors should be provides these sorts of incentives. For the accountable to the appropriators or moni- most part, unlike other fishing types, sein- toring should be carried out by the appro- ing takes place in very accessible and priators themselves.17 In Arraial do Cabo public spaces. Because this fishery is such actions have historically been held in an intrinsic part of the local livelihoods check by a variety of monitoring mecha- and shared cabista identity, it is not just nisms. Many changes, including the con- the fishers who know the rules. Canoe centration of ownership of both access to fishing is a spectacle that locals (including the fishing grounds and of gear used, other types of fishermen) like to watch have significantly altered the reliability of and participate in. Observers consist of the monitoring system of this regime and fishers and non-fishers alike and they too some of these are no longer practiced. play a role in supporting the system, Others are still used on some beaches and including an awareness of who is and who not on others. Traditionally, each compan- is not upholding the rules. ha was required to have a monitor among the crew who was responsible for observ- Nevertheless, there are a number of major ing the activities, and reporting irregulari- infractions occurring, particularly on Praia ties and infractions to the local fishing Grande, that are not being addressed. association.18 This meant that the associa- Powerful individuals with vested interests tion itself was involved in sanctioning in the institutional arrangements that gov- canoes or owners who did not comply. ern this fishery have pursued a policy of Sanctions were gradual, selective rule enforcement that protects Traditionally, each but severe, and initial their control over the system and minimis- companha was infractions were fined es their investment. For example, there required to have a with subsequent ones are significantly fewer gear sets (canoe and net) than there are days (e.g., there monitor among the leading to the exclusion are approximately fifteen canoes/nets crew who was respon- of that canoe from the sequence. Fines were when there should be forty-two). In the sible for observing then invested in educa- past, this would not have been possible as the activities, and tion and medical servic- each day was owned by a different set of reporting irregulari- es in support of fishers individuals and the rules stipulated that ties and infractions and their families. each day would have a distinct set of gear to the local fishing associated with it. Therefore, a beach with association The most effective tool 12 fishing days would have 12 canoes, for monitoring access is nets, etc. Owners without fishing gear (or still in use by all beaches and is inherent gear being repaired) would not be able to in the sequence itself. Because each com- participate in the fishery. Overtime, a few

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 93 History, culture and conservation

individuals with access to capital began to outside threats – such as the shrimp purchase the days (and associated gear trawlers that commonly trawled close to sets) on the different beaches. Today, shore. The ability for the reserve to these individuals (locally referred to as the achieve its social and conservation objec- “big sharks”) own most of the canoes and tives therefore rests on the ability of local access days, and have the power to fishers to work together and with repre- decide whether or to not invest in multiple sentatives from the federal government to gear sets in order to take advantage of govern this area. their days. Typically they choose to own a couple of canoes/nets and fish on multiple The MER has the potential for providing days with each set. In addition, as owners significant usufruct property rights to the also have the power to determine whether fishers included in the plan as each fisher to allow new entrants to the fishery, they was granted a permit allowing them have successfully closed the doors to the access to the area for 60 years. Not only fishery. Some fishers trying to enter the were fishing activities to be managed fishery on Praia Grande reported being through the reserve but any activity that physically threatened by these owners or utilised the area within this three mile belt by their employees to discourage their had to be approved by the managing efforts. council of the reserve. Other activities included recreational SCUBA diving, boat Another significant infraction occurring on tours to nearby islands and oilrig repairs. Praia Grande and impacting all the seining Like other marine parks in Brazil (i.e., the beaches is the practice of leaving the archipelago of Fernando de Noronha), the seine in the water unattended. Fishers Arraial do Cabo MER can charge user fees from other beaches complain that this net and thus raise funds to support the disrupts the flow of fish upon which all reserve. seiners depend as schools ‘hit’ the net and then disperse in different directions to Soon after the MER was created, a utilisa- deeper waters. This has created problems tion plan was developed through a series between beaches and fishers from other of meetings with local fishers, regional beaches commonly complain that Praia academics and government representa- Grande fishing practices are negatively tives to define the rules that represent the impacting their activities and that they are social contract among fishers as well as not ‘team players’. between fishers and government. The seiners’ traditional institutions were auto- Conservation: Seiners and the matically integrated into the plan. Article Marine Extractive Reserve 5.1 of the plan states that “beach seining The Arraial do Cabo MER created a three is permitted according to the norms of the mile fishing belt around the cape to be right of way system that regulates the exclusively used and managed by the ‘tra- canoe sequence”.19 The reserve, there- ditional’ fishing population of that munici- fore, absorbed the existing beach seiners’ pality. The assumption behind this common property regime (CPR) and approach to marine management was that expanded it to include all the different by creating a restricted use area, gov- gear groups in the municipality. erned by local fishers in collaboration with the federal environmental agency, small- The MER created a new decision-making scale fishing and the resources these fish- forum, whereby non-owners have the ers depend on, would be protected from same vote as owners and hook fishers

94 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

The Marine have the same say as ous work with a local industrial plant. Environment beach seiners. This was a Forty-two percent of active beach seiners Reserve created a new concept for seiners are over 49 years old, and significantly, 32 new decision-mmak- who had grown accus- percent are over 60. It is not uncommon tomed to following deci- to see seiners in their 80s pulling in nets ing forum, where- sions made by gear own- (See Fig. 7). by non-oowners ers. Gear owners felt have the same vote threatened by this new The MER in Arraial do Cabo has intro- as owners and power given to their duced a more democratic decision-making hook fishers have employees. The establish- forum for regulating fishing activities and the same say as ment of the marine addressing the concerns of this communi- beach seiners reserve, owners felt, ty. However, the system is beyond the bypassed their legitimacy reach of many fishers who find them- as the final decision-makers in the seiners’ selves constrained by the middlemen and CPR. As a result most boycotted the owners for whom they work. Fishers are process and encouraged seiners who afraid of losing an important part of their worked for them to do the same. livelihood by “sticking their necks out”. Yet, their fears may not have been war- ranted. Upon the completion of the plan, The creation of the MER has not yet man- few beach seiners had participated in any aged to replace or strengthen the seiners’ significant way. Only 34 percent of beach institutions. In fact, although the exis- seiners were aware that members of the tence of a ‘traditional population’ and tra- reserve have the right to vote. And, ditional resource management systems although many had attended meetings, warranted the creation of this conserva- only one seiner surveyed had voted in any tion and development unit, seiner’s them- meeting at the reserve headquarters. selves do not seem to have been seriously involved in its design. Rather, assumptions Dependence on the resource could pro- were made by reserve planners about the vide an important incentive to participate quality of their resource management institutions.

Challenges and Opportunities In Arraial do Cabo history and culture interact and provide challenges as well as opportunities for long-term collective conservation efforts. Figure 7. Photo of elderly work team (Courtesy Patricia Pinto da Silva) The physical charac- teristics of the cape as well as the process by which the cape in the reserve process. Most seiners was colonised and developed contributed (80%), however, have alternative sources to the social divisions between neighbor- of income outside of fishing. Many are hoods that are still prevalent. Ironically, employed by the local government and although deep divisions exist, until recent- many more receive pensions from previ- ly, strong resource management institu-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 95 History, culture and conservation

tions were in place that governed access together towards a common goal. to the marine resources upon which local Fishers repeatedly identified the long- livelihoods depended. However, social standing rivalries between the residents change over the last 30 years (including of beaches and different ethic groups the concentration of ownership of access as barriers for collaborative manage- to the fishery) has strained these institu- ment. tions and left them vulnerable to individ- ual vested interests. Policy Implications

The following are some of the challenges Q History, culture and local identity can and opportunities that exist for long-term reinforce or preclude the likelihood of conservation: successful collaborative management. Q The cape is a small geographic area Therefore, an analysis of the social and most fishers fish near the shore context within which these reserves are facilitating monitoring. Communication to be created should be carried out in between resource users is facilitated by order to better adapt management the size of the town. In addition, most structures to social realities. of the fishing methods currently used Q Coastal communities may have are non-predatory and relatively sus- resource management regimes in place tainable, and therefore significant that should be considered and respect- change was not required of the fishers ed when implementing Marine in the MER management plan. Extractive Reserves. However, policy Q Traditional fishing methods have been makers and practioners should not passed down from early indigenous assume that local resource governing tribes to more recent settlers. Informal institutions are robust. Social change institutions that governed beach seining tests the resilience of these institutions were later formalised and defined and they may need to be strengthened when, where, how and who could fish. or rebuilt. Although resource governing These institutions could have provided institutions were in place in Arraial do a strong foundation for long-term con- Cabo, they have weakened over time servation efforts, but they have weak- and are no longer robust. ened in recent years. Q Coastal communities are not organic Q Half a millennia since colonisation, cul- wholes. Difference and diversity must tural distinctions between different eth- be taken into account as well as exist- nic groups are still visible in Arraial do ing power structures that may distort Cabo. The municipality can almost be or constrain participation in resource mapped in terms of waves of immigra- management regimes. If not, extractive tion. Northern European descendants reserves could potentially reinforce live on Praia dos Anjos, southern inequitable power structures instead of European descendants on Praia promoting broad-based participatory Grande, descendants of African slaves conservation. on Prainha and more recent immigrants Q It may be necessary to work with com- from the Northeast of Brazil are taking munities and State representatives to over the hills surrounding the center. build their capacity to engage and The same factors that bond people effectively participate in this new type together in certain communities keep of resource management initiative. In the different communities from working Brazil, the state does not have a history

96 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

of collaborative management with fish- servation: environmental politics and impacts of national parks and protected areas, Earthscan, ing groups and or/decentralised man- London, 1997. agement. For fishing representatives, IBAMA, Plano de Utilizacão: RESEX Arraial do Cabo, RJ training could include financial manage- CNPT, Brasilia, 1999. Ostrom, E., Governing the commons: the evolution of ment skills, group facilitation skills, and institutions for collective action, Cambridge University participatory research methods. Press, Cambridge (MASS), 1990. Mc Goodwin, J., Understanding the cultures of fishing Q MER’s will not be quick fixes. It may communities: a key to fisheries management and food take years for an MER to become security. FAO Fisheries Technical Paper 401. 2001. Pinto da Silva, P., “From common property to co-man- established in a community. agement: Lessons from Brazil’s first maritime extrac- Practioners, funding agencies and oth- tive reserve.” Marine Policy, in press, 2004 ers involved in the process will need to Pinto da Silva, P., From common property to co-manage- ment: Social change and conservation in Brazil’s first commit to this long-term community Maritime Extractive Reserve, Ph.D. dissertation, based conservation process in order to London School of Economics, London, 2002. achieve socially and environmentally PMAC, Census de Arraial do Cabo, RJ, Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), 2000. sustainable results. Prado, S., Da Anchova ao Salario Minimo, Unpublished Masters Thesis, Universidade Federal Fluminense, Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), 2000. Patricia Pinto da Silva Safina, C., “The World’s Imperiled Fish”, Scientific ([email protected]) works as a American, November: 46-53, 1995. Teixeira de Mello, V., Regimento Interno da Colonia C. de Social Development Specialist with the U.S. Pescadores Nossa Senhora dos Remedios Z – 22, Cabo National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Frio, Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), 1921. Administration in Woods Hole Massachusetts. Her The Economist, “The tragedy of the oceans”, The current research interests include social capital Economist and conservation, community-based fisheries Notes management, traditional ecological knowledge 1 Safina, 1995. and marine protected areas in North and South 2 FAO, 1998. 3 The Economist, 1994. America. Patricia is a CEESP/CMWG member. 4 Diegues, 1997. 5 Baland and Plateau, 1996; Ghimire and Pimbert, 1997; Diegues, 1994; Ostrom, 1990. References & Bibliography 6 Ecosystem characterised by sand dunes, cactus, and Baland, J. M. and J.P. Platteau, Halting degradation of low-lying, fruit-bearing shrubs and trees. natural resources: Is there a role for rural communi- 7 FEEMA, 1998. ties?, Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United 8 Pinto da Silva, 2004. Nations, Oxford University Press, New York (NY), 9 PMAC, 2000. 1996. 10 Pinto da Silva, 2002. Britto, R., Modernidade e tradicao, Universidade Federal 11 Teixeira de Mello, 1921. Fluminense, Niteroi, Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), 1999. 12 Pinto da Silva, 2002. Dias, O., “Evolução da Cultura em Minas Gerias e no Rio 13 Britto, 1999:259. de Janeiro, Anuario de Divulgação Cientifica, 110-130, 14 1977. Adapted from Britto, 1999. 15 Diegues, A. C., Traditional Sea Tenure and coastal Pinto da Silva, 2002. 16 Fisheries Resources Management in Brazil, Centro de Ostrom, 1998. Culturas Maritimas, Sao Paulo (Brazil), 1994. 17 Ostrom, 1990:98. Diegues, A.C., Tradition and social change in the coastal 18 Teixeira de Mello, 1921. communities of Brazil, NUPAUB: Universidade de São 19 IBAMA, 1999. Paulo, São Paulo (Brazil), 1997. Diegues, A.C., “A Socio-anthropologia das comunidades de pescadores maritimos no Brasil.” Ethnografica, 3, 361-375. 1999. FEEMA, Perfil Ambiental do Municipio de Arraial do Cabo, Fundacão Estadual de Engenharia do Meio Ambiente, Rio de Janeiro, 1988. Filho, E. G., Historias de Celebres Naufragios do Cabo Frio, Texto e Arte Consultoria Editorial Ltda, Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), 1993. Ghimire, K. B. and M.P Pimbert, Social change and con-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 97 History, culture and conservation

The Bawarias of India: from hunters to “green gards”? Bahar Dutt

Summary. The Bawarias are a hunting nomadic community found in several states of northern India. This paper examines the impact of several laws such as the Indian Wildlife (Protection) Act (1972), and the Criminal Tribes Act (1871), now known as the Habitual Offenders Act (1953) on the livelihoods of the Bawarias. As a result of the ban on hunting the Bawarias have taken up occupations such as chowkidari (protection of agricultural fields against crop-raiding animals). At a time when human-wildlife conflicts are many, the Bawarias are providing a valuable service to farmers by protecting agricultural fields from crop- raiding animals such as wild pigs (Sus scrofa) and nilgai (Bocephalus tragocamelus). This strategy needs encouragement and recognition at the policy level and by the local forest department which has so far viewed the Bawarias as a threat to wild animals and biodiversity. Conflict with land-owning farming com- munity and deep-rooted prejudices against them have however led to tremendous human rights violations and made it difficult for this nomadic community to practise their occupation or build settlements any- where. The Bawarias should be recognised as indigenous “green guards” and their traditional knowledge and skills in dealing with wildlife should be more consciously and effectively employed for conservation.

In the beginning of time when earth was being created God asked everyone to choose any object which would represent what they would do on earth. The Brahmins (the priestly caste) selected books, the Kshatriyas (the warrior caste) got swords, and the peasants chose the sick- le. When it was the turn of the Bawaria, he hid a golden brick underneath his shirt and said to God ‘I want nothing’. Since then, God got angry and said’ Go you are cursed for the rest of your lives, you will now live in the forest and will only steal from other people’. Since then the Bawarias have been living in the forest’.

A story about how the Bawarias were born as told by Dholi Bawaria

Two laws, one ancient and one more South Asia has the world’s largest recent, have severely impacted the liveli- hoods of the Bawarias. In British India nomadic population. In India alone, roughly under the Criminal Tribals Act of 1871, over seven percent of the population is nomadic 200 communities had been declared as and consists of about 500 different commu- criminals. This was used by the British to 1 nities. The Bawarias are one such nomadic consolidate their rule over certain tribes, community. According to the Census of including the Bawarias. The act was India of 1881 the Bawarias are described as repealed following independence of India a ‘hunting community who derive their but the stigma attached to such communi- name from the word bawar or noose with ties, through the legislation, continues. which they snare wild animals’. The census Further, in a bid to protect dwindling further states that the Bawarias are “much wildlife, the Indian Wildlife Protection Act of addicted to crime and thieving comes easily 1972 declared all hunting as “illegal’ thus to them. Their skill in tracking wild animals criminalizing the traditional occupation of is notorious”. the Bawarias.

98 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

eties. As occupational groups of hunters, trappers, blacksmiths, basket weavers and entertainers like puppeteers, acrobats for- tune-tellers, singers and dancers, the nomads shared a symbiotic relationship with settled people. In return for their services they were allowed to squat on the village commons and use the village resources such as water or pasture lands for grazing their cattle, till they moved on to their next dera (settlement).

According to sociologists, nomadism served as an important economic strategy that Picture 1. A Bawaria hunter with his hunting enabled mobile communities to exploit mar- dog. (Courtesy Ramesh Kumar). kets over a much larger area. Several of these groups depend substantially on wild In this paper, I examine the livelihood animal and plant resources and have been strategies of the Bawarias and show how a community used to be perceived as a threat to wild animals is currently, without due recognition, serving to protect biodiversity. In a primarily agricultural economy, the Bawarias have carved a niche for them- selves by providing services of crop- protec- tion to land-owning communities. The Bawarias have adjusted to change by embracing activities that diminish the moti- vation or incentive on the part of settled agriculturalists to kill crop-raiding wildlife. Their knowledge and labour serve conserva- tion but unfortunately go unrecognised Picture 2. A Bawaria woman making a grinding because of their stigmatised status as a stone. (Courtesy Ramesh Kumar.) criminal tribe. severely affected by wildlife conservation The nomads in India today policies which seek to reduce such use.3 Historically, across India, villages were fre- quently visited by nomadic communities.2 Nomadic lifestyle and wildlife con- The lohars, or the blacksmiths, would arrive servation at the beginning of the agricultural season The wildlife conservation policies of the to repair and sell agricultural tools and Indian government have involved a ban on implements; the pastoral groups such as grazing, felling, foraging and hunting. the Rabaris would build temporary shelters Wildlife policies have led many National on agricultural land where their cattle would Parks to expel foragers and pastoralists.4 In provide essential fertilisers for the fields. the current study we found that the Before easy mean of transport and commu- Bawarias, who used to live and hunt inside nication were available, nomadic groups the Sariska National Park, in the north west- served as useful adjuncts to sedentary soci- ern state of Rajasthan, gave up their

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 99 History, culture and conservation

dwellings after the declaration of the area a number of herbivores like spotted deer as a park and prefer to live far away from (Axis axis) and sambar (Cervus unicolor) the watchful eye of the Forest Department. are found in high densities.7 Coupled with government policy, demo- graphic pressures have further made it diffi- Livelihoods profile of a hunting cult for nomads to set up their dwellings or community practice their traditional livelihood. No The study involved extensive dialogue with expanses are left uncultivated or unoccu- members of the Bawaria pied; a study of arid villages across India community in the state The Bawarias commu- shows a decline of 30-50% in common of Rajasthan, night halts nities responded to the property resources leading to shrinking pas- and participatory work- changing times by 5 tures. Agricultural policies leading to con- shops. Subsequently a turning to occupa- solidation of land holdings, irrigation and detailed questionnaire tions such as chowki- mechanisation have drastically changed was developed and 105 6 dari (crop protection) nomadic-sedentary relations. As the urban individuals in the region sprawl of cities expands and village com- and animal hus- were interviewed. The bandry, which are mons shrink nomadic communities find main aim was to find out legal and of service to themselves displaced constantly. The his- how modern conserva- toric need to be on the move was econom- tion laws have impacted the rest of society. ic. Today it is driven by a number of other the livelihoods of this factors, such as conflicts with villagers over hunting community. use of natural resources or lack of space to build settlements. In sum, nomadic commu- The occupation that was followed for more nities find it difficult to practice their tradi- than 6 months a year was recorded as the tional livelihood strategies. main occupation. The main occupation for most Bawarias today is chowkidari or guard- About the study area ing agricultural fields from crop-raiding ani- The Bawarias interviewed in this study are mals such as nilgai (Bosephalus trago- from Alwar district in the north western camelus) an antelope species that is found state of Rajasthan, India. The district of in abundance across northern and western Alwar it is said derives its name from the India. In return for their services they are Salwa tribe that are mentioned in the offered a few sacks of foodgrains and the ancient Indian manuscript of Satpatha right to build a temporary shelter on the Brahmana. The city was originally Salwapur, farmer’s field. Of the population sampled, a then Salwar and eventually Alwar. The dis- sizeable number, that is nearly 80% of the trict is situated in the north east of Bawarias were engaged in chowkidari as Rajasthan between 27.4’ and 28.4’ north their main occupation. Further, nearly 15% latitudes and 76.7 and 77.13’ east longi- were practising agriculture on land owned tude, and is famous for Sariska National by them and 5% were engaged in daily Park, which has a high density of wild fauna wage work which included farm labour or and flora. Sariska National Park used to be construction work. the hunting grounds for the royal families and was declared a wildlife sanctuary in At the end of the agricultural season, fear- 1956. The area was subsequently accorded ing that the Bawarias will set up a perma- the highest degree of protection as a nent home on their land, the landowners National Park and in 1985 as a Tiger ask them to move as soon as the crops are Reserve. Besides the tiger (Panthera tigris) harvested. The Bawarias move their tents

100 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

and shift to offer their services to another landowner. During post-harvest periods of unemployment, from April to May, the Bawarias collect foodgrains in return for the work they have done for the landowners. Payment is in kind and is usually one sack of wheat for every field that a Bawaria has guarded. Some Bawarias manage to collect as many as 10 kilograms of wheat, half of which is consumed and the rest sold in the market for cash.

Chowkidari however was not always the main occupation of this community. The livelihoods of the Bawarias have undergone Picture 3. The grinding stones made by Bawaria a tremendous change. The Bawarias were women are sold in the local market. (Courtesy famed hunters, and trackers who made a Ramesh Kumar). living from killing wild animals and selling occupation for sustenance. This feature is their parts in local villages or for self con- especially common in arid and semi-arid sumption. They also assisted the royal fami- landscapes, where agriculture cannot pro- lies with their hunts in the nearby forest vide sustenance throughout the year. which is now known as Sariska National Supplementary occupations are practiced Park8. Nearly 70% of the Bawarias of the through the year and include work such as previous generation were engaged in hunt- padda’9, honey collection and daily wage ing, 10% in chowkidari. The categories of work especially during the lean months agriculture and daily wage work remained when there is no chowkidari and the crops the same as the current generation i.e. have been harvested. Another source of 15% of the families were engaged in agri- income is chakki khodna or making grinding culture and 5% in daily wage work. stones which are then sold in the local mar- ket. There has thus been a considerable decline Figure 1. Occupational profile of current in the traditional occupation of the Bawarias generation of Bawarias from one generation to another. In the cur- rent generation out of all the families sur- veyed not one admitted to practising hunt- ing as an occupation. When asked for the reasons for the decline in their occupation, a substantial number (90%) admitted the introduction of wildlife laws as a reason, while 5% stated declining wildlife popula- tions and another 5% stated a recurring drought in the semi-arid region of Rajasthan as a reason why hunting as an occupation has declined.

The livelihood patterns further indicate a strategy of ‘livelihood diversification’ where- by the communities turn to more than one

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 101 History, culture and conservation

Figure 2. Occupational profile of previous generation of Bawarias Food security and its relation to hunting As many as 70% of the families inter- viewed stated to face a shortage of food through the year. In times of shortage of food, nearly 21% of the families turn to hunting wild animals in order to meet their food needs, 36% turn to begging from nearby villages or zamindars and 36% borrowed money from money lenders. This shows the vulnerability of the Bawarias and the abject poverty in which the community lives.

Figure 3. Coping strategies of Bawarias during periods of short- the animal enjoys. age of food Considered as a ‘blue cow’ (although it is an antelope species) it is revered in hindu religion and mytholo- gy and seldom killed by farmers despite the dam- age it causes to the crops.

A Bawaria family also keeps 2-3 dogs that guard their settlements and are used to assist them on their hunt- ing trips. As mentioned, hunting which used to be the mainstay of the com- munity is The Bawarias frequent different areas for today dif- The nilgai is onsid- hunting wild animals though hunting is ficult to practice due to ered as a ‘blue cow’ banned everywhere in India. Of people the strict wildlife laws and (although it is an interviewed 66% admitted to hunting in the the presence of the State antelope species) it is areas close to villages, while 21% went Forest Department. Still revered in hindu reli- hunting in a reserve forest and 12% went many Bawarias continue gion and mythology hunting if not for trade, hunting in nearby agricultural fields. and seldom killed by then for food especially farmers despite the The Bawarias interviewed for this study all during times of food had country made rifles which they use for shortage. The animals damage it causes to firing in the air for driving away crop-raiding that are hunted are most- the crops. animals. The nilgai which is the major crop- ly small mammals and raiding animal found in this area is driven birds such as Indian Hare Lepus spp. away from the fields by the Bawarias, but Common Mongoose Herpestes edwardsi not killed due to the religious sanctity that Blue Rock Pigeon Columba livia, Grey

102 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Partridge Francolinus pondicerianus and sewaichak land. The village commons that Grey Jungle Fowl Gallus sonneratii, among were earlier used by nomadic communities others. to set up their tents are today shrinking, which explains why Figure 4. Areas frequented by Bawarias for hunting the Bawarias have to set up their tents on private lands. This creates the potential for conflict with upper castes, and disputes over sharing of resources such as water. Almost 82% of the Bawarias inter- viewed reported that their pots were broken just for try- ing to collect water from the village well. Further, 69% Figure 5. Categories of land used for Bawaria settlements stated conflict with zamindars (land owners) as the rea- son for their shifting their dera. This fig- ure thus denotes that while nomadism or “being on the move” was earlier an economic strategy for commu- nities such as the Bawarias, today it is more related to a social imperative.

Partially because of the stigma associated Social prejudices against the com- with belonging to a “criminal tribe”, as munity many as 65% of the Bawarias interviewed Nearly 55% of the families were settled had faced harassment from the police and on private (zamin- law enforcement agencies. Of these, near- Almost 82% of the dar’s) land on the ly 46% had been sent to jail, 16% had their goods confiscated and 31% has Bawarias interviewed fringes of agricultural fields. Only 5% of faced general harassment such as being reported that their pots poked with sticks, being roughed-up or were broken just for try- the families were settled on village beaten. ing to collect water from commons or the village well.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 103 History, culture and conservation

Figure 6. Percentage of Bawarias who have had encounters with Protection Act and enforcement agencies Criminal Tribes Act have rendered the livelihood of this community basi- cally impossible to sus- tain. Nomadism as a way of life— which made sense in the past as a viable economic and ecological strategy when hunting was not banned— is of no rele- vance today. The Bawarias communities responded to the chang- ing times by turning to occupations such as chowkidari (crop pro- Conclusions tection) and animal husbandry, which are The results of my study of the Bawarias legal and of service to the rest of society. can be summarised as follows: And yet the stigma of being a criminal Q There has been a significant change in tribe and belonging to a lower caste has the main occupation of the Bawarias made it impossible for them to set up from one generation to another. In the their tents anywhere without getting into current generation 80% of the families conflict with surrounding villages. interviewed practise chowkidari (crop- protection) while in the previous gener- Short-sighted policies on the part of the ation this number was only 10%. governments in the past have made nomads sceptical of participation in any Q A significant percentage (70%) of schemes. For instance, in 1960, the Bawaria families face shortage of food Rajasthan Government had introduced throughout the year and 21% of the compulsory housing for the Gaduliya families turn to hunting in order to lohars, another nomadic community of make up for this shortage. This implies blacksmiths in the state. The scheme that despite their occupation being failed as it did not address the livelihood declared as illegal some families still needs of the community. Any attempts to practice hunting to make up for short- support and help nomadic communities age of food. must take into account their livelihood Q 65% of the Bawarias interviewed have needs, otherwise chances are that it might faced harassment from law enforce- even have adverse impacts. ment agencies such as the police. Of these nearly 46% have been sent to At a time when human-wildlife conflicts jail, 16% have had their goods confis- are many, the Bawarias are providing a cated while 31% have faced cases of valuable service to farmers by protecting harassment such as poking with a stick, agricultural fields from crop-raiding ani- being roughed up or beaten. mals such as the wild pigs (Sus scrofa) and the nilgai (Bocephalus tragocamelus) The Bawarias are a community in transi- This strategy needs encouragement and tion. Two laws: the Indian Wildlife recognition at the policy level and by the

104 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

local forest department, which has so far Bahar Dutt ([email protected]) works in viewed the Bawarias as a threat to wild India on the issues of traditional livelihoods. She animals and biodiversity. The Indian gov- has been working closely with a community of ernment should rather recognise them as snake charmers and documenting the impact of indigenous ‘green guards’, protecting conservation regulatory laws on their livelihoods. crops from wild animals and thus perform- She is a member of the World Alliance of Mobile ing a very valuable role in a largely agrari- Indigenous People (WAMIP) and TILCEPA, a joint an society. A formal recognition of this will CEESP and WCPA Theme. With reference to this help to both eliminate the social prejudice paper she would like to thank Mr Rattan against these peoples and contribute sig- Katyayani, Director of the Muktidhara organisa- nificantly to reducing human-wildlife con- tion, Mr Ramesh Kumar and the University of flict in many parts of rural India. Cologne.

References Jodha, N.S., Rural Common Property Resources: A grow- ing crisis, Gatekeeper Series No. 24, IIED, London 1991. Malhotra, K.C.,“Nomads in India”, in R. Chopra and A. Agarwal (eds.), State of the Environment in India, 122-4, Centre for Science and Environment, New Delhi, 1982. Malhotra, K.C., Khomne, S.B. and Gadgil, M., “Hunting strategies among three non-pastoral nomadic groups of Maharashtra”, Man in India, 63: 21-39, 1983. Malhotra, K.C., Socio-Biological investigations among the Nandiwallahs of Maharashtra. Bull. Urgent Anthrop. Ethnol. Sci. (Austria), 16:63-102, 1974. Project Tiger, A Status Report, Ministry of Environment and Forests, Government of India, 2001. Rao, A. and M.J. Casimir, Movements of People: Nomadism in South Asia, Oxford in India, Readings in Sociology and Social and Cultural Anthropology, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2003. Rangarajan, M., “The Politics of Ecology. The debate on wildlife and people in India 1970-95”, The Economic and Political Weekly, special issue, 2391-2409,

Notes 1 Malhotra, 1982. 2 Rao, Casimir, 2003. 3 Malhotra et al., 1982; Malhotra and Gadgil, 1983. 4 Rangarajan, 1996. 5 Jodha, 1991. 6 Rao and Casimir, 2003. 7 Ministry of Environment and Forests, 2001. 8 Sualal Bawaria, personal communication, 2003. 9 The padda is the male buffalo and it is a common domestic animal owned by the Bawarias. The padda is used to provide mating services for the villages Picture 4. A Bawaria man with an idol of along the road, which get their female buffaloes to their goddess wrapped safely to protect it the Bawarias for impregnation. Since the Bawarias from dust. Due to their nomadic way of life, are nomadic, this is a good strategy to ensure that there is no inbreeding. For a successful mating the the idols of gods and goddesses are Bawaria charge Rs 60-70. The padda thus serves as wrapped and kept on top of tree. They are a supplementary source of income, especially useful brought down only during festivals. when chowkidari work has stopped. (Courtesy Ramesh Kumar).

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 105 History, culture and conservation La Somma: forest management, new “ruralness”, and agro-ttourism in the uplands of Umbria (Central Italy) Patrizio Warren

Summary. Most of the rugged territory of the Umbria region, in central Italy, is still covered by chest- nut, beech, durmast and oak forests. Besides retaining water and preventing erosion, forests are rich in biodiversity and shape the beautiful landscape of the region. For these reasons, their exploitation and use has been submitted to strict conservationist regulations since the 1970s. The policy was largely based on two assumptions: i) Umbrian forest were considered to be largely “natural” and to have been historically subjected to limited human intervention; and (ii) the importance of forestry exploitation for upland farm- ers livelihoods was deemed disappearing as a result of the country’s major “development” thrust. Evidence presented in this case study challenges both assumptions. Analysis of the way in which a family of Umbrian upland farmers has managed during the last 50 years their forest land suggests that the ecol- ogy of Umbrian forest has historically depended, and still significantly depends today, on human interven- tions. This includes manuring, introduction of new species, selective cutting of trees and de-stocking of intrusive animal species. Moreover, livelihoods analysis indicates that forest products (chestnuts, firewood, posts, mushrooms, fodder, game) are still important assets in the economy of this family, as well as forest landscape and territory (agro-tourism, horseback trekking). Based on the above, two visions of the impor- tance of forestry conservation are contrasted: the official one, which looks at the forest as an immutable “natural monument” to be preserved for future generations; and the one of the informants, who look pri- marily at the forest, as a “natural capital” asset, which must be wisely cared for to nurture the family now and in the future. Links between the latter vision and the cultural background of Umbrian farmers are briefly explored. A number of questions are raised about the opportunity of articulating more appropriate environmental policies and regulations, inspired by a livelihoods-based approach to forest conservation.

Renaissance. Thus, Umbria has a rich cul- Umbria, il cuore verde dell’Italia tural heritage and is a popular “art tourism” destination. Historically, Umbria’s (“Umbria, Italy’s green heart”): tourism cities have depended on the surrounding advertising captures two outstanding fea- countryside. In the valleys, soil is fertile tures of this region: being and water is abundant, although arable located at the very crossroad Umbrian peas- land is significantly limited by the rugged of the peninsula and its luxuri- hills and mountain ranges, which cover ant livelihoods ant countryside, most of which most of the region. Olive tree cultivation has been tradi- is still covered by forests and and terracing have made possible the tionally based prairies. Since antiquity, extension of the arable surface. Yet, in on a mix of Umbria has been a major pot many areas this has proved unfeasible or of Italian peoples and cultures. cereal and less remunerative than exploiting the for- Etruscans and Romans fought legume crop- est and rangelands for timber, firewood, for control of the region and ping, tree crop- fodder, chestnuts, game, mushrooms, and founded many of its towns and ping, and ani- wild fruits. mal breeding villages. After the fall of the Roman Empire, Umbria Umbrian peasant farming has been tradi- and forestry became one of the cradles of tionally based on a mix of cereal and medieval civilisation. A few legume cropping (in the valleys), tree centuries later, Umbrian artists and arti- cropping (on the hills), and animal breed- sans contributed to the Italian

106 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

ing and forestry (in the uplands). This hunting and gathering products are con- mixed livelihood strategy, is still practiced sumed by the household or sold to by Zi’ Bruno Bevilacqua, a seventy year old Spoleto’s restaurants. farmer from Acqualacastagna, a small hamlet in the uplands of Spoleto. Zi’ Forest is a very important capital asset in Bruno’s farm is located in a small water- Zi’Bruno’s livelihood, and has to be man- shed, ranging from 600 to 900 meters aged wisely. To ensure a above sea level. Downstream, close to the good yield and facilitate har- After the major hamlet, there are three arable plots that Zi’ vesting, chestnut tree plots Bruno cultivates with maize, potatoes, must be cleared from sec- crisis that affected beans and pasture on rotation. In this area ondary vegetation every two the countryside in there is also a vegetable garden, a fruit years. Firewood cutting in the 1960s and orchard, a pen for courtyard animals and a the sloped small-chestnut 1970s, agro- stable were cattle is kept during the cold (castagno a bosco) and tourism and other winter months. Food crops and products small-durmast (roverelle) innovative enter- are mostly consumed on farm. Money forest must be done wisely prises are revitaliz- comes primarily from 30 ha. of upland for- in order to preserve the ing Umbria’s est that cover the upstream part of the strongest and biggest speci- rural livelihood watershed. This includes five ha. of hun- mens (which would be bet- dred-year-old marroni chestnut trees (a ter exploited in the future systems species introduced in the area at the for posts and timber). Cattle and horses beginning of the XIX century) which pro- must be rotated from one glade to the duce a highly valuable variety of chestnut other, in order to avoid overgrazing and used by the confectionery industry to pre- erosion. All these forestry activities require pare marrons glacés. Posts and firewood a lot of work, most of which can only be are other important products in Zi’Bruno’s done by hand. As sons and daughters forestry enterprise. Moreover, indigenous have left Acqualacastagna, Zi’Bruno and cattle and horses are pastured in enclosed his wife run the farm by themselves, with glades and woods. Ultimately, every year the help of some occasional worker or the forest provides plenty of mushrooms neighbor. Yet, the workload is becoming and a good catch of wild bores. These too heavy even for two strong and healthy rural elders. They have some savings and a pension from the Peasant Union, which will allow them to survive when they will no longer be able to continue forestry work. But what about the land and the for- est? Should these be sold or left to some- body who does not care nor has the knowledge to maintain them? What will happen to the marroni chestnut and timber trees and the glades where the nutritious grazing species grow? What will be the fate of the natural capital that Zi’Bruno and his wife have nurtured throughout their life?

Ten years ago it would have been difficult Figure 1. The Acqualacastagna watershed to give a hopeful answer to these ques- (Courtesy Patrizio Warren)

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 107 History, culture and conservation

tions. Yet, things are changing in rural During the 1970s, the Umbrian upland Central Italy. The exodus to the city is offered almost no opportunities for a slowing down and many people are discov- young man. Farms were neither large nor ering or re-discovering ruralness not only productive enough to support more than as a lifestyle, but also as a livelihood one family. Moreover, girls were not willing opportunity. The story of Giancarlo and to live in the countryside. The only reason- Agostino, Zi’ Bruno’s nephews, illustrates able thing that a young man could do was how this new “ruralness” relates to the to look for a job in town. Giancarlo went to economic, social and cultural background the nearby iron and steel center of Terni of ancient Umbrian peasantry. It also where he got a blue-collar job. Agostino shows how hybridisation between this her- moved to Spoleto, where he undertook dif- itage and the opportunities offered by a ferent jobs and enterprises. The city was burgeoning agro-tourism market has con- generous with the two young men: in a tributed to the development of a new form few years they saved enough money to of sustainable forest use. buy a house and married Clara and Giuliana, two handsome and well-to-do Giancarlo and Agostino Bevilacqua are girls. Yet, they continued to assist their Nonno Pietro’s sons. Like Zi’ Bruno, Nonno parents in running the family farm during Pietro has spent most of his life in the weekend and the holidays. They also Acqualacastagna with his wife Nonna continued to meet with a group of old Melinda, exploiting his share of the family friends (most of whom had also migrated land and forest. The married couple gave to town) to eat, drink wine and ride hors- the two children the opportunity to attend es. school in Spoleto. Thus, for most of their childhood and teenage years, Giancarlo One day after lunch somebody came up and Agostino commuted daily to town, with the idea of opening a horse-riding together with the other kids from center in the area. “You know – the man Acqualacastagna and the neighboring vil- said – I have got friends in Terni and lage of Montebibbico (most of whom were Spoleto who own horses and who are sick relatives). Yet, they spent most of their and tired of these fancy horse-riding clubs afternoons, weekends and holidays in the for rich people. They are looking for a countryside. There were not many things cheaper place to keep and ride their ani- to do in the village for a kid. Galloping on mals. I also met these people from the local packhorses on the lumber trails in the Horse Tourism Association. These guys are forest up to the open upland prairies was very different from those snobs of the perhaps the most exciting activity. Thus, horse-jumping federation. They told me the two brothers and their friends became that in Perugia and in Rome there are expert and reckless riders. As soon as they many people willing and capable to pay for started earning some money from summer doing what we always did: riding horses in jobs, the packhorses were replaced with the forest and mountains. They describe it better and faster animals, which were kept with an English phrase: “horseback in their fathers’ stables. Agostino and trekking”. Here, we have land and stables Giancarlo, who are now in their forties, where horses can be kept, we have fodder remember this period as the most carefree and water, we know how to manage the and happy of their life. But childhood is animals, we know each and every path in short in the countryside and the time soon this area… So, why don’t we open a horse came for them to find their way in adult trekking center? I believe that we should life and marry. try.” This speech triggered a discussion that lasted until there was no wine left in

108 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

La Somma: a the damigiana. At that point, the big hill that dominates Nonno Pietro’s horse-rriding and nobody was in any condition land and the Acqualacastagna watershed. agro-ttourism to make a meaningful deci- This place, known as La Somma (which enterprise in the sion. Yet Agostino could not means “the top”), was very close to the sleep that night. He was asphalt road and flat enough to allow uplands of bored of spending his days clearing a one-hectare open space with Spoleto doing silly jobs in Spoleto and minimum bulldozer work. It also enjoyed a the horse riding center struck him as an beautiful view over the Central Apennine inspiring opportunity to have fun while range and the Terni valley. Demand for making a living. boarding horses, horse-riding lessons and horse trekking grew slowly at the begin- In the following days, Agostino discussed ning. Yet, thanks also to their friendly the subject with his brother Giancarlo and touch, Agostino and Giancarlo secured an Nonno Pietro. After a lot of talk he was ever-increasing number of customers. able to convince his brother and his father Soon La Somma became a regular destina- to conduct a small-scale test. The women tion for horse-trekking fans from the of the family were initially very resistant. neighboring towns, as well as from Perugia They look at the horse-riding center as a and Rome. Some of these guests also took childish project born of a drunken conver- advantage of bed and breakfast accommo- sation. However, they eventually accepted dation in Nonno Pietro’s and Zi’Bruno’s the idea of a trial run, under the conditions houses in Acqualacastagna. that their husbands not resign from their regular and “serious” jobs and that the By 1995, the business had become so profitable that Agostino began to seriously consider giving up his busi- ness in Spoleto and working at La Somma on a full time basis. In the meantime, the steel factory where Giancarlo was working underwent a “restructuring” process. Incentives were made available to workers will- ing to resign “spontaneously”, and Giancarlo, who also felt sick and tired of the factory work, eventually accepted the special severance offered by the company.

One year later, an earthquake hit Umbria, affecting also Agostino’s and Giancarlo’s houses in Spoleto. The two brothers and their families Figure 2. Horse-trekking to Montebibico (Courtesy Patrizio had to move to the small wooden Warren) cabin they had constructed near the horse-riding center. During the long family continue to live in town. and cold winter, adults and kids realised that living together in the countryside was Within a few months a stable and a pad- not bad at all. When the snow melted and dock had been established on the top of spring came, men, women and children

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 109 History, culture and conservation

felt ready to make the big decision. The to keep a few heads of Division of labor earthquake had prompted a derogation to cattle and some sheep. within the extended the law which prevents construction in for- Home kitchen and cater- family is an impor- est areas, and Nonno Pietro, Giancarlo and ing leftovers are given to tant commonality Agostino received permission to build a a few pigs, from which between the household brand new house at La Somma, big ham, salami and sausages enough to host the three families. As soon are made. Moreover sur- economy of La as Nonno Pietro and his wife moved to the plus firewood and horse Somma and the tra- new building, Giancarlo invested his sever- manure are exchanged for ditional ance in renovating the old family house in vegetables, wine, oil and livelihoods of Acqualacastagna, converting it to two other agricultural goods Umbrian peasants small flats which could be rented to riders with relatives and neigh- livelihoods. wishing to stay overnight. Thanks also to bors owning arable land the agrotourism boom that developed in downstream (including Zi’Bruno). Central Italy during those years, demand for accommodation and catering services Division of labor within the extended fami- in La Somma grew rapidly. A restaurant ly is an additional important commonality hall and four new flats had to be built sev- between the household economy of La eral years later on the esplanade. This Somma and the ancient Umbrian peasants required a long negotiation with regional livelihoods. Every member of the family and municipal authorities, who eventually has specific responsibilities in the enter- approved the construction of a new stable prise. Giancarlo, the elder brother, is and the transformation of the old one into responsible for management, administra- an agroturism lodge. tion and relationships with public authori- ties and customers. He also contracts and Currently, La Somma is among the wealthi- supervises wage-laborers for harvesting er rural enterprises of the area. Income is chestnuts and cutting firewood. Moreover, generated primarily by providing services thanks to the skill he learned in town, to tourists and riders – that is, by a “non conventional” activity targeting a very specific niche market. However, the eco- nomics of La Somma is still deeply root- ed in the ancient livelihood practice of Umbrian upland farmers. Forest and mountain are important not only as an attraction for tourists, but also as source of fodder for the 80 horses owned or hosted by the center. Moreover, the con- ventional production of chestnuts, fire- wood and posts continue to be an impor- tant item in the Bevilacqua family budg- et.

An important share of the food con- sumed by the two families and offered to guests is home made. Soil and slope does not allow for agriculture at La Somma, but land and fodder are enough Figure 3. In the chestnut wood (Courtesy Patrizio Warren)

110 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Giancarlo takes care of masonry, electrical tal is particularly intense within the net- work, plumbing and other building and work of primary kinship linkages among maintenance tasks. Women are in charge grandparents, parents, sons, siblings, cog- of hospitality and catering, under the nates, cousin and nephews that live the supervision of the two brothers’ mother. 75 under the same roof. However, the year old Nonno Pietro continues to take Bevilacqua rely also on a wider social net- care of the courtyard animals and the few work including distant relatives, step-par- cattle. Agostino, on the other hand, is pri- ents and neighbors, who were born and/or marily responsible for horses and horse- are settled in the surrounding villages. riding activities. His 22 year-old son Many minor economic transactions occur in Andrea, who has an official diploma as a this broader social arena, most of which horse-riding instructor, assists him. The focus on the making of sociability through second cousins Riccardo and Maurizio work the reciprocal exchange of surplus use as trekking guides and grooms, while value (labor, natural resources, machinery), Giancarlo’s daughters Cristina and rather than on the production of exchange Valentina are in-charge of the Pony Club. value for profit. For instance, during the Also Lorenzo, the 13-year-old son of 2003 summer drought, when the munici- Agostino and Giuliana, is expected to con- pality forbade the use of the aqueduct for tribute to the horse-riding center activity watering animals, Agostino exchanged fire- by saddling and harnessing horses and wood and manure for the water that he keeping the stables clean. As compensa- had to carry daily from a private source tion for his/her personal contribution, each owned by a distant relative. member of the family is entitled with per- sonal assets (the flats, the horses, the sta- This kind of arrangement reproduces in a bles, the chestnut woods, the forest, etc.) hybrid and modernised fashion the ancient and has access to an individual share of socio-economic structure of Central Italy the earning generated by their use. peasant villages. It plays a major role not However, the bulk of the money generated only in enhancing access to unevenly dis- by the enterprise is managed collectively tributed natural resources, but to pay debts or make new investments also in preventing conflicts and As it was for according to needs, opportunities, and managing those that can not be the family contingencies. Slow but steady accumula- avoided. Gossips (which are tion is indeed a major goal of this petty- abundant in La Somma) are an farmland of capitalist neo-rural enterprise. important component of this ancient system, as they often prevent Umbrian peas- It is important to stress that from a finan- “bad things” (such as animals ants, La cial point of view La Somma would not getting “lost”, over-exploitation Somma has, work if a regular monthly salary was paid of forest resources and pasture for its contem- to each one of the ten individuals that unlicensed building, drunken- porary owners, work on a full or part time basis for the ness, forest fires, unsafe driving turned into a enterprise. The secret of La Somma’s eco- and violence) from happening. repository of nomic success is thus the mobilisation of Gossips also maintain and dis- symbolic capi- the extended family’s social capital (i.e., perse knowledge of what is hap- those immaterial assets like trust, respect, pening on the territory allowing tal. friendship and love that make all members for the limitation of encroachment by “dan- of the Bevilacqua family behave in a coop- gerous” outsiders (such as rural real estate erative manner to earn a livelihood and speculators and tour operators). For achieve security and welfare). Social capi- instance, nobody in the area would sell

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 111 History, culture and conservation

property or clear forest without having and girls are proud to contribute to the informally consulted with relatives and family enterprise, and shouting and punish- neighbors involved in this social network. ment are rarely needed.

To work, social capital needs to be inter- This practice highlights and promotes values nalised within a system of values, attitudes such as responsibility, accountability, and and patterns of behavior. The way in which cooperation among family members and a children are reared in La Somma illustrates positive attitude towards life. Children grow this process. As mentioned above Agostino’s up knowing that family will always assist and Giancarlo’s sons and daughters have them and feeling a strong ownership of the precise responsibilities in the family enter- family enterprise. For them La Somma is prise according to their age, working capaci- not just “daddy’s business”: it is their ty and interest and are entitled to a share future. Still, each one is left relatively free of the income generated by that particular to follow his or her vocation: Agostino’s activity. Task allocation follows both seniori- elder son Andrea, who was not very good ty and gender lines. Elder brothers and sis- at school, has become a well known horse ters are responsible for more time-intensive jumping specialist and instructor, with a and remunerative jobs and supervise the record of several national trophies. On the work of their younger siblings. All are other hand, Cristina, Giancarlo’s elder expected to work accurately and efficiently, daughter, received a diploma as a pony and to assist others when their tasks prove instructor and went to the U.K. to learn more time consuming or difficult than English in order to deal with the increasing expected. Everybody should be ready to number of foreign tourists that spend a few mobilise in case of emergency. Moreover, days in La Somma. Also for these young working should not interfere too much with adults the family enterprise is thus some- children and teenagers school duties. As a thing more than a job. It is the ground where their personal expectations and dreams can grow in harmony with a solid network of primary social relationships. As the family farmland for ancient Umbrian peasants, La Somma has, for them, turned into a repository of symbolic capital. But how does La Somma impact on the local natural environment? And how do its neo-peasant owners look at conservation issues? To answer these ques- tions, it must be stressed that La Somma’s the management of the 35 negative envi- hectares of forest owned by the ronmental family follows Zi’ Bruno’s impact is thus forestry practice described quite limited. Figure 4. Horse-trekking to Spoleto (Courtesy above. There is no over-cutting On the other Patrizio Warren) of trees, no over-grazing, no hand, the enter- over-hunting and no over col- prise generates result, kids do no hot have much time to lection of mushrooms. As wit- several positive play at La Somma and chances for nessed by frequent encounters teenagers to fool around are rather limited. with wild mammals (such as environmental However, this is not a coercive system. Boys porcupine, fox, badger, hare externalities.

112 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

and wild boar), biodiversity is still rich in the est ecology goes far beyond emergency sit- property. Moreover, farm animals are bred uations. Selective cutting of trees for fire- primarily with local products and grazing wood and posts allows more sunlight to land is fertilised with their dung. Chemical penetrate the forest and nurture the under- pollution is thus almost zero. For sure, growth. It also facilitates development of building the horse-riding center on the top bigger and healthier tree specimens and of the hill has entailed deforesting a critical slows down the propagation of pests and area. One may perceive the whole com- diseases. Partial replacement of the endem- pound as having a negative impact on the ic small-durmast coverage with chestnut landscape (at least until the oak-trees that plantations has facilitated the development have been re-planted on the excavated of glades where weed and mushroom earth will be fully grown). But the deforest- species grow and provides an important ed surface is less the 1/30 of the whole source of food for many wild local and property. birds. “Shadow grazing” of cattle and horses helps to fertilise the forest. Also wild bore La Somma’s negative environmental impact hunting contributes to the health of the is thus quite limited. On the other hand, the ecosystem by maintaining the population of enterprise generates several positive envi- this prolific (and intrusive) species within ronmental externalities. Importance of land- the forest’s carrying capacity limits. scape and forest resources makes all mem- Agostino, Giancarlo and the bers of the Bevilacqua family very sensitive other member of the People in La to environmental hazards and ready to Bevilacqua family are aware Somma perceive intervene in case of emergency. During the and proud of their role of for- the rhetoric of 2003 summer drought, a fire on the side of est managers. They are con- conservation as the asphalt road, probably triggered by a scious of having learned most nonsense. For lightened cigarette coil thrown out from a of their relevant skills from them nature is car window, threatened the edges of the Nonno Pietro, Zi’Bruno and forest. Agostino, who was around on horse- the other elders of capital that has to back, alerted the Forestry Guard Fire Acqualacastagna e be nurtured and Service with his mobile phone, but the Montebibbico. However they cultivated, so that operator answered that all the units were don’t see this knowledge as it will continue to already busy with other fires and that they static. They are instead open provide benefits would not be able to intervene immediately. to any innovation that might and profits Agostino spurred his horse towards the prove effective without entail- compound. In less then 30 minutes the big ing too much risk. tank cart utilised to carry water for horses was filled and harnessed to a tractor. All the Despite their deep care for the place, available extinguishers were collected and a nobody at La Somma likes the protectionist group of 15 volunteers assembled. It was a landscape, forest and wildlife conservation windy day and when the team reached the rhetoric that inspires national and regional place the fire was moving rapidly towards land use laws and regulations. Indeed for the forest. Notwithstanding, the intervention Agostino and Giancarlo the very concept of proved timely and effective enough to pre- “conservation” is nonsense: they firmly vent a major disaster. believe that land, plants and animals are there to be wisely used by men and women This accident clearly shows the role played in their struggle for a wealthy and peaceful by La Somma people in forest conservation. life. They stress that rural people whose Yet the contribution of the enterprise to for- livelihoods depend directly on these assets,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 113 History, culture and conservation

have no reason to over-exploit or destroy extract taxes and bribes from rural people. the natural environment. On the contrary, They feel that that there is not much they nature is for them a capital that has to be can do about it, except for keeping good nurtured and cultivated, so that it will con- personal relationships with the officers in tinue to provide dividends to its owner. This charge. This is why regional and municipali- is what Nonno Pietro and Zi’Bruno have ty officers always find at La Somma a coffee done, this is what is happening in La on the bar desk, a table in the restaurant, a Somma and this is how their sons and flat in the guesthouse or a good horse to daughters are being taught to behave in the ride. As their peasant ancestors did with future. landlords and tax collectors, Agostino and Giancarlo use the “weapons of the weak” to Of course, the two brothers know very well protect against the conservation bureaucra- that in Italy and in Umbria there are places cy that hinders them with specious rules where deforestation and agrochemical pollu- and interferes with their effort to improve tion have led to environmental disasters; their enterprise. where speculative parceling has trans- formed the countryside into fields of sec- What lessons can be drawn from this narra- ond-home condominiums; and where tive on the interplay between history, cul- unscrupulous entrepreneurs have taken ture and forest conservation in contempo- advantage of agro-tourism incentives and rary Umbrian upland? First, it is clear that facilities to build five star rural hotels with La Somma is a successful attempt to re-new tennis courts and swimming pools. Yet they the forest-based livelihood strategy of can not understand why the conservationist Acqualacastagna and Montebibbico peas- regulations which have been easily by- ants, threatened by the major economic passed in those instances continue to be and social change that took place in the applied so rigorously and blindly to them; region after World War II. From an histori- why they had to pass through long and cal perspective, introduction of horseback expensive bureaucratic procedures to get trekking and agro-tourism in the rural the permission to establish their own house household economy is equivalent to other and enterprise on their own land? Why they major adjustments that have occurred in should not be free to build a new stable for the past, such as chestnut semi-cultivation horses or a wooden cottage to host tourists, if this is needed? Why they are forbidden to open a new track to extract firewood from a poorly accessible and under-exploited forest area?

As nobody in the town is able to provide convincing answers to these questions Agostino and Giancarlo are very suspicious about environmental laws and regulations. In particular, they are very resistant to the local Mountain Community project of estab- lishing a Regional Park in the area, which they see as an additional source of troubles for their enterprise. The believe that, at the end of the day, talks about forest and land- scape conservation are just excuses to Figure 5. In the durmast forest (Courtesy Patrizio Warren)

114 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

(which was adopted at the beginning of the selves to be the only stakeholders fully enti- XIX century). This capacity to adapt tled and really competent to make sound exploitation of natural capital to changing forest management decisions. They perceive historical conditions is evidence of the conservation laws and regulation as a dis- dynamic and evolutionary character of turbing, useless and expensive paper work. Umbrian peasant livelihood systems. The paradox is that these laws and regula- tions have been designed precisely to oblige The story also suggests that the success of and motivate people to do in the name of La Somma as an enterprise depends not environmental conservation what the only on the wise use of natural capital, but Bevilacqua are already doing with the pri- also on mobilisation of the intangible capital mary aims of enhancing their wealth, assets embedded in local social and cultural improving the quality of their life and repro- background. Most of the know-how that the ducing their cultural identity. Bevilacqua family is using for managing for- est and breed animals has been inherited As policy does matter, some questions for from the previous generations (and is being national and regional conservation policy- transmitted to the new ones). Extended makers arise from these considerations: family social capital plays a pivotal role in how can conflicts between land manage- the economy of enterprise. Persisting “peas- ment bureaucracy and new rural livelihoods, antish” values, attitudes and pattern of such as that illustrated in this paper, be behavior continue to be essential factors in dealt with? Can collaborative relationships ensuring the cohesion and loyalty among among authorities, small entrepreneurs and household members needed to make the other actors be established and nurtured in new business work. Notwithstanding the the context of rural central Italy? Is it possi- adoption of new productive technologies ble to devolve natural resource manage- and a pattern of consumption largely influ- ment responsibilities to competent rural (or enced by the industrial society in which neo-rural) people, while maintaining a strict their lives take place, the Bevilacqua’s liveli- (or even stricter) control over speculative hoods are largely based on the same assets forms of forest and landscape exploitation? that allowed traditional Umbrian peasants to How can sound collaborative management survive and prosper. Their new “ruralness”, processes, based on the ‘conservation-by- is indeed a syncretic construct melding tra- use principle’ be promoted in this social dition with innovation in a new synthesis. environment? The experience of the Bevilacqua family suggests that there is Sustainable use of forest resources is one of plenty of room to find workable answers to the primary elements of continuity between these questions. traditional peasant farming and the new enterprise. Like Zi’ Bruno and Nonno Pietro, the new generations of Bevilacqua depend Patrizio Warren ([email protected]) teaches so heavily on forest and landscape that applied and development anthropology at the there is no point for them to abuse these post-graduate course in anthropology of the resources. Their interest is rather to nurture Università di Roma I, “La Sapienza”. He works as and protect an environment that attracts an independent consultant for FAO, the European horse-trekkers and tourists, feed horses, Union, and several Italian NGOs. Since 1993 he generate additional income and supply their has been contributing to several IUCN publications table with tasty foods. As owners of their on co-management of natural resources. Patrizio is ancestral land, the Bevilacqua believe them- a member of CEESP/CMWG

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 115 History, culture and conservation

Ideas, history and continuity in the practice of power— the case of wildlife management in Zambia

Ilyssa Manspeizer

Abstract: This paper contends that there is continuity between those ideas that underpin both the impo- sition of exclusionary conservation during colonial times in Northern Rhodesia and the creation of commu- nity-based natural resource management programs in independent Zambia. These ideas are based upon a “grammar of difference” that distinguished between Africans and Europeans in colonial times, but today distinguishes among rural Africans and African state authorities, NGOs and non-African donors. Marks of distinction in both cases involve the assumption that rural Africans are closely connected to nature and, as such, unable to make rational decisions on their own behalf. This justifies continued external decision- making on their behalf and a failure to devolve real authority to rural Zambians.

not human.2 Europeans located their own Zambia is an area with a rich pre-colo- past in Africa’s present. Achebe3 believes that Europeans have a “need” to “set Africa nial history related to long distance trade, up as a foil to Europe” so that they can the development and disappearance of king- “cast a backward glance periodically at doms, and innovations in land management Africa trapped in primordial barbarity” and and artistic technologies. This grammar of dif- “say with faith and feeling: there go I but While Portuguese, Arab for the grace of God.” Because of these ference underlies cer- and Swahili traders had feared connections, differences needed to tain ideas that have operated in the area for be constantly maintained and defined, lead- long informed hundreds of years, trading ing to the continual “crafting” of a “gram- European-AAfrican in slaves and wildlife mar of difference” to prove European claims relations – a paternal- products, Christian mis- of superiority4 and justify a wide range of istic belief that sionaries began arriving on a permanent basis in mistreatment, from slav- If Africans, because of Africans could not ery to colonialism to the 1870s, and the pre- their close connections make rational deci- expulsion from protected sions on their own cursor to British colonial to nature, could not administration arrived areas. behalf and a deep- make rational deci- only in the last decade of This grammar of differ- sions about resource seated belief that the 19th century. The ence underlies certain management and use, Africans were some- British South Africa ideas that have long how rooted in nature. Company (BSAC), a the colonial authorities informed European- British chartered company, ruled what would have to make African relations – a became Northern Rhodesia until 1924, when these decisions on their paternalistic belief that British colonial rule was instated. behalf Africans could not make rational decisions on their own behalf and a Separation and differentiation were an inte- deep-seated belief that Africans were some- gral part of British colonial rule. Therefore, how rooted in nature. Both of these ideas British colonialists looked at Africans as a continue to inform how CBNRM is practiced reversal of their own “Europeanness,” and 5 ultimately everything that was not in Zambia today. British colonialists saw themselves as responsible for bringing civili- European,1 and often everything that was

116 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

sation to their colonies, an idea that was set praise of the “exceptionally clever hunters” out in the Pax Britannica. This “evangelical he found there.10 However, the respect imperialism” enabled the British to establish Letcher holds for Bemba hunting skills is not not “a world empire in the bad Napoleonic born out of an admiration for African hard sense, but a Moral Empire of loftier intent.”6 work in becoming skillful hunters, but rather Africans were imagined as child-like, in con- an assumption that all Africans are innately tradistinction to the attributes that defined a good hunters. ‘proper’ Victorian British (male) adult – hav- “It is not to be wondered at that the aver- ing “self-control, virtuous character, and age Central African native is a hunter of rational mind,” while Africans, like children consummate skill and ability. There is a were “ignorant, impulsive, irresponsible, and hereditary instinct bred in him to hunt, a without powers of reason.”7 Seeing Africans legacy of many centuries of forefathers.” 11 as childlike helped justify the paternalistic Thus just as a lion must come to the world attitude adopted by many later colonial “pre-packaged” with outstanding hunting authorities and settlers who denied that skills, so too (it was believed) did Africans – Africans had the ability to make decisions on so inherently part of nature that they, unlike their own behalves. However, it is only when the colonial powers, could not distinguish considering these attitudes in relation to between themselves and the natural world. others, like the assumed African connection to nature, that we can clearly see how Because Africans were regarded as so intrin- Africans were (and continue to be) effec- sically part of nature, British colonialists jus- tively excluded from natural resources. tified their exclusion from a romanticised and sanitised nature because as “savages” Early in the colonial period African hunters they could never intellectualise and appreci- were often, although by no means always, ate the beauty of this nature.12 Thus, seeing idealised, as, not only wonderful hunters, Africans as inherently a part of nature, com- but as essentially primitive enough to be bined with the paternalistic attitudes of the part of nature. As early as the sixteenth colonial enterprise, helped to justify the century the idea was developed that the removal of Africans from what would ulti- African was the ‘natural man’, living wild in mately become protected areas. If Africans, his ‘untamed nature;’8 by the nineteenth because of their close connections to century the ‘savage’ African was a well nature, could not make rational decisions established topos in European culture.9 The about resource management and use, the view that Africans, unlike Europeans (at colonial authorities would have to make least of a certain class), were unable to sep- these decisions on their behalf. arate themselves from Both CBNRM as prac- nature, helped create Despite colonial contentions to the contrary, ticed in independent the idealised view of the geographic area that is today known as Zambia today and the African hunting held by Zambia has long provided not only an participatory rhetoric of many early settlers and important wildlife habitat, but also opportu- the past are based upon hunters. Owen Letcher, nities for people to manage the wildlife a grammar of differ- an early European set- resources. Although the primacy of wildlife ence that infantilises tler and hunter, who to these inhabitants seems to vary across the ‘native’ […] and had arrived in South both time and space, wildlife, fish, and wild Africa in 1904 and ulti- plants have always been important nutri- find in this a justifica- mately worked his way tional and economic supplements to local tion to remove decision north to the Luangwa agricultural diets and incomes,13 with trade making authority from Valley (eastern Zambia) in wildlife resources being traced to the 5th them wrote with consummate

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 117 History, culture and conservation

century AD. Although Derricourt14 claims Game licenses they issued, and from fines that the importance of wildlife resources in paid for breaking Game Laws, but they were rural areas fell off with the imposition of also expected to monitor illegal use of colonial wildlife regulations, wildlife wildlife. However, this level of “involvement,” resources are still widely consumed and is at best superficial. In the end, these con- traded throughout Zambia today.15 However, cerns often did not wind up benefiting some significant changes towards wildlife “native inhabitants” in any considerable access occurred during the colonial period. way,24 since district commissioners regularly Although customary law had long controlled overruled native authorities, denying them African access to wildlife resources,16 it was real decision making authority.25 While not until colonial rule that this access was clearly not an ideal form of participatory conceived of within a legal framework. As conservation, “empowerment” as it is used colonial laws began to be instated, one of today, “seems oddly like the operation of the primary effects on many Africans was ‘Indirect Rule’ in British colonial Africa.”26 the attempt to eliminate access to wildlife Thus, how CBNRM is practiced in independ- and other natural resources by removing ent Zambia today may not be that far them from what would become protected removed from the participatory rhetoric of areas, disallowing Africans to own firearms, the past. Both are based upon a grammar or policing rural areas to ensure of difference that infantilises the ‘native’. compliance.17 While justified as necessary Both contend that ‘natives’ have a special conservation steps, African alienation from connection to nature and simultaneously wildlife resources was as often a way for praise this connection, while using it as jus- colonial authorities to protect European tification to remove decision making authori- hunting access18 and control rural popula- ty from those who live closest to the natural tions.19 resources.

When the British took over colonial rule they Zambian independence introduced a system of indirect rule. Within The British ruled Northern Rhodesia until this system, “Native Authorities” made up of the country was briefly federated with Chiefs and their Councils, were charged with Southern Rhodesia and Nyasaland (Malawi) spreading colonial rule throughout Northern in 1953. Independence was achieved in Rhodesia. Despite paternalistic claims, 1964. Almost since the beginning of inde- British indirect rule was more about control- pendence, the Zambian economy has been ling large territories on a tight budget than troubled,27 opening the door for significant about allowing the “native” to “stand on his donor involvement in the national decision- own feet”20 or finding locally appropriate making process.28 This involvement has administrative structures.21 Once estab- come in the form of a neo-liberal democracy lished, conservation regulations and protect- that demands good governance and ed areas were ostensibly managed through accountability from African states,29 these Native Authorities, in what some have demanding African leaders continuously claimed was a precursor to later CBNRM prove they are not corrupt, inept or child- efforts. Astle, a retired agriculture (1959- like, thus reproducing the grammar of differ- 1965) and wildlife officer (1965-73), ence that had marked European-African believes that the “Provincial Administration relations during colonial times. placed great importance on involving local people.”22 According to him23 native authori- Wildlife conservation and utilisa- ties were consulted on all developments, tion in independent Zambia received a percentage of the revenues gen- erated from the protected area, from the In Zambian conservation, there has been a

118 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

sea change in official conservation policy accomplish. over the past 20 years as the Zambian Wildlife Authority (ZAWA) moved from offi- “Evidence of traditional values returning to cially excluding rural people from conserva- rural areas may be renewed story telling tion areas to officially including them as and folklore about wildlife, especially by the both beneficiaries and managers in local elders in the villages. Younger people may conservation efforts.30 The Zambian Wildlife seek the company of village scouts and Act of 1998 codified much of this shift. This aspire to be scouts themselves — as much, latest wildlife legislation not only created a perhaps, as village hunters once were role semi-autonomous Zambia Wildlife Authority, models. Animal products may reassume but also legislated the move from protec- medicinal or symbolic values. Should such tionist conservation to community-based traditional attitudes and values return with natural resource management. While com- increased confidence and willingness among munities had in fact been part of wildlife residents to share their lands with wildlife, the prospects for African conservation are bright.” 31

The excitement and sincerity that suffused these early attempts at CBNRM is palpable; while at the same time it carries with it bit- ter echoes of the past. One can almost hear the, “occa- Once the members of sional happy laugh” of “the the community children of nature” as resource board are described by Wilson32 in elected they are 1964 in his description of required to follow a Zambians on the eve of inde- sustained training pendence. These images Figure 1. Zambian tourists look out over Victoria continue to draw upon ideas programme […] no Falls (Courtesy Brian Cohen). about rural Africans that see comparable programs “them” as inseparable from exist for donors, the conservation in Zambia in an ad hoc way for nature and stuck in history, a safari industry or a long time, through programs like ADMADE perspective that denies any state authorities. (Administrative Management Design) and sort of pre-colonial or colonial LIRDP/SLAMU (Luangwa Integrated Rural historical perspective. Although (perhaps) Development Programme/ South Luangwa intended to emancipate, these notions have Management Unit), the 1998 Act institution- achieved similar results to those held earlier alised community-based conservation as a since a-historical and naturalised ideas management principle for all land designat- about Africans have consistently infantilised ed as Game Management Areas (GMAs) in “the other” in the minds of the more power- Zambia. ful. In the past these ideas have justified slavery, colonialism and the exclusion of I would like to argue, however, that from Africans from protected areas. Today, they the start community-based conservation continue to inform the paternalistic (CBC) has been based strongly upon a approach of CBNRM in Zambia, denying grammar of difference that draws upon the rural Zambians real control over the deci- construction of the “natural African.” This is sion-making process. evident in an early prediction of what CBC programs would supposedly be able to CBNRM in Zambia is based upon the poten-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 119 History, culture and conservation

tial for partnership among rural communi- ing to rural community members. The col- ties, tour operators, and ZAWA to earn sig- lege trains 700 community residents a year, nificant revenue from a well-managed provides 15 accredited courses, and sup- wildlife estate – a formula that closely fol- ports an extension staff to reinforce these lows that laid out by donors supporting a skills (Lewis 1999:1). Its primary mission is neo-liberal development agenda. For “to provide communities with skills needed donors, partnerships ideally take the form to fully participate in, contribute to, and proposed by the World Bank in their 1998- benefit from” (Lewis 1999:3) the local 1999 World Development Report, of a joint CBNRM programme. Once the CRB are action between the local state, civil society, elected, “a sustained training programme is and businesses.33 This formula was followed required to enable the CRB to meet all of its closely in the Zambia Wildlife Act, where the legal obligations to ZAWA” (ADMADE framework for CBNRM was predicated upon Sustainability Project 1999:5) through train- building a cooperative relationship between ing programs that focus upon fiscal account- the hunting safari industry (businesses) and ability, conducting rural needs assessments, representatives of local communities (civil conducting self-surveillance for wildlife utili- society) that lived in or near to Game sation, and fulfilling their promise to the Management Areas under the guidance of rural community, ZAWA, and the safari the Zambian Wildlife Authority. The Zambia industry. There are no comparable training Wildlife Act of 1998 calls for a locally demo- programs for donors, the safari industry or cratically elected Community Resource state authorities. However, because rural Board (CRB), acting on behalf of the local Zambians still contend with the notion that community, to “negotiate, in conjunction they are connected to nature in a way that with the Authority [ZAWA], co-management makes them incapable of “rational” decision- agreements with hunting outfitters and pho- making, they are compelled to undergo tographic tour operators.”34 These co-man- training and allow out- agement agreements are intended to pro- siders to make important the boundaries of any vide hunting outfitters access to a pre- decisions about local negotiations with rural determined quota of wildlife found within resources. Thus, the bur- residents were set long den of a workable the GMA in exchange for the CRB receiving before CBNRM pro- a portion of the license fees paid by hunting CBNRM is placed firmly clientele to hunt wildlife in the GMA. In on rural communities grams were initiated – return, the CRB will use this money to because they must con- benefits were to come develop the local area and to ensure that stantly shoulder the bur- in the form of econom- local residents do not participate in illegal den of difference they ic development, not in resource use. The rhetoric continues that, if have inherited from pre- rights of access to the successful co-management agreements are vious relations with out- wildlife resource or in negotiated in the country’s GMAs, not only siders. any other way that could ZAWA direct its limited resources rural groups might As a result, CBNRM in towards managing and protecting its vast decide as more appro- National Park system, but local communities Zambia does not empow- priate or meaningful would benefit economically and travel down er rural Zambians to the golden path to development.35 make decisions about the wildlife resources that are appropriate to Certainly rhetoric does not always concur their circumstances. Rather it reinforces a with reality, and these partnerships are not grammar of difference between rural based upon equal treatment. This is evi- Zambians and other groups interested in denced by The African College for CBNRM wildlife conservation and utilisation in and the role it plays in providing skills train- Zambia. In fact, the rhetoric of participation

120 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

found in the Zambia Wildlife Act obscures residents were set long before CBNRM pro- how “participation” in fact occurs – first, grams were initiated – benefits were to people become accomplices to a process in come in the form of economic development, which decisions have already been made; not in rights of access to the wildlife second, the role of the agency that made resource or in any other way that rural these decisions (ZAWA and other state and groups might decide as more appropriate or donor authorities) is obscured, making it meaningful.42 Electoral/ representative appear that decisions are made by “partici- democracy— the donors’ favorite vehicle for pants” (rural communities through the incorporation— is the current governance CRBs); and third, those making the deci- mechanism deemed appropriate for CBNRM sions are ultimately concerned with reducing in Zambia. Finally, community members are the cost of the project, not with addressing forced to police and monitor their own activ- social (and in this case conservation) issues ities in order to achieve some external — which are viewed as only raising obsta- notion of “civility.” cles.36 Conclusion Despite CBNRM proponents’ declarations If rural dwellers have not achieved any real that CBNRM officials do “not dictate the devolution of authority to make decisions methods used to achieve reconciliation over their lives, we need to question between wildlife and rural residents’ inter- whether or not CBNRM as it is practiced in 37 ests,” this is exactly what they have done. Zambia today is any radical departure from The failure to devolve real authority over claims of participation by colonial authori- wildlife to rural residents is a problem that ties. I believe they are in fact linked, not has been noted throughout the world. As in only by a failure to devolve real authority, many CBNRM programs, local community but by shared ideas that have informed how involvement is often at best superficial and each was created and devised, and the form does not actually empower diverse commu- they took once created. Initially both nities to control either their own resources CBNRM and colonial conservation were or their own futures, and it is in part this lack of real decision-making ability that has kept CBNRM programs from working.38 The failure to devolve real authority in the Zambian case is evidenced in, for example, the rural community’s inability to freely choose representatives without restric- tions;39 to adequately influence the safari tender process; to influence quota setting exercises; to opt out of tourism as the main source of community income; and to secure the funds that are due (and long overdue) them.40 Thus, CBNRM proponents have both created the structure that “promotes” rural participation and restricts it by dictating its rules. In Zambia, CBNRM programs conceive Figure 2. Through the eyes of a tourist (Courtesy of wildlife as an economic resource to be Brian Cohen). exploited by tourists41 (and consumptive tourism is the preferred method). Thus the based upon ideals of a romantic sense of boundaries of any negotiations with rural African connections to nature. In the 1980s,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 121 History, culture and conservation

CBNRM was seen as a “more African” way be explained simply as a colonial legacy. of conserving wildlife,43 while colonial poli- Asymmetries of power continue, and those cies were built upon the assurance that in power today (in both North and South) Africans were inherently bound to nature, are responsible for their actions. As anthro- primitive and savage. In the realm of colo- pologists and conservationists, we may wish nial conservation this meant that Africans, to distinguish and remove ourselves from despite their close connections to nature our colonial ancestors; but we must not do had to be separated out from nature that by “silencing” history.46 Rather we must because they were not capable of rationally be open to what our search reveals. managing the resource base. Within the sphere of CBNRM in Zambia today, these Some social scientists and historians who ideas exist in a less exaggerated form, but have prodded the past in this way are com- nonetheless with serious implications for ing up with results that may disturb our rural Zambians, justifying the role of CBNRM sense of a historical break in practice. For proponents as “trustees” for rural Africans, example, Elliot47 found that despite signifi- who cannot be trusted to honestly manage cant policy changes, there has been sub- either the natural resources or the financial stantial continuity in soil conservation prac- benefits that come from these resources. tice between colonial Rhodesia and These organisations have adopted the role Independent Zimbabwe. While Neumann,48 of caretaker, acting on behalf of an infan- almost apologetically, presents his findings tilised rural community until, through ade- that because postcolonial governments quate “sensitisation” and training, they defended their actions according to the become fiscally responsible, hold their dem- greater “public good” of “national develop- ocratically elected leaders accountable, and ment,… the postcolonial state has imple- ultimately will be allowed by more powerful mented wildlife conservation policies using actors to manage what they have been told means that were shunned as politically inex- are their own resources. pedient by colonial governors and secre- The strengthening of neo-liberal policies in taries of state for the colonies.” As a result wildlife conservation has seen a rebirth of there has been more violence, for example, traits that include the paternalistic relations against people living in and around that guided wildlife conser- where people reside, Tanzania’s protected areas during the post- vation in colonial times. It is colonial era, than prior to independence. their ethnicity, this similarity of devolving Perhaps Neumann was concerned that he nationality, class, or responsibility, rather than would be taken to task for supposedly sym- education level […] authority, which most clear- pathizing with the colonisers. This is the are understood as ly connects Zambian case with Grove49 whose extensive exami- representing a group CBNRM directly to that of nation of the role colonial officers played in that is either naïve the Northern Rhodesian creating a conservation ethic, has been criti- or thoughtful, sav- Colonial authorities. The cised, not because it is wrong, but rather age or civilised, tra- commonalities between because it appears sympathetic to the colonial and postcolonial 50 ditional or modern, colonisers. As a result, we must be careful Africa are important,44 and natural or cul- of our own sense of censorship when we although sometimes painful, reach unpopular conclusions. These com- tured. to point out. This is per- monalities are important to remember, not haps an unpopular view because it suggests because they elevate colonialists or deni- post-colonial states, donors, and NGOs are grate post-colonialists, but rather, because responsible for some of the problems that of what this tells us about the how certain continue to befall developing nations. As ideas may be present and manipulated by Gledhill45 claims, the ills of the world cannot

122 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

both the powerful and the weak through Notes time. 1 Hammond and Jablow, 1977:16; Mudimbe, 1994; Pieterse, 1992:30-39. 2 Hammond and Jablow, 1977:23. I am not here necessarily laying claims of 3 Achebe, 1978:2,13. racism at the feet of donor, NGO and state 4 Cooper and Stoler, 1997:7. 5 My conclusions should in no way reflect upon the hard officials. Rather, conceptions about race and work and dedication of CBNRM proponents in Zambia, difference change over time, and must be many of whom I respect greatly. On the contrary, it is examined historically as malleable factors of submitted in the hope of giving us pause for thought about the direction, aims and future of CBNRM in life.51 Even though there is undoubtedly Zambia. continuity in the ideas and the structure 6 James Morris quoted in Hochschild, 1999:212. 7 that the postcolonial has inherited from the Hammond and Jablow, 1977:64-65. 8 Mudimbe, 1994:4. colonial, these ideas are used and manipu- 9 Neumann, 1998:128-129; Pieterse, 1992:34f. lated in ways specific to the postcolonial 10 Letcher, 1987:244. 11 condition. Thus, although these ideas reap- Letcher, 1987:255 italics added. 12 Neumann, 1998:108. pear in independent Zambia, they are not 13 Derricourt, 1985:126. simply spewed out as repetitive verse, but 14 Derricourt, 1985:126. in ways that are relevant to the logic of the 15 Gibson, 1999; Manspeizer, 2004; Marks, 1984. 16 Marks, 1976; Morris, 2000. time and place in which they are used. 17 Anderson and Grove, 1987; Marks, 1984. Thus, race – as a measure of physical differ- 18 MacKenzie, 1988. ence – may play less of a role in independ- 19 Neumann, 2001. 20 Iliffe, 1979:326, quoted in Neumann 1998. ent Zambia than it did in colonial Northern 21 Bratton, 1980 for northeast Zambia; Crehan, 1997 for Rhodesia. However, the category of the northern Zambia. “other” continues to be actively employed to 22 Astle, 1999:52. 23 Astle, 1999:52. distinguish between different groups. As a 24 Neumann, 1998:104-105. result, actors within the wildlife sector still 25 Virmani, 1989. maintain a grammar of difference about 26 James, 1999:14. 27 Saasa and Carlsson, 1996. other groups according to a bundling of 28 Abrahamsen, 2000. traits that may include physical differences, 29 Townsend, Porter, and Mawdsley, 2002:83. but are more likely to center upon where 30 Astle, 1999; Gibson, 1999; Lewis and Carter, 1993; Marks, 1991. people reside, their ethnicity, nationality, 31 Lewis, 1993:97. class, or education level. Each of these traits 32 Wilson, 1964. is then understood as representing a group 33 Townsend, Porter, and Mawdsley, 2002:833. 34 Zambia Wildlife Act, 1998. that is either naïve or thoughtful, savage or 35 Zambia Wildlife Act, 1998. civilised, traditional or modern, and natural 36 Ferradas, 1998:21. or cultured. This is evident in the myriad 37 Lewis and Carter, 1993:87. 38 Agrawal and Gibson, 2001; Ghimire and Pimbert, 1997. relations between donors, the state, rural 39 CRB members are restricted to those above a certain age actors, and the safari industry and how they with a minimum education requirement, so that CRB continue to approach wildlife conservation members will be both elder representatives and are able to read and write in English. and utilisation in Zambia. 40 Manspeizer, 2004. 41 ADMADE Sustainability Project, 1999:5. Ilyssa Manspeizer ([email protected]) 42 Garland, 1999:80. 43 Lewis and Carter, 1993. is a recipient of a STAR research Fellowship and 44 Ranger, 1996:273. has recently completed her dissertation in the 45 Gledhill, 1994:70. anthropology department at Binghamton 46 Trouillot, 1995. 47 Elliot, 1991. University, New York. Following a temporary leave 48 Neumann, 2001:322-323. in her other job as mother, she will be looking to 49 Grove, 1995. return to full-time conservation employment. 50 Daniels, 1997. 51 Wade, 2002.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 123 History, culture and conservation

References Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa, Houghton Mifflin “The Zambia Wildlife Act, 1998,” Republic of Zambia Company, Boston (MASS), 1999. Government, Government Printing Press, Lusaka, Zambia, James, W., “Power in the postmodern era”, in The anthropolo- 1998. gy of power: empowerment and disempowerment in Abrahamsen, R., Disciplining Democracy: Development changing structures, vol. 36, ASA monographs, Routledge, Discourse and Good Governance in Africa, Zed Books, 1-12, London and New York, 1999. London and New York, 2000. Letcher, O., Big game hunting in north-eastern Rhodesia. Achebe, C. “An image of Africa”, Research in African Peter Capstick adventure Library, St. Martin’s Press, Inc., Literatures, 9:1-15, 1978. New York (NY), 1987. ADMADE Sustainability Project, Investment Proposal for the Lewis, D., and N. Carter eds.), Voices from Africa: Local ADMADE Programme, ADMADE, 1999. Perspectives on Conservation, WWF Publications, Baltimore Agrawal, A., and C. C. Gibson eds.), Communities and the (MD), 1993. Environment: Ethnicity, Gender, and the State in MacKenzie, J. M., The Empire of Nature: Hunting, Community-Based Conservation, Rutgers University Press, Conservation and British Imperialism. Studies in New Brunswick, New Jersey, 2001. Imperialism, Manchester University Press, Manchester Anderson, D., and R. Grove eds.), Conservation in Africa: peo- (UK),1988. ple, policies and practice, Cambridge University Press, Manspeizer, I., Considering Wildlife Conservation in Zambia at Cambridge, 1987. the Turn of the Millennium. Ph.D., Binghamton University, Bratton, M., The Local Politics of Rural Development: peasant State University of New York, 2004. and party-state in Zambia, University Press of New Marks, S. A., Large Mammals and a Brave People: Subsistence England, Hanover, New Hampshire, 1985. Hunters in Zambia. University of Washington Press, Seattle Cooper, F., and A. L. Stoler (eds.), Tensions of Empire: and London, 1976. Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World, University of — The Imperial Lion: Human Dimensions of Wildlife California Press, Berkeley (CA), 1997. Management in Central Africa, Westview Press, Boulder Crehan, K., The Fractured Community: Landscapes of Power (CO), 1984. and Gender in Rural Zambia. Perspectives on Southern — “Some Reflections on Participation and Co-management Africa, University of California Press, Berkeley (CA9, 1997. from Zambia’s Central Luangwa Valley,” 346-358 in West, Daniels, B. T., “Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, P.C. and S.R. Brechin eds.), Resident peoples and national Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism”, parks: social dilemmas and strategies in international con- 1600-1860. Book Review). Utopian Studies 8:145-149, servation, University of Arizona Press, Tucson (AZ),1991. 1997. Morris, B., Animals and Ancestors: An Ethnography, Berg, Derricourt, R., Man on the Kafue: The archaeology and histo- Oxford and New York, 2000. ry of the Itezhitezhi area of Zambia, Lillian Barber Press, Mudimbe, V. Y., The Idea of Africa. African Systems of Inc., New York (NY), 1985. Thought, Indiana University Press, Bloomington (IN), 1994. Elliot, J., “Environmental Degradation, Soil Conservation and Neumann, R. P., Imposing Wilderness: Struggles over the Colonial and Post-Colonial State in Rhodesia Livelihood and Nature Preservation in Africa. Vol. 4. /Zimbabwe”, in Dixon, C and M. Heffeman eds.) Colonialism California Studies in Critical Human Geography, University and Development in the Contemporary World, Mansell of California Press, Berkeley (CA), 1998. Publishing Limited, 72-91, London, 1991. Neumann, R. P., “Disciplining peasants in Tanzania: From Ferradas, C. A., Power in the Southern Cone Borderlands: An State Violence to Self-Surveillance in Wildlife Conservation,” Anthropology of Development Practice, Bergin & Garvey, in Peluso, N.L. and M. Watts, Violent Environments, Cornell Westport (CT), 1998. University Press, 305-327, Cornell University Press, Ithaca Garland, E., “Developing Bushmen: Building Civilised) Society (NY), 2000. in the Kalahari and Beyond,” in Comaroff, J and J.L. Pieterse, J. N., White on Black: Images of Africa and Blacks in Comaroff eds.), Civil Society and the Political Imagination in Western Popular Culture, London: Yale University Press, Africa: critical perspectives. University of Chicago Press, 72- New Haven,1992. 103, Chicago and London, 1999. Ranger, T., “Postscript: Colonial and postcolonial identities,” in Ghimire, K. B., and M. P. Pimbert, “Social Change and Warbner, R. and T. Ranger eds.), Postcolonial Identities in Conservation: an Overview of Issues and Concepts,” in Africa, Postcolonial Encounters, pp. 271-281, Zed Books Ghimire, K.B. and M.P. Pimbert (eds.), Social Change & Ltd., London and New Jersey, 1996. Conservation: Environmental Politics and Impacts of Ribot, J. C., “Decentralisation, participation and accountability National Parks and Protected Areas, Earthscan, London, in Sahelian forestry: Legal instruments of political-adminis- 1997. trative control”, Africa 69:23-65, 1999. Gibson, C. C., Politicians and poachers: the political economy Saasa, O., and J. Carlsson, The Aid Relationship in Zambia: a of wildlife policy in Africa. Political Economy of Institutions Conflict Scenari, The Institute for African Studies and the and Decisions, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Nordic Africa Institute, Lusaka, Zambia and Uppsala, (UK), 1999. Sweden, 1996. Gledhill, J., Power & its disguises: anthropological perspec- Townsend, J. G., G. Porter, and E. Mawdsley, “The Role of the tives on politics. Anthropology, culture, and society, Pluto Transnational Community of Non-Government Press, London, 1994. Organisations: Governance or Poverty Reduction?”, Journal Grove, R. H., Green imperialism: colonial expansion, tropical of International Development 14:829-839, 2002. island Edens and the origins of environmentalism, 1600- Virmani, K. K., Zambia: The Dawn of Freedom, Kalinga 1860. Studies in Environment and History, Cambridge Publications, Delhi, 1989. University Press, Cambridge (UK), 1995. Wade, P., Race, Nature and Culture: An Anthropological Hammond, D., and A. Jablow, The Myth of Africa, The Library Perspective of Social Science, New York (NY), 1977. Wilson, A. L., Doctor in a Dark Land: A Story of Missions in Hochschild, A., King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Africa, Zondervan Publishing House: Grand Rapids Michigan), 1964.

124 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice The cultural politics of conservation encounters in the Maya biosphere reserve, Guatemala

Juanita Sundberg

Summary. Neo-liberal re-structuring of economies and the contraction of the state has given non-gov- ernmental organisations (NGOs) and other international actors a great deal of say over the direction of conservation priorities and agendas. Consequently, NGOs have come to play a powerful role in shaping the cultural politics of conservation, in terms of defining the specific frameworks through which nature, environmental degradation, and appropriate human land relations are envisioned and acted upon. One of the most important ways in which NGOs shape the cultural politics of conservation is through the produc- tion of knowledge, in the form of technical studies, research reports, and project proposals. The knowl- edge produced then becomes the foundation for policy design and management plans, which in turn directly impact the lives of local groups. How do local actors, as individuals and collectives, engage with and mediate the discourses and practices of conservation? In this paper, I explore this question with a case study analysis of the encounters between United States-based environmental NGOs and local people in the Maya biosphere reserve, a protected area in Guatemala’s northern lowlands. In particular, I examine how two different social groups negotiate, contest, and appropriate the discourses and practices of con- servation NGOs. As I illustrate, the ways in which local actors are framed within NGO discourses have important implications for whether or not they are included in the reserve’s decision-making processes, with uncertain consequences for those groups whose environmental practices are deemed inappropriate to the goals of conservation.

tural politics of conservation, in terms of The last twenty years have witnessed a defining the specific frameworks through which nature, environmental degradation, boom in conservation, as evidenced by the and appropriate human land relations are increased number of protected areas as well envisioned and acted upon.3 as the emergence of national environmental state and non-governmental organisations.1 One of the most important ways in which The expanding reach of international con- NGOs shape the cultural poli- servation institutions drives this boom, rang- tics of conservation is One of the most ing from the United Nations’ Man and the through the production of important ways in Biosphere Programme to US based environ- knowledge, in the form of which NGOs shape mental non-governmental organisations technical studies, research the cultural poli- (NGOs) like the World Conservation Society reports, and project propos- and Conservation International. Many newly tics of conserva- als. The knowledge produced created protected areas are directly or indi- tion is through the then becomes the foundation rectly funded and/or managed by such production of for policy design and man- NGOs. knowledge, in the agement plans, which in turn directly impact the lives of form of technical In Latin American countries, neo-liberal re- local groups. How do local studies, research structuring of economies and the contrac- actors, as individuals and col- reports, and project tion of the state has given NGOs and other lectives, engage with and proposals international actors a great deal of say over mediate the discourses and the direction of conservation priorities and practices of conservation? In this paper, I 2 agendas. Consequently, NGOs have come explore this question with a case study to play a powerful role in shaping the cul- analysis of the encounters between United

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 125 History, culture and conservation

States-based environmental NGOs and local ment conservation and sustainable develop- people in the Maya biosphere reserve, a ment projects. Thus, NGOs played a very protected area in Guatemala’s northern low- powerful role in constituting discourses, lands. In particular, I examine how two dif- policies, and practices, especially in the first ferent social groups negotiate, contest, and six years of the project. My goal in analyz- appropriate the discourses and practices of ing the cultural politics of conservation dur- conservation NGOs. As I illustrate, the ways ing this period in the reserve’s history is to in which local actors are framed within NGO contribute to a broader understanding of discourses have important implications for the uneven implications of conservation whether or not they are included in the projects in the lives of local actors. Such an reserve’s decision-making circles. understanding is critical to the development of more equitable conservation policies. My analysis draws from my on-going field- work in the Maya biosphere reserve, which Cultural Politics: Approach & began in 1993.4 In this paper, I specifically Methodology address the initial years of the United States In focusing on the cultural politics of con- Agency for International Development’s servation, I treat culture and, by extension Maya Biosphere Project, which was the nature as on-going sites of political strug- most important source of funding in the gle. In other words, cultural and environ- reserve between 1990 and 2001. The proj- mental formations are seen as effects of ect contracted U.S.-based NGOs to imple- social relations, rather than pre-given, com- monsensical, or natural ways of being and thinking. Thus, I begin my analysis with the assumption that conceptions of resource management are necessarily culturally defined; they emerge within historically and geographically specific conditions. As Northern-based environ- mental organisations expand their reach, they employ culturally informed visions of nature and human land relations to make sense of the causes of and solutions for environmental degradation. As such, they inevitably privilege particular ways of seeing and engaging with nature, while marginalizing or silencing others.

In conservation projects, NGOs naturalise their visions through the production of knowledge, or empirical research describ- ing the biophysical environment and human land relations. Such studies are taken to be objective, unbiased and therefore true representations of the world as it really is.5 The specific sets of Figure 1. The Maya biosphere reserve accounts for social relations that empower NGOs in about one-third of Guatemala’s territory. (Cartography: Latin America, in conjunction with their Paul Jance) claims to technical expertise, impartiality,

126 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

The social relations and good will, work to pro- Maya biosphere reserve, with attention to that empower NGOs duce such knowledge as how they are elaborated, deployed, contest- in Latin America, truths about the natural ed, and appropriated. Using a two-pronged and their claims to and social world.6 approach, I draw upon textual analysis of technical expertise, NGO and government documents as well as impartiality, and However, my research ethnographic research undertaken between leads me to suggest that 1996 and 1997, including participant obser- good will, work to such research data should vation, semi-structured and structured inter- produce such knowl- not be understood as true views.8 After outlining the research context, edge as truths. Yet, reflections or mirrors of the first section focuses on NGO discourses my research leads me the world; rather, knowl- and illustrates how studies that profess to to suggest that […] edge is always partial, document natural resource management in knowledge is always selective, the product of the reserve also serve to fix cultural traits partial, selective, the particular configurations of and environmental practices as essential to product of particular power and knowledge.7 specific social groups. configurations of For example, studies on power about the natu- resource management pur- I then shift to an analysis of how two differ- ently positioned groups, peteneros (people ral and social world. port to document specific sets of practices as a basis of the Petén) and sureños (migrants from for decision-making. And yet, research cap- southern Guatemala) interact with these tures a moment in time and research discourses and practices. Petenero commu- reports tend to freeze this moment as the nities have been historically dependent way things are. In the process, particular upon forest collecting, thus conservationist practices become fixed and, through repeti- discourses position them as key to forest tion in policy documents, come to appear as conservation in the reserve. Sureños, on the traits essential to particular cultural groups. other hand, practice slash and burn agricul- ture and, consequently are framed as igno- Once attached to a particular group, these rant of appropriate human land relations. cultural and environmental traits are then Drawing upon my ethnographic research, I considered as a basis for determining which illustrate how each group, as individuals and groups are appropriate to the goals of con- collectives, engage with conservationist dis- servation and which are not. Such determi- courses as they attempt to deal with the nations also delineate who will be included material implications of changing power in or excluded from decision-making and structures and resource governance regimes who will or will not have access to natural in the reserve. resources. As they inform policy and plan- ning, conservationists’ truths directly impact Research Context: the Maya the lives of local groups. Biosphere Reserve In the popular imagination, the northern In this context, it is important to ask how lowland forests in the department of Petén local people, as individuals and collectives, have long been seen as a source of wealth; interact with these truths generated about for many, the region represented the coun- them. And, what are the implications for try’s future (Figure One).9 However, in the those social groups whose cultural traits and late 1980s, environmental activists revealed environmental practices are deemed inap- that the expansion of the cattle ranching propriate to the goals of conservation? To industry, logging, and migrant farming had get at these questions, I narrow in on the removed approximately 50 percent of the every day discourses of conservation in the Petén’s forest cover since the 1960s.10

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 127 History, culture and conservation

Moreover, government policy to colonise the Two). Although CONAP had the legal area, followed by internal displacements authority to implement the reserve, the resulting from Guatemala’s civil war, led to a state turned to the international community dramatic increase in the Petén’s population. for financial and administrative support. In In the mid-1960s, about 25,000 people Guatemala, as in other Latin American lived in the area; by 1990, the population countries, the shift to neo-liberal models of increased to 300,000 in 1990 and is cur- state-society relations and structural adjust- rently believed to be over 500,000.11 ment policies have meant that the state is unable or unwilling to provide many neces- Activism by concerned environmentalists sary social and environmental services.12 In from Guatemala and the United States led this context, the Guatemalan government to legislation creating a new system of pro- signed an agreement in 1990 with the tected areas and an administrative agency United States Agency for International responsible for its management: the Development (USAID) to fund and partici- National Council of Protected Areas pate in the reserve’s management. The USAID contracted three US- based international NGOs to carry out conservation proj- ects: The Nature Conservancy (TNC); Conservation International (CI); and CARE International.

The goal of the Maya Biosphere Project is to “improve the long-term eco- nomic well-being of Guatemala’s population through the rational manage- ment of the natural resources.”13 The primary goal of the reserve’s Master Plan is stated as follows: “...to yield a harmonious and sus- tainable development in the region, guaranteeing the sta- bility of the present natural and cultural resources.”14 The biosphere reserve model was Figure 2 The Maya biosphere reserve’s management zones. chosen in light of its stated (Cartography: Paul Jance) aim to make sustainable development compatible with nature protection.15 To achieve this goal, [Consejo Nacional de Areas Protegídas biosphere reserves are divided into nuclear (CONAP)]. This legislation established the zones with a high degree of protection; Maya biosphere reserve to protect 1.6 mil- multiple use zones that permit “traditional” lion hectares of tropical forest, rich with use; and buffer zones wherein sustainable diverse species of flora and fauna (Figure development projects are implemented to

128 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

improve environmental management. resources from the tropical forest” including chicle (gum or latex from Manilkara zapote), Producing Knowledge about xate (decorative palm fronds, Chamaedorea Conservation’s Actors elegans and C. oblongata), and allspice After the creation of the reserve, the NGOs (Pimienta dioica), worth 6 million US dollars 17 began putting together their staff, compiling per year. In subsequent proposals and data on the vegetation, soils, rates of defor- management plans, the extraction of natu- estation, and human-land relations, while ral resources from “natural ecosystems” is also establishing project goals. Project framed as key to the success of the 18 directors, staff, and consultants tended to reserve. be from the United States. Although few Guatemalans served as consultants, several Forest collecting is said to be a “traditional” individuals from the Petén were hired on- form of resource management and there- staff. Through their research, NGOs pro- fore an appropriate use within multiple use duced knowledge that served as the foun- zones. In addition, forest collecting is char- dation for projects designed to accomplish specific conservation goals.

In this section, I examine how studies define the primary actors appropriate to forest conservation strategies, while omit- ting or excluding other actors with stakes in the reserve, including conservationists themselves. As I illustrate, conservationist discourses fixate on Because they practice peteneros and sureños. slash and burn agri- This framing draws upon culture, conservation- a local/outsider binary, which is correlated with ist discourses frame knowledge of the bio- migrants as the pri- physical environment as Figure 3. Cattle Ranching in Petén. (Courtesy Juanita mary cause of defor- well as Sundberg) estation in the reserve, appropriate/inappropri- to the exclusion of ate human-land relations. acterised as being inherently conservation- other actors such as ist. For instance, Nations’ study suggests powerful cattle ranch- Conservationist discours- that harvesting non-timber forest products “promote[s] conservation and sustained use ers, loggers, and oil es define peteneros as of the Petén tropical forest. Knowing that companies. members of communities historically dependent their economic future lies in the sustained upon forest collecting; this category use of xate, chicle, and allspice, families includes ladino16 urban-based families who harvest these resources are strong pro- 19 whose positions of power are rooted in moters of forest protection.” In light of colonial era, as well as 20th century settle- such characterisations, peteneros are ments of ladino forest collectors. Prior to framed as key to the reserve’s success, the reserve’s creation, a study directed by which privileges them in relation to other anthropologist James Nations estimated that actors with stakes in the reserve’s natural 6,000 people in the northern Petén were resources. involved in collecting “renewable natural

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 129 History, culture and conservation

Peteneros are defined in relation to sureños their culture. The environmental practices of or immigrants from departments south of peteneros are framed as appropriate to the the Petén; the majority are ladinos from the goals of forest conservation, while migrant Oriente region and Q’eqchí from Alta and farmers are seen to have inappropriate Baja Verapaz (see Figure One). Because traits. As a consequence of such naturaliz- they practice slash and burn agriculture, ing discourses, peteneros have been privi- conservationist discourses frame migrants leged within conservationist discourses and as the primary cause of deforestation in the given a say in conservation policy-making reserve, to the exclusion of other actors processes. Migrant farmers, in contrast, such as powerful cattle ranchers, loggers, have been framed as ignorant of appropri- and oil companies.20 Indeed, 86 percent of ate resource management and therefore individuals from fifteen international and excluded from decision-making circles. national NGOs surveyed in 1995 responded that immigrants are responsible for the While these discourses have real implica- deterioration of the reserve.21 One predomi- tions in the lives of local people, my nant opinion in conservation and develop- research suggests that they should not be ment circles is that migrants slash and burn understood as true reflections of human- because they are unfamiliar with the land relations as they really are in the region’s ecology. For instance, one report Petén. Rather, conservationists’ truths are argues that the migrants come from differ- the product of particular configurations of ent regions of Guatemala where the ecolog- power, which have empowered certain ical conditions are very different; this is said groups to shape knowledge in ways that to “provoke a lack of understanding of the reflect their goals and interests.25 Indeed, appropriate methods of a sustainable use of a closer analysis of conservationist dis- the natural resources” in the tropical low- courses reveals the ways in which peten- lands.22 One study suggests: “the lush veg- eros have been able to shape the dis- etation leads people to believe, mistakenly, courses of conservation to reflect their that the land is extremely productive.”23 In interests. a recent article new immigrants are said to “cut down large tracts of for- est for extensive monocultiva- tion of corn and cattle ranch- ing because they are unfamil- iar with the traditional liveli- hood strategies of the old for- est society.”24

As these narratives illustrate, conservationist visions of how the reserve should be man- aged shape perceptions of social groups and their human land relations. Empirical docu- mentation of petenero and immigrants’ environmental practices is taken as evidence of fixed characteristics, which are understood as essential to Figure 4. Migrant Farmer. (Courtesy Kevin Bray)

130 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Petenero Discourses of sified as traditionally petenero; his cate- Harmonious Forest Management gorisations are based upon geographical The petenero/sureño binary neatly coin- location, age of settlement, but also par- 30 cides with, and in part reflects the percep- ticular ways of interacting with nature. tions and material interests of those who consider themselves to be peteneros. Soza correlates length of time in the Petén Many peteneros associate immigrants with with the adoption of appropriate environ- subsequent changes in land tenure mental practices, suggesting that natural regimes initiated by the state. In this peri- morals become apparent over time; thus od, public land was privatised and previ- peteneros are said to maintain “harmo- 31 ously usufruct rights to land came to nious relations: man-nature.” depend upon ability to pay; in the “Traditional” peteneros – whether forest process, many peteneros lost access to collectors, farmers, or teachers – are said land and natural resources.26 As the to have developed a “value system of eco- state’s presence expanded in the Petén, logical reciprocity: what one takes from peteneros experienced a loss of control the forest, one must return in some fash- 32 over the region’s future, a sentiment often ion.” As an example of such relations, manifest in Revista Petén-Itzá, a magazine peteneros in the communities of Carmelita produced by and for local elites.27 and Uaxactún are said to have “practiced agriculture only as a means of subsis- Moreover, due to changes in economy and tence; and as such, for economic reasons, demography, urban-based peteneros have they are aware of the need for environ- 33 shifted from subsistence and resource mental conservation.” based economies to employment in edu- cation, local government, administration, In contrast to peteneros, Soza suggests and tourism, thereby forming a middle that “sureños only care about intensive class.28 Because they had the education agriculture and if possible, ranching, and 34 and skills necessary for employment, the forest doesn’t matter to them.” He NGOs sought out many of these individu- wonders why “these people have destruc- als; as noted above, NGOs also presumed tive attitudes instead of taking advantage that peteneros naturally have a stake in of the forest and its benefits to them- conservation. Projects associated with the selves and others.”35 Indeed, they are said Maya Biosphere Project created important to be unable to recognise the value of sources of employment for peteneros. In precious hardwoods, which they simply turn, influential peteneros sought to shape burn for corn.36 the direction of conservation policy in ways that reflect issues of importance to Such narratives are reproduced and elabo- this group. rated by peteneros in the every day dis- courses of conservation. For example, Carlos Soza, a petenero who came to Oscar, an NGO staff member stated that: have a significant influence upon “The peteneros farmer has always planted Conservation International’s (CI) discursive primarily for subsistence, with a little extra representations and project designs – and thrown in to sell.” The immigrants on the eventually became the director of CI’s other hand, clear large areas; “They have local NGO, ProPetén – establishes clear a commercial, merchant mentality.” When distinctions between peteneros and immi- asked for clarification about the specific grants in his study of the reserve.29 Soza difference between the two groups’ envi- stipulates which communities can be clas- ronmental practices (size of the field,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 131 History, culture and conservation

management practices employed), Oscar Turrialba, Costa Rica approached commu- provided no evidence. Instead, he simply nity members about establishing a com- replied, “the immigrants are not familiar munity forestry concession. Approved in with the ecosystems here in Petén, the 1994, the concession gives the residents soils are poor, and people just don’t know rights to manage a 7,039 hectare area how to manage their parcels.” Narratives zoned for agriculture, sustainable forestry, such as this, I suggest, serve to highlight and forest conservation.38 why peteneros should be given positions of power within the reserve’s decision- From the start, the project framed com- making circles. munity members as unknowledgeable about appropriate resource management. In sum, peteneros were able to take For instance, CATIE’s stated goal was to advantage of the ways in which NGOs involve families in the “sustainable man- frame their environmental practices and agement of the area’s natural resources in cultural traits. Through employment in a way that permits them to better their NGOs, peteneros both influence and quality of life while collaborating in the appropriate conservationist discourses as conservation of nature.”39 A statement in a means of repositioning themselves in the Management Plan suggests that the relation to new structures of environmen- “community will gradually gain the experi- tal governance and power. ence needed to ensure the sustainable management of the resources under their Immigrants and Discourses of responsibility.”40 As these narratives sug- Lack gest, the CATIE project was conceptu- As noted, immigrants are framed as igno- alised as a means of teaching sustainable rant of the lowland forest environment practices to those lacking knowledge of and as practicing an inappropriate land appropriate practices. The notion of lack is use practices, namely slash and burn woven into the everyday discourses of farming. This has meant that migrants are conservation. For example, Marco, CATIE’s viewed as targets of sustainable natural director of community relations said, “we resource management projects, but not as have tried with these people, but they just participants in decision-making processes don’t have a culture of planting trees.” determining the reserve’s future. In this section, I focus on how one community of Because they are said to lack knowledge migrant farmers negotiated the discourses of appropriate management practices, the of conservation to achieve goals consis- project staff consistently exclude migrants tent with their own interests. from decision-making. Andrés’ comment about the project’s initial stages is indica- San Diego is a community of migrant agri- tive of how San Diego’s inhabitants view culturalists living within what is now the their exclusion from major decisions multiple use zone of the reserve; the 18- affecting their lives. 20 ladino and indigenous families have been in the area for 20-25 years.37 After “At first, they [CATIE] came and they held the creation of the reserve, these families meetings and gave us talks and they col- faced an uncertain future and many laborated with us in everything until they feared they would be forced off lands to succeeded in convincing us of the forestry which they had no legal rights. In 1991, concession – because the land wasn’t the Center for Education and Investigation going to be parceled out. In that they told of Tropical Agronomy (CATIE) based in us the truth, although they have tricked

132 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

us many times. Now we are working on behind us telling us to do it.” Male mem- the concession only because they have bers of the concession are involved in the already involved us, project primarily as day laborers and field Because they are said since the benefits from assistants, carrying out instructions set to lack knowledge of the harvest are mini- out by the CATIE staff. appropriate manage- mal.” ment practices, the Even as they were excluded from deci- project staff consis- In turn, the president of sion-making, individuals in San Diego sup- the Concession port the concession. My ethnographic tently exclude Committee stated that research and interviews with a majority of migrants from deci- the planning process did the adult residents show that they support sion-mmaking not involve locals direct- the concession because it enables them to ly. As he described it, achieve goals consistent with their own “we were invited to a meeting and they interests. The principal benefit is per- told us what they were doing and asked if ceived to be land tenure security and the it was good, and we approved.” In refer- right to plant milpa or cornfields. Thus, ence to the construction of a nature trail, Andrés commented that “the land is ours Andrés said it was built “because CATIE is and we are paying taxes to harvest.” Similarly, Francisco indicated, “the land is ours. We are paying taxes for it and the concession is for San Geronimo [and three other settlements]. So, we are the only ones that have rights to it.” Chema said, “we know that we are renting this land and that they can’t remove us, nor can others come in.” Xavier seconded this comment saying, “no one can come and take it away or steal. Because people from other areas are not permitted to enter.”

Even as people in San Diego saw them- selves as achieving goals consistent with their interests, the ways in which the proj- ect framed them – as lacking knowledge of appropriate human land relations – had long-term implications. Migrants were con- sistently excluded from decision-making processes. In time, migrants came to frame themselves as incapable of deci- sion-making. For instance, six years into the project, people in San Diego did not see themselves as capable of managing the concession alone. When asked about CATIE’s impending withdrawal in 1997, most people said that they believed the project would not continue without further assistance. As Juan remarked, “We need Figure 5. Community Forestry Concession in help from people that are educated Action. (Courtesy Juanita Sundberg)

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 133 History, culture and conservation

[preparado]”. This comment was seconded of this argument, as many have shifted by Chema; “No [we can’t continue alone], from forest collecting to service-based because there are no educated people employment in the past forty years in here.” Francisco said, “we need advice response to changing conditions. NGO dis- from someone who knows about these courses also are silent things. We work, but in written and other about similarities in envi- If visions of nature things, we can’t do it.” ronmental practices and human land rela- between groups as well tions are effects of In sum, the discourses and practices of as the variation internal to social relations rather conservation in San Diego frame migrant each group (as in individ- than natural or static farmers as lacking in appropriate human- ual differences in environ- entities, how might land relations; this notion of lack translat- mental knowledge, prac- they be renegotiated ed into exclusion from decision-making tices, and values). For and reconfigured in processes. Lacking rights to reside within instance, one long-term ways that support the newly created boundaries of the study revealed little differ- reserve, migrant farmers in San Diego saw ence between native inclusive rather than themselves in a vulnerable position. In petenero and immigrants’ exclusionary futures? this context, immigrants engaged with the environmental values and discourses and practices of conservation in knowledge.42 In addition, not all peten- ways that enabled them to accomplish the eros are pro-conservation, nor are all goals of land tenure security and access migrants anti-conservation. to resources – even as they reproduced a discourse of lack. As the brief examples outlined here sug- gest, NGO discourses are the product of Analysis and Concluding Remarks specific configurations of power and In the Maya biosphere reserve, NGO dis- knowledge, not objective mirrors of reality. courses focus on the environmental prac- In the face of changing power structures tices particular to peteneros and immi- and environmental governance regimes, grants, making them appear as essential local groups in the reserve engage with, or inherent cultural traits. These traits elaborate, and appropriate NGO discours- then are used as a basis for determining es to reflect their own interests and goals. which local groups are capable of partici- The outcomes are uneven. pating in decision-making processes, with uncertain consequences for those groups While my analysis of the cultural politics of whose environmental practices are conservation is specific to the Maya bios- deemed inappropriate to the goals of con- phere reserve, my research leads me to servation. conclude with a question of relevance to conservation the world over. If visions of NGOs neglect the Such exclusionary prac- nature and human land relations are fact that environ- tices are made possible by effects of social relations rather than natu- mental practices what is left unsaid. For ral or static entities, how might they be emerge in the con- instance, NGOs neglect renegotiated and reconfigured in ways text of specific polit- the fact that environmen- that support inclusive rather than exclu- sionary futures? The answers to this ques- ical economic condi- tal practices emerge in the context of specific political tion, I believe, are key to the creation of tions – as these shift conservation policy that supports social over time, so do peo- economic conditions – as these shift over time, so equity and democratisation. ple’s practices. do people’s practices.41 Peteneros themselves are a clear example

134 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Juanita Sundberg ([email protected]; ence studies, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, http://www.geog.ubc.ca/˜sundberg) is Assistant (MA), 1999. MacDonald, G., D. Nielson, and M. Stern, (eds.), Latin Professor in the Department of Geography of the American Environmental Policy in International University of British Columbia in Vancouver Perspective, Westview Press, Boulder (CO), 1997. (Canada) and holds degrees in Anthropology, Nations, J. “The Uncertain Future of Guatemala’s Maya Biosphere Reserve”, in Nations, J., (ed.),Thirteen Ways Latin American Studies and Geography. Raised in of Looking at a Tropical Forest: Guatemala’s Maya Panama and Guatemala, Juanita is a feminist Biosphere Reserve, Conservation International, 10-13, political ecologist whose research has focused on Washington (D.C.), (1999) Nations, J., “Xateros, Chicleros, and Pimenteros: the politics and ethics of protected areas in Latin Harvesting Renewable Tropical Forest Resources in the America. Guatemalan Petén”, in Redford, K., and C. Padoch, (eds.), Conservation of Neotropical Forests. Working References from Traditional Resource Use, Columbia University Atran, S., and D. Medin, “Knowledge and Action: Cultural Press, 208-219, New York, 1992. Models of Nature and Resource Management in Nations, J., S. Billy, I. Ponciano, B. Houseal, J. Castillo, J. Mesoamerica”, in Environment, Ethics, and Behavior. Godoy, F. Castro, La Reserva la Biósfera Maya, Petén. The Psychology of Environmental Valuation and Estudio Técnico, Guatemala City, Guatemala, 1989. Degradation, Bazerman, M., D. Messick, A. Tenbrunsel, Nations, J., and B. Houseal, I. Ponciano, S. Billy, J. C. K. Wade-Benzoni, (eds.), The New Lexington Press, Godoy, F. Castro, G. Miller, D. Rose, M. Rey Rosa, C. 171-208, San Francisco (CA), 1997. Azurdia, Biodiversity in Guatemala, World Resources Blaikie, P. and H. Brookfield, Land degradation and socie- Institute, Washington (D.C.), 1988. ty, Methuen, New York, 1987. Peet, R. and M. Watts, (eds.), Liberation Ecologies, envi- Braun, B., The intemperate rainforest: nature, culture, ronment, development, social movements, Routledge, and power on Canada’s west coast, University of New York, 1996. Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 2002. Ponciano, I. “Forestry Policy and Protected Areas in the Bulmer-Thomas, V., The New Economic Model in Latin Petén, Guatemala”, in Primack, R. et al., (eds.), America, ILAS/Macmillan, London, 1996. Timber, Tourists, and Temples, Conservation and Byant, R. and S. Bailey, Third World Political Ecology, development in the Maya Forest of Belize, Guatemala, Routledge, New York, 1997. and Mexico, Island Press, 99-110, Washington, DC. CARE, Project Description. Maya Biosphere Project, 1998. Internal Report, CARE, Santa Elena, Petén, Guatemala, Schwartz, N., A. Corzo, E. Calderón, Y. Vanegas, M. 1996. Méndez, W. Hernandez, and J. Puga de Irwin, CATIE, Plan de manejo forestal para la unidad de manejo Socioeconomic Monitoring and Evaluation of San Miguel, El Petén, Guatemala. CATIE, Turrialba, Conservation International/ProPetén Project in the Costa Rica, 1994. Maya Biosphere Reserve Project, 1992-1996, CATIE, Pautas para un plan de desarrollo sostenible en Conservation International, Flores, Guatemala, 1997. un área de uso múltiple de la Reserva de la Biósfera Schwartz, N., Forest Society, A Social History of Petén, Maya. CATIE, Turrialba, Costa Rica, 1992. Guatemala, University of Pennsylvania Press, CONAP, Plan Maestro Reserva de la Biósfera Maya. Philadelphia (PA), 1990. CATIE, Turrialba, Costa Rica, 1996. Schwartz, N., “Colonisation of Northern Guatemala: The Demeritt, D., “The construction of global warming and Petén”, Journal of Anthropological Research 43: 163- the politics of science”, Annals of the AAG 91(2): 307- 183, 1987. 337, 2001. SEGEPLAN, Plan de Desarrollo Integrado de Petén: Fisher, W., “Doing Good? The politics and antipolitics of Diagnostico General de Petén, Flores, Petén, NGO practices”, Annual Review of Anthropology 26: Guatemala, 1993. 439-464, 1997. Soulé, M. and G. Lease (eds.), Reinventing Nature? Grandia, L., C. Reining, and C. Soza Manzanero, Responses to Postmodern deconstruction, Island “Illuminating the Petén’s Throne of Gold: The ProPetén Press, Washington (D.C.), 1995. Experiment in Conservation-Based Development”, in Soza, J. M., Monografía del Departamento de El Petén, Primack, R. et al., (eds.), Timber, Tourists, and Editorial Jose de Pineda Ibarra, Guatemala City, Temples, Conservation and development in the Maya Guatemala, 1970. Forest of Belize, Guatemala, and Mexico, Island Press, Soza Manzanero, C., Factores que inciden en la 365-388, Washington, DC. 1998. Conciencia Ecológica de los Habitantes de la Reserva Gretzinger, S., “Community forestry concessions: an eco- de la Biósfera Maya en el Departamento de el Petén, nomic alternative for the Maya Biosphere Reserve in Facultad de Humanidades, Departamento de the Petén, Guatemala”, in Primack, R. et al., (eds.), Pedagogia, Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, Timber, Tourists, and Temples, Conservation and Guatemala, 1996. development in the Maya Forest of Belize, Guatemala, Spence, J., and D. Dye, P. Worby, C. Leon-Escribano, G. and Mexico, Island Press, 111-124, Washington, DC. Vickers, M. Lanchin, (eds.), Promise and Reality, 1998. Implementation of the Guatemalan Peace Accords, Handy, J., Gift of the Devil: A History of Guatemala, Hemisphere Initiatives, Cambridge, Massachusetts, South End Press, Boston (MA), 1984. 1998. Latour, B., Pandora’s hope: essays on the reality of sci- Sundberg, J., NGO Landscapes: Conservation and

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 135 History, culture and conservation

Communities in the Maya Biosphere Reserve, Petén, position of the knowledge producer (Blaikie and Guatemala, The Geographical Review 88: 388-412, Brookfield, 1987). As Watts and Peet (1996, p. 261) 1998. suggest, “all thought systems are understood as Torres, B., “Transnational Environmental NGOs: Linkages serving the interests of specific social forms of and Impact on Policy”, in MacDonald, G., D. Nielson, power.” and M. Stern (eds.), Latin American Environmental 26 Schwartz, 1987, pp. 163-183. Policy, Westview Press, 156-181, Boulder (CO), 1997. 27 Between 1958 and 1986, the principal authority in UNESCO, “Action Plan for biosphere reserves”, Nature & the Petén was a military-led institution – the National Resources 2, 11-22, 1984. Agency for Promotion and Development of the Petén United States Agency for International Development [Empresa Nacional de Fomento y Desarrollo de El (USAID), Project Paper, Maya Biosphere Project, Petén (FYDEP)]. FYDEP was given “extensive and in USAID, Washington, D.C., 1989. practice exclusive authority” in the Petén, ostensibly Zimmerer, K., and E. Carter, Conservation and to promote economic development in the region Sustainability in Latin America and the Caribbean, in (Schwartz, 1990, p. 253). Knapp, G. (ed.), Latin America in the 21st Century: 28 Schwartz et al., 1997. Challenges and Solutions, Conference of Latin 29 Soza, 1996. In this case, I use the individual’s name, Americanist Geographers, University of Texas Press, as I am citing his book. Soza is not the only individ- 207-249, Austin (TX), 2002. ual to have an influence over conservationist dis- courses and strategies for the multiple use zone Notes however, he is one of the few to have published an 1 Zimmerer and Carter, 2002; MacDonald et al., 1997. influential study. Sadly, Soza died of cancer in June 2 Bulmer-Thomas, 1996; Christen et al., 1998. 2003; the environmental movement has lost one of 3 Christen et al., 1998; Torres, 1997. its important leaders. 4 Fieldwork in Guatemala from 1996-1997 was funded 30 Soza, 1996, p. 112. by an Institute of International Education Fulbright 31 Soza, 1996, p. 100, 108. In addition to distinct land- Fellowship. The University of British Columbia funded use practices, petenero settlements are said to have Additional fieldwork in 1999 and 2000. Fieldwork in maintained steady populations, unlike the “demo- June 2003 was funded by a Canadian Council of graphic explosion” witnessed in migrant communities Social Science and Humanities research grant. (Soza, 1996, p. 62). 5 Latour, 1999; for a summary of the debates, see 32 Grandia et al., 1998, p. 366. Soulé and Lease, 1995. 33 Soza, 1996, p. 19. 6 Byant and Bailey, 1997; Fisher, 1997; Foucault, 1978. 34 Soza, 1996, p. 63. 7 Haraway, 1989; Demeritt, 2001. 35 Soza, 1996, p. 18. 8 This paper would not have been possible without the 36 Soza, 1996, p. 112. generosity and participation of the men and women 37 The names of the community and its inhabitants residing in the Maya biosphere reserve. However, I have been changed to protect the identity of the am responsible for the argument presented here. individuals. The families in this community identified 9 Schwartz, 1990; Soza, 1970. I would like to thank as ladino, Chorti’, and Mopan; it was difficult to learn Paul Jance for the maps. about ethnic identity as many people in Guatemala 10 Ponciano, 1998. are accustomed to hiding such information. 11 Schwartz, 1990; Nations, 1999. 38 Gretzinger, 1998. 12 Bulmer-Thomas, 1996. The World Bank – advocate 39 CATIE, 1992, p. 1. of shrinking the state – has argued that Guatemala 40 CATIE, 1994, p. 1. spends too little on social services and must expand 41 Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987; Byant and Bailey, 1997. tax-support to sustain growth (Spence et al., 1998). 42 Atran and Medin, 1997, p. 181. 13 USAID, 1989, p. 1. 14 CONAP, 1996, p. 11. 15 UNESCO, 1984. 16 Ladino is the term used in Guatemala to refer to a person of mixed European and indigenous descent; it can also refer to an indigenous person who no longer identifies him or her self as such. 17 Nations et al., 1988, p. 10; see also Nations, 1992. 18 Nations et al., 1989, p. 4. 19 Nations et al., 1988, p. 11. This statement repro- duced in Nations et al., 1989, p. 16. 20 For an elaboration of these discourses, see Sundberg, 1998. 21 Soza, 1996, p. 153. 22 SEGEPLAN, 1993, p. 2. 23 CARE, 1996, p. 5. 24 Gradia et al., 1998, p. 367. 25 Here I draw from a central tenet of political ecology, which considers claims to know as relative to the

136 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice Tensions and paradoxes in the management of Transboundary Protected Areas

William Wolmer

Summary. Ecoregional planning at an increased spatial scale has become the driving paradigm in pro- tected area planning. This paradigm, which underpins Transboundary Protected Areas (TBPAs), holds that ecological integrity does and should transcend administrative and national boundaries. Yet such initiatives are in practice intrinsically political and raise important questions about power, accountability and legiti- macy. This paper investigates the cultural politics of TBPAs, drawing out several ideological and practical tensions inherent in TBPA management at the global, regional and local scales. These include: the diver- gence between grassroots bioregionalism and top-down, technical ecoregionalism; trade-offs between conservation goals and attracting private sector investment and power asymmetries in public-private part- nerships; the ceding of national sovereignty to supra- and sub-national entities; and tensions between the centralised and top-down nature of TBPA agreements and rhetoric on community participation and empowerment. Much experience to date suggests that many TBPAs are more likely to increase centralised state power and constrain livelihood strategies than to boost communities’ socioeconomic opportunities or role in management. In conclusion the paper makes recommendations for the more equitable and effec- tive management of TBPAs.

simultaneously to meet conservation priori- At the 2003 World Parks Congress ties, corporate agendas and governance goals (at national, regional and international Transboundary Protected Areas (TBPAs) levels). were trumpeted as an idea whose time has come. The Congress recommended taking Yet perhaps inevitably given the turbulent actions to create and promote new TBPAs history of protected areas – even those as an important strategy for both safe- without such a complex range of actors and guarding biodiversity and delivering ‘bene- interests – TBPAs generate certain tensions fits beyond boundaries’. These bilateral (and and points of conflict. Each TBPA has its sometimes multilateral) conservation initia- own unique dilemmas that may not be tives have proliferated in recent years and repeated elsewhere. There seem to be, South Africa, for example, is currently however, several more general paradoxes or engaged in six of them. tensions inherent in the establishment and management of ‘natural’ ecoregions in var- Alongside the re-establishment of ecological iegated cultural landscapes – both ideologi- integrity TBPAs have a remarkably ambi- cal and practical, and at the global, regional tious set of objectives including promoting and local scales. This paper will explore the regional economic integration, community tensions between: radical bioregionalism 1 empowerment and fostering peace. The and scientific ecoregionalism, ecoregional- transboundary conservation discourse is ism and neoliberalism, TBPA planning and embedded in a new global cultural politics national sovereignty, and top-down and bot- of conservation drawing together a wide tom up managerial processes. From all of grouping of ideologies and actors such that the above, the paper will draw recommen- the private sector and international finance dations for the more equitable and effective institutions have found common cause with management of TBPAs. global environmental organisations and some national governments. TBPAs appear

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 137 History, culture and conservation

Transcending or superimposing pol- spaces are becoming statutory units of itics? landscape management. These areas of The rise and rise of Transboundary newly minted ecological integrity and politi- Protected Areas owes much to the fact that cal authority are being superimposed on bioregional, ‘ecoregional’ or ‘landscape-level’ complex, contested, and variegated cultural planning at an increased spatial scale – like landscapes with pre-existing overlapping integrated regional planning and community institutional authorities and political con- co-management in previous decades – has stituencies, and patchworks of differing land become a driving paradigm in protected uses and tenure regimes (including public, area planning. The guiding principal is that private and communal ownership). ‘artificial’ human-imposed administrative boundaries rarely coincide with ecoregions: Inevitably Transboundary Protected Areas, theoretically meant to transcend political “As the views of our planet from space boundaries and units, are in practice intrin- make clear, nature does not acknowledge sically political entities. As large scale or respect the boundaries with which we regional planning and investment initiatives have divided our planet. As important as spanning multiple institutional frameworks, these boundaries are for the management and with varying degrees of collaboration of our political affairs and relationships, between the state, private sector and civil they are clearly transcended by the unitary society, they superimpose further layers of nature of the natural system on which our politics and raise important questions about power, control, authority, accountability and lives and well-being depend.”2 legitimacy at a variety of scales. What this privileging of biophysical over political units means in practice for protect- Radical bioregionalism or technical ed area management is that, increasingly, ecoregionalism? rather than being boxed into small areas, The concepts and philosophies underpinning protected areas are being opened up across TBPAs come from a diverse range of administrative, and even national, bound- sources and its advocates constitute a aries to create large and sometimes surprising coalition of interests Increasingly pro- newly coherent landscapes that often pull in different directions. One tected areas are and management entities. In such conceptual tension is between radical being opened up this ambitious new era for bioregionalism and scientific ecoregionalism. conservation it is no longer Bioregion and ecoregion are terms used across boundaries enough to focus on the interchangeably but they have rather differ- to create large and preservation of protected ent provenances. This distinction is of more newly coherent enclaves. Ecological integrity – than arcane academic concern – it has fun- landscapes and and a lot more besides – can damental implications for the governance of management be established with trans- TBPAs. entities boundary conservation initia- tives. The emphasis has also Bioregionalism is a, largely northern, eco- shifted to the enhancement or restoration of centric philosophy and social movement ‘natural’ or ‘traditional’ landscapes more which holds that the earth consists of con- broadly and even recreating landscapes per- tiguous but discrete ‘organic regions’ or ceived as lost by ‘rewilding’. However this ‘bioregions’. A bioregion is ‘a place defined process is not happening in a vacuum: cru- by its life forms, its topography and its cially this ecological integrity is being biota, rather than by human dictates; a exported to the political sphere as these region governed by nature, not legislature’.3

138 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Local and regional cultures are physically example, this logic leads to recommenda- and symbolically rooted in these ‘home- tions that ‘biodiversity conservation be lands’ which are seen as the most appropri- extended even further, beyond buffer zones ate units for political organisation. and protected areas, to include all elements Bioregionalists argue passionately for politi- of the African landscape and all ecosystems’ cal autonomy, decentralised governance, and that ‘Africa should endeavour to join all grassroots empowerment, social equity and its game parks contiguously from Cape to self-sufficiency. The approach has played Cairo’.8 out in efforts, primarily in North America, but increasingly in Europe and Australia to Ecoregionalism, however, is a managerial as work at the scale of the ecosystem to find a much as a scientific discourse. It has been balance between their needs for livelihoods accompanied by a revival of top-down and the natural resources in their biore- approaches to priority-setting and planning gions.4 These are grassroots, ‘bottom up’ landscapes as a whole – variously described initiatives led by communities themselves as ‘strategic’, ‘comprehensive’, characterised by the devolution of power to ‘integrated’ and ‘plan-led’.9 The danger of local and regional bodies and the construc- Although this discourse shares extreme bioregion- tion of governance around bounded places. radical bioregionalism’s desire alism is that it In its most extreme form the bioregional to establish or preserve plays to an agen- movement rejects all forms of centralised regional integrity, it has da of the political authority.5 excised or sanitised much of right that rejects its idealistic social goals. Gone altogether cen- Elements of this bioregionalist philosophy is the emancipatory rhetoric tralised political have entered mainstream conservation of ‘liberating the self’ and authority and thinking as ecoregional planning. However achieving non-hierarchical citi- the radical political agenda has been zenship rooted in reciprocity regulation ditched in favour of a scientific discourse and co-operation. Gone too is which draws on conservation biology to much of the political commitment to bot- argue that achieving sustainability and con- tom-up development and devolved power. serving biology requires shifting conserva- In its stead comes the dispassionate and tion programmes to ecosystem scales of largely depoliticised language of ‘stakehold- management.6 Habitat fragmentation has ers’, ‘partnerships’, ‘participatory planning’, been identified as a major threat to preser- and ‘capacity building’.10 vation of biodiversity – and the means to combat this fragmentation and ‘restore In recent years there has been a backlash ecosystem functions’ is to enlarge protected against ICDPs which have been accused of areas, establish ‘connectivity’ by linking failing to protect species and their habi- them with biodiversity corridors and, at the tats.11 There is a danger – from the point of macro level, establishing global ecological view of advocates for people-oriented con- networks. This mandate for protected area servation – that the protectionist expansion- expansionism derives largely from the ism of the ecoregional planning paradigm increasingly science-driven conservation will provide legitimacy for a return to an ethic. Conservation biology confers conser- authoritarian protectionist conservation par- vation priority status on habitats that had adigm which had been curbed by the pre- been ignored by the previous generation of dominance of the community-based conser- conservationists inspired by the romantic vation discourse.12 As we shall see, ecore- wilderness ethic because they were not suf- gional planning’s ostensibly impartial scien- ficiently aesthetically pleasing.7 In Africa, for tific and managerial focus potentially masks

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 139 History, culture and conservation

fundamental power – or governance – sector (and donors) to benefit from a politi- implications.13 cally correct ‘green image’ by investing in nature related activities.19 The danger of extreme bioregionalism is that it plays to an agenda of the political Peter Brosius has drawn attention to a fur- right that rejects alto- ther way in which ecoregional planning and Have ecoregional plan- gether centralised politi- neoliberal economics discursively intersect. ning’s exclusion of cal authority and regula- With massive funds necessary for large- moral or political con- tion.14 But have ecore- scale ecoregional planning initiatives large siderations and its top- gional planning’s exclu- conservation organisations are becoming down biases moved us sion of ‘moral or political increasingly business-like – developing fund- too far away from the considerations in favour ing strategies in conjunction with multilater- ideals of devolution of indifferent technical al development banks and building corpo- and bottom-uup plan- and political solutions’15 rate linkages.20 These funding structures as ning, rooted in local and its top-down biases well as the managerial tools of these large- cultural concerns and moved us too far away scale and top-down initiatives inevitably from the ideals of devo- privilege ‘big conservation’ (transnational practices? lution and bottom-up conservation organisations) at the expense planning, rooted in local cultural concerns of grassroots or even national conservation and practices?16 organisations.

Ecoregionalism and neoliberalism Thus the private sector and international Another tension inherent in the governance finance institutions have found common of TBPAs derives from the curious intersec- cause with global environmental organisa- tion of ecological/scientific discourses with tions, with donor-recipient governments 21 discourses of global governance that forced to ‘follow the stream’. This new emphasise the extension of neoliberal eco- neoliberal melding of conservation and com- mercial goals throws up certain nomic management.17 This model which Private-ccommu- currently dominates development thinking problems for TBPAs. Conservation and business nity partnerships promotes an investment led approach, with are often forced the role of the state being to provide an obviously do not necessarily rather than cho- enabling environment to stimulate private pull in the same direction and sector involvement. when they do it can be to the sen and the pri- detriment of stakeholders other vate sector is TBPAs are thus promoted as key revenue than investors, particularly local almost always generators, providing an enabling environ- communities. the stronger part- ment for investment, especially in eco- ner and initiator A key element of this trend is tourism, as well as being instruments for of joint-vventures leveraging private sector investment to the rise of public-private and ‘maintain and grow ecological capital’. In private-community partnerships Africa, for example, TBPAs are marketed as and joint ventures in conservation and the [African] dream ticket combination of tourism. Indeed encouraging partnerships economic growth and environmental conser- between government, the private sector and vation and a means of restoring investor civil society in sustainable development and natural resource management was one of confidence in the continent.18 TBPAs, it is the major, and most controversial, themes argued, enable economies of scale to be of WSSD in 2002. This is part of the global exploited, they allow for regional marketing switch to public private networks to provide and provide an opportunity for the private

140 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

goods and services that were once the preserve of state controlled public sectors. The extent to which government should form alliances with business in areas of general public interest and the intrusion of private sector values into these spheres are, of course, crucial governance ques- tions.22

A critical question for TBPAs is whether these new partnership arrangements pri- oritise investment or equity? Do they spread the benefits of new investments in and around protected areas, or do they simply constitute a licence for private sec- Figure 1. Elephants damage crops and veterinary tor territorial claims at the expense of fence, Zimbabwe. (Courtesy IUCN-ROSA) communities’ land and resources as com- mons are privatised? Critics of private- private sector also often has considerable community partnerships in southern Africa, influence vis-à-vis the state. The focus of and especially Mozambique, have pointed both the state and private interests on to large areas of land given investment and economic growth can over- Good governance up to private investors to shadow conservation and livelihood priori- in this context become resource extraction ties. This is evident where TBPAs are inte- enclaves regardless of claims grated into regional economic integration tends to mean by local people and existing initiatives such as South Africa’s Spatial less governance – uses.23 Partnerships in this Development Initiatives in which govern- with the state context are often forced ment funds are used to leverage private reduced to an rather than chosen and are sector investment to unlock economic ‘investment pro- characterised by power potential in certain zones and spur growth. motion agency’ asymmetries. The private Good governance in this context tends to sector is almost always the mean less governance – with the state stronger partner and initiator reduced to an ‘investment promotion of joint-ventures, with communities often agency’.25 TBPAs, despite their potential relegated to the role of landowner – in ecotourism and spin-off investment poten- what are in reality little more than lease tial are thus vulnerable to competition agreements – and employee, ceding repre- from other, potentially more lucrative, pri- sentation to NGOs or community leaders in vate sector interests including extractive processes that are not always transparent. industries such as mining.26 These ‘communities’ often lack the capaci- ty to hold the private sector to account, as TBPAs and national sovereignty governments have not provided adequate Given that TBPAs are intrinsically political incentive, regulation or technical back-up entities their establishment will clearly for communities to act as genuine part- have implications for national sovereignty. ners.24 Inevitably they have a potential impact on a state’s ability to make independent deci- Where government’s first priority is private sions regarding sovereign resources.27 sector investment, and there is not a great Most obviously states must cede a degree deal of competition between investors, the of control over those resources to neigh-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 141 History, culture and conservation

bouring states since their transboundary ficulty.31 nature implies being managed jointly by two or more governments. However there It seems wistful thinking that TBPAs are are multiple powerful actors, other than likely to be anything other than a very low national authorities, involved in the man- priority for governments in actual conflict agement of TBPAs – states and official situations. It is worth remembering that bodies operate in complex ways with NGOs protracted disorder can actually foster the and other elements of civic society and pri- interests of elite groups through the sub- vate enterprise at national, regional and version of the interests and legitimacy of international scales. state.32 Such groups may resent and resist the exposure to prying eyes of zones of Much is made of the potential for TBPAs to illegality (poaching etc) and more effective operate as symbolic ‘Peace Parks’ which law enforcement that TBPAs would bring.33 will foster good political relations and secu- rity through the encouragement of inter- Similarly whilst the re-establishment of his- state collaboration and cooperation around torical links where communities have been issues of common concern.28 In the divided by political borders imposed by African context the identification with colonial powers is frequently promised, is it nature above nation ties in with Pan- likely, feasible or desirable that govern- African visions of reuniting a continent arti- ments will be willing to cede power or ter- ficially carved up by colonialism;29 healing ritory to ethnic groups spanning their bor- the wounds of pre- and post-independence ders? wars of destabilisation;30 and achieving the ‘cultural harmonisation’ of divided ethnic Whilst states’ might be unwilling to give up groups (i.e. re-establishing cultural integri- too much power to neighbouring states ty as well as ecological integrity). TBPAs also involve ceding considerable authority and decision making power to a However in the messy real world this post- range of supra-national entities – such as national symbolism runs up against diver- bilateral and multilateral donors, interna- gent national interests and agendas. tional NGOs and multinational companies – Indeed attempts to bind states into formal and sub-national entities which often by- transboundary conservation agreements pass state authority structures. In particu- may be as likely to cause inter-state dis- lar powerful international conservation putes as to assuage them. This is particu- NGOs and consultancy companies or ‘facili- larly true of situations where there are dif- tating agencies’ often exercise considerable power in collaborative management Attempts to bind ferences in the economic power of the partner arrangements.34 states into formal nation states and their transboundary con- perceived ability to negoti- Top-down or bottom up? servation agree- ate their interests. A final set of tensions inherent in the gov- ments may be as Asymmetries in the part- ernance of TBPAs that I want to explore likely to cause inter- ner states’ incomes, are those between top-down approaches state disputes as to degrees of park and infra- that prioritise conservation and/or cen- assuage them structural development, tralised power and bottom-up approaches political stability and secu- prioritising local development. Are the voic- rity and available financial resources; as es of the poor heard in ecoregional plan- well as diverging veterinary and immigra- ning processes? tion policies are all potential sources of dif-

142 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Despite the recent critique of integrated ist idea of devolved homelands. conservation and development programme it remains politically unfeasible to ditch the One crucial dilemma inherent in pitching rhetoric of community participation in TBPAs TBPAs as vehicles for rural development is in developing countries. This rhetoric is that the revenues and job opportunities they essential for the political legitimacy of pro- provide for local communities are often tected areas in poor countries and for dwarfed by the opportunity costs of liveli- fundraising from donors concerned princi- hood strategies forgone. As Zimbabwe’s pally with development issues. But what is experience of CAMPFIRE shows it is notori- this rhetoric and what does it add up to in ously difficult to generate substantial rev- practice? enues from wildlife for local communities – even with safari hunting.36 With ecotourism TBPAs are described as a means for the initiatives there is a particularly high leakage socio-economic uplift and empowerment of of revenue away from local communities to previously marginalised communities that national and international elites and tourism are able to derive benefits from and partic- is a notoriously fickle commodity as ipate in their management as key sub- Zimbabwe’s recent experience also shows. A state entities. In practice, however, the further dilemma is that community develop- familiar refrain from case studies of TBPA ment programmes in and around TBPAs may processes is one of communities being lead to the very infrastructure that eco- ‘consulted’, if they are lucky, about plans tourists in search of wilderness and primitivi- already made at higher levels, and rarely ty are seeking to avoid.37 being represented on decision-making bod- ies. Given their formal bilateral nature, TBPAs are clearly damaging to livelihoods most TBPA agreements are by definition when the expansion of protected areas top-down. Massive power asymmetries and requires evictions, but less obviously they threaten transboundary livelihood strategies. National boundaries can both criminalise livelihood strategies based on mobility (such as transhumant pastoralism and labour migration) and create opportunities for illicit activities (such as smuggling and traffick- ing). Border regions in this regard tend to be areas of fluidity and ille- gality: their physical remote- Given their formal ness from the centres of bilateral nature, power, less developed nature most TBPA agree- and sparse populations often ments are by defi- mean they escape the exer- nition top-ddown. cise of state power to a cer- Massive power tain extent. Establishing asymmetries and Figure 2. Illegal settlement in the Great Limpopo TBPAs in these contexts has clear governance implications. structural condi- Transfrontier Park (Zimbabwe) by formerly dispos- tions work against sessed locals. (Courtesy IUCN-ROSA) It means bringing state authority and infrastructure to development of structural conditions work against develop- these marginal areas. States appropriate institu- ment of appropriate institutions for local establishing TBPAs along their tions for local con- conservation by local actors themselves.35 borders are being given tools servation by local This is all a long way from the bioregional- that may extend their control actors themselves

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 143 History, culture and conservation

and law enforcement over these areas and Conclusions and recommendations enhance their power over communities TBPAs are new governance entities rather than empowering them.38 The para- defined by quasi-ecological criteria which dox is that just as TBPAs are allowing free- are being superimposed on pre-existing dom of movement of tourists and wildlife administrative authorities. They tend to be across borders, long-established cross-bor- driven by international conservation organ- der livelihood activities such as trading and isations and principally serve the economic labour migration are being policed and con- and political interests of entrenched and strained.39 Whilst transboundary connections emerging national, regional and interna- and big bioregions are being espoused local tional elites.45 In contrast to the opening populations are often being fixed into small of science to plural perspectives, with the static villages.40 emergence of deliberative, inclusionary approaches to decision-making in the The use of conservation as an excuse for fields of health and biotechnology for territorial control has uncomfortable example, there is a danger that ecoregion- echoes of the coercive establishment of al planning implemented in a top-down, protected areas for many communities. technocratic manner by remote experts The history of protected areas in much of will lead to an erosion of the limited gains the world is one of alienation of ancestral of participatory planning in protected area land; and criminalisation of livelihoods via management of the last twenty years. attacks on ‘poaching’ and ‘squatting’.41 Consultation or participation will not What lessons can be learnt from this change many rural peoples’ suspicions of rather sceptical overview of some of the TBPAs unless it attends to these broader tensions inherent in TBPA governance? social and political legacies.42 Indeed plans The first is that we cannot wish away the for local participation and benefit sharing political dynamics of TBPAs but need to of ecotourism revenues are not the same get to grips with them. Ignoring power as the frequent demands from local com- and politics in institutional design will munities for power to control, use and eventually result in failure and the capture access environmental resources.43 of the process by those with power and resources. Despite the adoption of ‘good However, as the South African experience governance’ as part of the international of land restitution in national parks has consensus and World Bank orthodoxy on shown, where communities have been development much of the literature on granted sovereign power to control the governance, particularly in developing use of their ancestral land within protected country contexts, is surprisingly naïve areas there is considerably more potential about politics. It assumes, or asks for, as if for them to find a voice in TBPA process- they can be delivered swiftly and unprob- es. Having explicit and secure land rights lematically, free and fair elections, confi- gives local communities opportunities to dence and capacity for exercising voice at outsource their own ecotourism and safari local levels and so forth. It seeks a model concessions and gives them bargaining of responsive governance and service power vis-à-vis the state and private sec- delivery with strong links to accountability, tor.44 Where communities have secure land representation and democratic empower- tenure within TBPAs it will increasingly ment. This is the fantasy underlying much make sense to negotiate a degree of mul- of the rhetoric about decentralisation in tiple land use incorporating the collection Africa which bears little resemblance to of natural resources. reality of bitter power struggles, gatekeep- ers and elite capture.46 It assumes govern-

144 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

ments serve the common good of their cit- logue with recognition of the inherent izens and ignores the possibility that con- power asymmetries. Formal agreements servation might be used as excuse for ter- and protocols tend to derive from top- ritorial control or elite accumulation.47 down, non-inclusive processes and are not Secondly if we are serious about empow- necessarily sensitive to local strategies and ering local communities as stakeholders in institutional arrangements for transbound- TBPA processes secure access to land and ary resource management. There needs to resources is the sine qua non. Allowing be recognition that informal arrangements communities to retain or regain utilisation for transboundary natural resource man- and ownership rights over land and access agement like transhumance are often to natural resources should not be regard- more effective than formal TBPAs and an ed as a dangerous precedent for conserva- appreciation that facilitating cross-border tion but as an essential prerequisite for its livelihood strategies is as important as success. Strengthening tenure rights encouraging movement of wildlife and means more legal, economic, political tourists. power for communities and greater negoti- ating strength in their dealings with the Fifthly, given the potential extreme sensi- private sector: they have more control tivities at local, national, regional and over the type of development and nature international scales raised by TBPAs there of partnership.48 is a need to proceed slowly and cautiously, avoiding political grandstanding and Thirdly, where possible, the government media-hype. Lessons can be learnt from should use its power on behalf of the the PR-conscious release of elephants into weaker party in negotiating community- the Mozambican portion of the Great private partnerships Limpopo Park to coincide with a benefac- There needs to be around TBPAs and pro- tor’s birthday and the African Union recognition that vide greater incentives for Summit despite lack of advance planning informal arrange- the private sector to be and community awareness.51 ments for trans- ‘pro-poor’. For example, boundary natural by incorporating commu- Finally we would perhaps do well to revisit resource manage- nity involvement and some of the ideals of the bioregionalist ment like transhu- equity criteria in the movement abandoned with the rise of practice of ecoregional planning and adopt mance are often selection of bids for eco- tourism concessions on full participation, self-representation, and more effective than state land.49 self-determination as core principles of formal TBPAs and future TBPA endeavours.52 an appreciation that Fourthly, there are no facilitating cross- programmatic blueprints William Wolmer ([email protected]) is a border livelihood for TBPAs. Each needs to Fellow in the Environment Group at Institute of strategies is as be planned, implemented, Development Studies, University of Sussex (UK). important as encour- evaluated and adapted He is a social scientist specialising in environment aging movement of around specific circum- and livelihood issues and conducted research on the southern African Great Limpopo Transfrontier wildlife and tourists stances of each situa- tion.50 Problems – such as Park from 1999 to 2003. trade-offs between human development needs and nature protection – should be addressed in context and arrangements for Notes decision-making and power-sharing locally 1 See, for example, van der Linde 2001. 2 negotiated and re-negotiated via open dia- Strong, 1992.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 145 History, culture and conservation

3 Sale, 1985: 43; Wolmer, 2003. Conservation without Illusion, Norton, New York and 4 Miller 1996. London, 1992. 5 Fall 2003. Ashley, C. and W. Wolmer, “Transformation or tinkering? 6 e.g. Miller 1996; Pirot et al. 2000. New forms of engagement between communities and 7 Calicott and Nelson 1998. the private sector in tourism and forestry in southern 8 Biodiversity Support Programme, 1993; de Villiers, Africa” Sustainable Livelihoods in Southern Africa 1999. Programme Research Paper 18, Institute for 9 Brosius, 2003. Development Studies, Brighton, 2003. 10 Wolmer, 2003. http://www.ids.ac.uk/ids/env/PDFs/wRP18.pdf Biodiversity Support Programme, African Biodiversity: 11 Terborgh, 1999; Oates, 1999; Wilshusen et al., 2002. Foundation for the Future. Washington DC, World 12 Jones and Chonguica, 2001. Wildlife Fund, the Nature Conservancy and World 13 Ferguson, 1990. Resources Institute with the US Agency for 14 McCloskey, 2000; Fall, 2003. International Development, 1993. 15 Brosius and Russell, 2003: 46. Bayart, J.F., S. Ellis and B. Hibou, The Criminalisation of 16 Brosius, 2003; Wilshusen et al., 2002; Brechin et al., the State in Africa, James Currey Oxford, 1999. 2002. Bond, I. (2001). ‘CAMPFIRE and the incentives for insti- 17 Duffy, 2002. tutional change’, In Hulme, D. and M. Murphree (eds.), 18 Draper and Wels, 2002; Hanks, 2003. African Wildlife and Livelihoods: The Promise and 19 van der Linde et al., 2001. Performance of Community Conservation, James 20 Brosius, 2003. Currey, Oxford (UK), 1999. 21 Magome and Murombedzi, 2003. Brechin, S., P. Wilshusen, C. Fortwangler and P. West, 22 Graham et al., 2003. “Beyond the square wheel: toward a more comprehen- 23 Jones and Chonguica, 2001; Ashley and Wolmer, sive understanding of biodiversity conservation as a 2003. social and political process”, Society and Natural 24 Ashley and Wolmer, 2003; Katarere et al., 2001; Resources 15: 41-64, 2002. Magome and Murombedzi, 2003. Brosius, J. P. “Ecoregions and investments: conservation 25 Soderbaum and Taylor, 2001. by design”, unpublished paper, 2003. 26 Duffy, 2002. Brosius, J. P. and D. Russell, “Conservation from above: 27 Singh, 2000. an anthropological perspective on transboundary pro- 28 Sandwith et al., 2001; Hanks, 2003. tected areas and ecoregional planning”, Journal of 29 Draper and Wels, 2002; Ramutsindela, 2002. Sustainable Forestry 17 (1/2): 35-58, 2003. 30 Koch, 1998. Calicott, J. and M. Nelson, The Great New Wilderness Debate, University of Georgia Press Athens, Georgia, 31 Katere et al., 2001; Simon, 2003; Wolmer, 2003. 1998. 32 Chabal and Daloz, 1999; Bayart et al., 1999. Chabal. P. and, J.-P. Daloz, Africa Works: Disorder as a 33 Duffy, 2002; Peluso, 1993. Political Instrument, James Currey, Oxford (UK), 1999. 34 Duffy, 2002. de Villiers, N., “Open Africa”, Paper presented at First 35 Neumann, 1997; Zerner, 2000; Duffy, 2002; Brosius Agenda 21 Indaba on Culture Conscious Conservation and Russell, 2003; Wolmer, 2003; RRP, 2002. in Transfrontier Conservation Areas, 18 May 1999. 36 Bond, 2001. Draper, M. and H. Wels, “Super Africa dreams: the 37 Gordon, 1992; Neumann, 1997; Draper and Wels, mythology of community development in transfrontier 2002. conservation areas in Southern Africa”. Paper present- 38 Singh, 2000; Duffy, 2002; Brosius and Russel,l 2003; ed at the seminar on Ecotourism and Nature Parks in Scott, 1998; Schroeder, 1999. East and Southern Africa, African Studies Centre, 39 Wolmer, 2003. Leiden (The Netherlands), 12 November 2002. 40 Hughes, 2002. Duffy, R., “Peace Parks: The paradox of Globalisation”, 41 MacKenzie, 1988; Adams and McShane, 1992. Geopolitics 6 (2): 1-26, 2002. 42 Wilshusen et al., 2002. Fall, J., “Planning protected areas across boundaries: 43 Neumann, 1997; Duffy, 2002. new paradigms and old ghosts”, Journal of Sustainable 44 Magome and Murombedzi, 2003; Wolmer et al., Forestry 12 (1/2): 81-102, 2003. 2003. Ferguson, J., The Anti-Politics Machine: ‘Development’, 45 Simon, 2003. Depoliticisation and Bureaucratic State Power in 46 Wolmer and Scoones, 2003. Lesotho, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (UK), 47 Wilshusen et al., 2002. 1990. 48 Katerere et al., 2001; Ashley and Wolmer, 2003; Gordon, R., The Bushman Myth: the Making of a Magome and Murombedzi, 2003. Namibian Underclass, Westview Press, Boulder, 49 Ashley and Wolmer, 2003. Colorado, 1992. 50 van der Linde et al., 2001. Graham, J, B. Amos and T. Plumptree, Governance 51 Katerere et al., 2001; Mail and Guardian 26/4/2002; Principles for Protected Areas in the 21st Century, RRP, 2002. Discussion Paper, Institute on Governance in collabora- tion with Parks Canada and CIDA, 2003. 52 Brechin et al., 2002; Miller, 1996. Jones, B. and E. Chonguica, “Review and analysis of spe- cific transboundary natural resource management ini- References tiatives in the southern Africa region”, IUCN-Rosa Adams, J.S. and T.O. McShane, The Myth of Wild Africa.

146 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Series on Transboundary Natural Resource operation, IUCN, IUCN, Gland (Switzerland) and Management – Paper 2, IUCN-ROSA, Harare, 2001. Cambridge (UK), 2001. Hanks, J., “Transfrontier Conservation Areas (TFCAs) in Scott, J. C., Seeing Like a State. How Certain Schemes to Southern Africa: their role in conserving biodiversity, Improve the Human Condition have Failed, Yale socioeconomic development and promoting a culture University Press, New Haven and London, 1998. of peace”, Journal of Sustainable Forestry 17 (1/2): Simon, D., “Regional development-environment discours- 127-148, 2002. es, policies and practices in post-apartheid southern Hughes, D.M. “Going transboundary: scale-making and Africa”, in Grant, J. A. and F. Soderbaum (eds.), New exclusion in southern African conservation”, Regionalisms in Africa, Ashgate, Aldershot (UK), 2003. http://hdgc.epp.cmu.edu/misc/Going%20Transboundar Singh, J., “Transboundary conservation in the African y%20-%20Hughes[1].pdf, 2002. context: A threat to sovereignty?”, Paper presented at Katerere, Y, R. Hill and S. Moyo, “A critique of the Border Regions in Transition - IV conference: Transboundary Natural Resource Management in Rethinking Boundaries, Goepolitics, Identities and Southern Africa”, IUCN-Rosa Series on Transboundary Sustainability, Chandigarh, India, 20-24 February, Natural Resource Management – Paper 1, IUCN-ROSA, 2000. Harare, 2001. Schroeder, R. A., “Geographies of environmental inter- Koch, E., “Nature has the power to heal old wounds”, in vention in Africa” Progress in Human Geography, 23 Simon, D. (ed.), South Africa in Southern Africa: (3): 359-378, 1999. Reconfiguring the Region, James Currey, Oxford (UK), Soderbaum, F. and I. Taylor, “Transmission belt for 1998. transnational capital or facilitator for development? MacKenzie, J. M., The Empire of Nature. Hunting Problematising the role of the state in the Maputo Conservation and British Imperialism. Manchester Development Corridor”, Journal of Modern African University Press, Manchester (UK), 1988. Studies, 39 (4): 675-695, 2001. Magome, H. and J. Murombedzi, “Sharing South African Strong, M., “ECO ’92: critical challenges and global solu- National Parks: Community land and conservation in a tions”, Journal of International Affairs, 44: 298, 1992. democratic South Africa”, in Adams, W. and M. Terborgh, J., Requiem for Nature. Island Mulligan (eds), Decolonizing Nature: Strategies for Press/Shearwater Books, Washington DC, 1999. Conservation in a Post-Colonial Era, Earthscan, van der Linde, H., J. Oglethorpe, T. Sandwith, D. Snelson London, 2003. and Y. Tessema, Beyond Boundaries: Transboundary McCloskey, M., “Is this the course you want to be on?”, Natural Resource Management in Sub-Saharan Africa, In Eighth International Symposium on Society and Biodiversity Support Programme, Washington DC, Natural Resource Management, Bellingham, 2001. Washington DC, 17-22 June, 2000. Wilshusen, P., S. Brechin, C. Fortwangler, and P. West, Miller, K., Balancing the Scales: Guidelines for Increasing “Reinventing a square wheel: critique of a resurgent Biodiversity’s Chances through Bioregional ‘protection paradigm’ in international biodiversity con- Management, World Resources Institute, Washington servation”, Society and Natural Resources, 15: 17-40, DC, 1996. 2002. Neumann, R. P., “Primitive ideas: protected area buffer Wolmer, W., “Transboundary conservation: the politics of zones and the politics of land in Africa”, Development ecological integrity in the Great Limpopo Transfrontier and Change 28: 559-582, 1997. Park”, Journal of Southern African Studies, 29 (1): Oates, J. F., Myth and Reality in the Rainforest: How 261-278, 2003. Conservation Strategies are Failing in West Africa. Wolmer, W. and I. Scoones, (eds.), “Livelihoods in crisis: Cambridge University Press, Berkeley (California), new perspectives on governance and rural develop- 1999. ment in southern Africa”, IDS Bulletin, 34 (3), 2003. Peluso, N. L., “Coercing conservation? The politics of Wolmer, W., J. Chaumba and I. Scoones, “Wildlife man- state resource control”, Global Environmental Change agement and land reform in southeastern Zimbabwe: June Issue: 199-217, 1993. a compatible pairing or a contradiction in terms”, Pirot, J.Y., P.J. Meynell, and D. Elder, Ecosystem Geoforum, 35: 87-98, 2004. Also available at: Management: Lessons from around the World. A http://www.ids.ac.uk/ids/env/PDFs/wRP01.pdf Guide to Development and Conservation Practioners, Zerner, C. (ed.), People, Plants and Justice: Resource IUCN, Gland (Switzerland) and Cambridge (UK), 2000. Extraction and Conservation in Tropical Developing Ramutsindela, M., “New regimes, old practices: the cre- Countries, Columbia University Press, New York, 2000. ation of conservation estates in southern Africa”, paper presented at a Conference on Historical Geographies of Southern Africa, University of Sussex, Brighton (UK), April 2002. RRP, A Park for the People? Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park – Community Consultation in Coutada 16, Mozambique, Refugee Research Programme, University of the Witwatersrand, 2002. http://www.wits.ac.za/rrp/transfrontier_park.pdf Sale, K., Dwellers in the Land: The Bioregional Vision, Sierra Club, San Francisco (California), 1985. Sandwith, T., C. Shine, L. Hamilton, and D. Sheppard, D., Transboundary Protected Areas for Peace and Co-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 147 History, culture and conservation

Why history and culture matter— a case study from the Virgin Islands National Park

Crystal Fortwangler and Marc Stern

Summary. The best path to improving relationships with local residents is through treating them neither solely as opportunities nor as threats, but first and foremost as people, which mandates a focus on and respect for the unique histories and cultures of the populations inhabiting areas near protected areas. Using data from research carried out by two separate researchers over a period of six years on the Caribbean island of St. John, this article aims to answer the question how and why do history and culture matter to conservation vis-à-vis protected areas? Using numerous examples we illustrate the connections between cultural and historical understanding, trust, and the maintenance of resources within the protect- ed areas of St. John, which is part of the U.S. Virgin Islands. We explain the significance of historical and cultural influences upon local responses to protected areas and highlight their consequences for the pro- tection of the resources therein. We argue that the ways in which people interpret protected area agen- cies’ level of respect for and attention to their unique histories and cultures can have significant impacts upon the success of their management. We also highlight the significance of appropriate cultural and his- torical interpretation and communication in developing the relationships upon which local nature protec- tion depends. Our results show that park planners and managers should place greater emphasis on view- ing park neighbors as people just like themselves, who care about the places in which they live and have emotional connections to the landscapes and histories encompassed within protected area borders. Just as the realisation has come about that natural resource management should be based on sound natural resource science, in the human-dominated landscapes that surround and infiltrate most protected areas, the successful protection of resources will also be dependent upon sound social science.

based upon their knowledge of the land- The relationships between protected scapes they live in, their ability to influence adjacent land use, and the potential for areas and people living within their immedi- labor and support they provide.3 No matter ate vicinities are significant for a number of which characterisation one favors, interact- reasons. The impacts parks have on local ing well with people living on the periph- residents can be tremendous, ranging from eries (or within) protected areas will always restricting access to vitally important and present a critical challenge for successful historically available resources to reshaping resource protection. the entire economy of a region by attracting both tourists and new types of residents, We argue that the best path to improving thus changing the resource base. A great relationships with local residents is through body of literature characterises (and often treating them neither solely as opportunities laments) such impacts and raises significant nor as threats, but first and foremost as moral arguments on behalf of those affect- people, which mandates a focus on and ed.1 Another body of literature tends to respect for their unique histories and cul- characterise local residents as potential ture. Using data from research carried out threats to protected areas through contin- by two separate researchers over a period 2 ued resource exploitation. Still others char- of six years on the Caribbean island of St. acterise local residents as opportunities for John, this article aims to answer the ques- partnership and improved conservation

148 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

tion how and why do history and culture about the attitudes of their peers, perceived matter to conservation vis-à-vis protected levels of local involvement in park-related areas? In doing so, we take a managerial decisions, and levels of trust for local park viewpoint, linking cultural and historic fac- managers. In addition to demographic and tors directly to the protection of park other situational characteristics, open-ended resources. In this way, we hope to bridge questions explored the factors most power- the gap between those viewing people pri- fully influencing these assessments.4 marily as threats and those viewing them as opportunities, since the one thing all natural St. John, U.S. Virgin Islands resource managers should share in com- Approximately two-thirds of St. John’s land mon, by their very mandates, is concern for area and 5,650 acres of submerged lands the well-being of the resources they are lie within the authorised boundaries of the charged with protecting. Virgin Islands National Park (established 1956) and 12,708 acres of submerged lands Both anthropological and sociological meth- comprise the Virgin Islands Coral Reef ods were employed by each researcher. National Monument (established 2001). Fortwangler has been conducting research Both protected areas are under the jurisdic- on St. John for over 6 years, living on the tion of the U.S. National Park Service. In island for a period totaling two years. She employed traditional ethnographic techniques (e.g., participant obser- vation) and semi-struc- tured interviews (N=90) to analyze the relation- ships between natural resource politics and the sense of place of island residents. Interviews focused on the relation- ships people have with St. John and the people living on the island, visions they have about the island and questions specific to the protected areas. Stern’s research presented herein Map 1. Recent map of the Virgin Islands National Park and the Coral employed structured Reef National Monument. (Courtesy National Park Service) interviews (N=115) and 1976, the park was designated a biosphere participant observation to gauge the relative reserve by UNESCO. Each year over one importance of different types of evaluations million tourists visit the park, many of them undertaken by local residents in formulating cruise ship passengers, to appreciate the their responses to the park. Statistical tests beaches, coral reefs, flora and fauna, trails, were employed to determine the relative and historical structures. The resident popu- significance of respondents’ assessments of lation of about five thousand is diverse, with the costs and benefits associated with the about a third native St. Johnians,5 a third park’s presence on the island, perceptions from the continental United States, and

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 149 History, culture and conservation

another third from other Caribbean islands. home gardens, crafted sailing vessels, became skilled fishers and maritime traders, St. John’s population and land use patterns raised goats and cattle, made charcoal, have changed over time. Human settlers picked and manufactured bay leaves, and reached St. John between 2000 – 1000 BCE made and sold baskets. This system contin- and by 1200 CE the Taino people occupied ued through the transfer of the islands from St. John. By 1520 CE, traces of the Taino Denmark to the United States in 1917 and had vanished, likely killed or forced off of lasted until the island’s transition to a the island by European expeditions to the tourism economy in the 1950s. region. In 1718, the uninhabited island was claimed by Denmark and by 1730 had been One of the prevalent aspects of this time divided into 100 plantation holdings with was the barter system that developed as just over 1000 enslaved people from the people cultivated provision grounds and western coast of Africa. Three years later, raised animals. Relying on trust and reci- approximately 150 of the enslaved people procity between neighbors and family alike, planned a revolution and succeeded in tak- people would share pieces of land, crops, ing over the island. For three months the childcare and other forms of labor, con- former slaves held the island; when it was structing a basis for the informal, primarily retaken by colonial forces, many of those non-monetary, economy that drove the St. involved in the revolution were killed or Johnian society. It was very common committed suicide. Plantations and slavery throughout the time period leading up to persisted until the mid 1800s, when a vari- the establishment of the National Park, for ety of factors brought the system to its end. people to access or borrow land from large At the time of Emancipation in 1848, there landowners and other neighbors, usually in were over two thousand exchange for some amount of labor or Relying on trust enslaved people on St. share of their produce, in order to grow John and a community 8 and reciprocity crops, graze livestock, or cut wood. comprised primarily of free between neighbors persons of color who lived Although support for a protected area on and family alike, on the east end of the St. John began as early as the 1930s, no people would share island.6 Native St. Johnians official arrangements were made until con- pieces of land, crops, today trace their heritage servation-minded businessmen Frank Stick childcare and other to these people. and Laurence Rockefeller became involved forms of labor, con- in the early 1950s. After purchasing just structing a basis After the collapse of the under1500 acres on the island, Stick turned for the informal, plantation system, a new his attention to developing the area as an primarily non- era of land use on St. John upscale development and marina but soon monetary, economy emerged. It included a abandoned that idea to create a national diversified agricultural park. He enlisted the support of Rockefeller, that drove the St. economy, small-scale forest who had already purchased a 650-acre Johnian society. industry (e.g. bay leaf har- resort area on the island. Rockefeller was vesting and charcoal production) and the interested, particularly because he wanted development of cattle estates.7 Although to prove that economic pursuits and conser- the majority of land remained in the hands vation could go hand in hand.9 Stick already of a few persons and families, the emerging had prior experience linking conservation St. Johnian community acquired small lots with capital investments.10 Stick then of land purchased, transferred, or gifted secured options on the five thousand acres from the old plantations. They cultivated needed to establish a park. Some of the

150 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

land was donated and the remainder was opportunities associated with the opening of purchased with financial support from the resort, the enthusiasm was soon Rockefeller. Most of the acreage was curbed.12 By 1958 a local politician is quot- acquired from a few non-St. Johnian large ed in the New York Times: “We have not landowners with many local families declin- only been sold down the river, we’ve been ing to part with their land. The park was sheared first.”13 Some people’s properties dedicated December 1, 1956, the same day were completely surrounded by park lands, Rockefeller opened a remodeled Caneel Bay without legal easements for ensured access, Plantation resort, a luxurious but simple and people became aware of conflicts hotel situated within the boundaries of the between themselves and park managers park.11 regarding access to park lands. Questions about property lines still exist today and numerous boundaries are still not surveyed. In retrospect many local residents view the creation of the park as a move by powerful business interests working in concert with the federal government to secure St. John for their own benefit. This sentiment was expressed soon after the park was created and continues today. One native St. Johnian explained, “The park is not here for you. The Park is a money-makin’ business... It was deception from the inception.” A local Senator said as much in 1958: “if you will Picture 1. The National Park Service Headquarters look carefully at the map you will see a mil- (shown here) is located in Cruz Bay, the main town lionaire’s lodge protected by the Federal on the island. (Courtesy Crystal Fortwangler) Government.”14

Our interviews with St. Johnians revealed The development of the park and resort concern about the period leading up to the along with the emergent tourism industry establishment of the park. Many locals felt on St. Thomas encouraged St. Johnians to dispossessed of lands that they had always move away from land-based and fishing been able to use to raise crops, gather use- occupations and into wage labor jobs within ful plants, graze their livestock, or make the tourism industry. In the early 1960s the charcoal. Many reported that they were led population of the island began to expand to believe that the park would be merely a dramatically as people from other Caribbean place for recreation and that they would islands and the United States migrated to always have access to the land. Concepts of St. John to start new lives, find employ- access clearly varied from what park cre- ment, and establish businesses. Today the ators were proposing and what locals per- island has about 5000 persons. In a period ceived at the time. It was those retaining of fifty years (1950 – 2000), the island wit- small plots who depended upon access to nessed a 460% increase in population. In the large estates that likely experienced the 1950, almost everyone on St. John was greatest impact and felt most betrayed by born on the island; today most are not. the park’s policies. Most recently, St. John has become a favorite location for those building luxury or Although many St. Johnians were excited second homes, vacation villas, and dream about the creation of the park and the job houses. For 2003, the Multiple Listing

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 151 History, culture and conservation

Service for St. John shows the average sale these attitudes. The most commonly report- price of 55 homes sold as $960,000 and the ed explanations for negative attitudes average price of 155 land toward the park were those of cultural Most St. Johnians properties sold as $377,000. incompatibility. People commonly reported recognise that the that the park management made very little park drives much While most St. Johnians effort to fit in with island culture15 and of the local econo- recognise that the park often exhibited blatant disrespect for local my and helps drives much of the local people. We will address only some of the maintain the rural economy and helps main- roots of these complaints in this short feel of the island. tain the rural feel of the report. island, there is a wide range of opinions held Figure 1a. Most commonly reported positive influences on local between and within the diverse opinions of VINP communities on the island about these areas and the National Park Service. Opinions range from whole-hearted sup- port to staunch opposition, and actions in relation to the pro- tected areas are as varied. Although only a third of St. John’s population trace their roots to the pre-park era, the island’s recent native history and culture in many ways still dominate local viewpoints toward the park, particularly Figure 1b. Most commonly reported negative influences on local negative ones. In the following opinions of VINP section we explain how and why this should matter to pro- tected areas managers.

Perceived poor cultural understanding of PA managers: a predictor of local opposition Over 200 interviews with St. John residents show trends that shed light on why history and culture matter to resource man- agement. In Stern’s study, 115 respondents, Respondents were also asked to rate their both native and immigrants to the island, perceptions of how well they believed that were asked to rate their overall level of sat- park officials understood the local culture on isfaction toward the park on a scale from the island on a five-point scale. Fifty-five one to ten, ten being the best. They were percent of native St. Johnians and forty-two then asked to explain why they responded percent of non-native residents responded in the ways that they did. Figure 1a and 1b that they didn’t understand it at all, while show the most common explanations for only five respondents suggested that they

152 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

understood it very well. In these and in tions of cultural understanding Building mean- additional interviews, many people reported described above (r = .592, p ingful personal that they were actually offended by the lack = .000). In other words, those relationships and of cultural history included in park interpre- who felt the park demonstrat- demonstrating tation. ed higher levels of cultural cultural respect understanding tended to The scripted interviews also revealed that demonstrate greater trust of appears as impor- the most significant predictor of actions car- park officials. tant a strategy ried out by locals in opposition to the park for park outreach was their level of trust in park managers. This trend is especially signifi- as providing tan- “Opposing” actions were measured as cant because the trust variable gible benefits to instances of intentional resource damage or proved a significantly better local populations. illegal harvesting, lawsuits against the park, predictor of local opposition to public campaigning against the park than many other measurements Respondents who the park, and/or active commonly assumed to be among the most believed the park protests. Respondents who important predictors of local responses to managers to be believed the park managers protected areas, including natural resource fair and honest to be fair and honest with use and access restrictions, economic bene- with local residents local residents were the fits or disadvantages associated with the were the least like- least likely to commit such park, recreational factors, and others.17 This ly to commit such actions. Using the trust vari- suggests that building meaningful personal able alone, we can predict actions. relationships and demonstrating cultural with over 81% accuracy, respect may in fact be as important a strat- using binary logistic regression, who within egy for park outreach as providing tangible the sample is committing these actions and benefits to local populations. who is not (see Table 1). Detailed interviews with St. John Table 1. Binary logistic regression model predicting active residents by both researchers opposition to Virgin Islands National Park revealed that trust is largely con- tingent upon common ground Predicted between park managers and the OPPOSE Percentage people living on the island. While Observed 0 1 Correct island residents who have come OPPOSE 0 67 12 84.8 from the mainland United States 1 9 24 72.7 tend to exhibit slightly higher levels of trust in park managers, Overall Percentage 81.3 many also reported strong dis- Variables in the equation: Significance trust. Amongst those non- TRUST p = .001 natives who exhibited active opposition toward the park, about half cited the historical mistreatment Only 25% of the sample reported that they of local people by the park and other enti- trusted park managers entirely, while nearly ties as one of the reasons for their distrust. half of the sample suggested that they We thus see strong ripple effects of cultural mostly or entirely distrusted park rifts from one group to another. managers.16 Five-point-scale measurements of trust for park managers were highly cor- These results show clear linkages between related with the measurements of percep- local history, cultural understanding, trust,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 153 History, culture and conservation

and tangible negative impacts upon park three days out of the year during Black resources.18 In the following section we dis- History Month. St. Johnians consistently cuss specific events and park management portrayed this event in a positive light, strategies that have influenced responses by often describing it as the most positive local people and highlight some points that aspect of the park. Interviews with resi- are particularly salient to protected areas dents unanimously show that they would management in general. We focus upon like this programme to expand (even if themes of cultural interpretation, exotic they found room for some improvement). species management, communication, and Many St. Johnians also think it could pro- conflicts between park managers’ and vide additional employment for local peo- locals’ sense of place. ple. The fact that it only happens once each year is frustrating to many St. Representing histories Johnians. St. Johnians’ history is embedded within the park’s landscape. Much of that recent history, however, has not found its way into park programs.19 The overall land- scape studied and interpreted does not cover the same ground as the one lived and experienced by recent generations of St. Johnians. The history of bay rum and charcoal production, maritime livelihoods, and cattle estates is much less visible in park interpretation than more distant his- tories, such as those involving the Taino and plantation societies.20 Moreover, the public has not historically had easy access to the documents tracing significant Picture 2. A native St. Johnian demonstrates changes that have occurred on St. John as basket-making for visitors at the Folklife Festival. a result of the park. Until recently, a won- A locally made doll is on the far left. (Courtesy derful collection of photographs and inter- Bruce Schoonover) views of St. John’s more recent past col- lected since the park’s establishment lay Both the cultural resources protection and rather unorganised in file cabinets in park interpretation divisions are understaffed and underfunded, forcing difficult deci- offices and storage facilities.21 Deeds of sions in the allocations of money, time, park lands are as well difficult to locate. and effort. In addition, because there is an urgent need to document and preserve One exception to the dearth of interpreta- deteriorating historic structures from the tion of recent history in the park is an plantation era and vanishing pre-historic annual event that takes place at the Taino beach sites, the archaeological Annaberg sugar plantation ruins.22 For investigations have been focused upon most of the year, the site hosts basket- these. While these efforts and the inter- making and cooking demonstrations and pretation of past eras are important to St. maintains a small educational garden.23 Johnians, our interviews show that people The Folklife Festival – showcasing the are also concerned that recent eras do not island’s traditional arts and crafts, herbal receive as much attention. Failing to pro- remedies, food, music, gardening, story- vide culturally relevant interpretation con- telling, and masquerading, takes place

154 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

tributes to divisiveness and local discon- this land, making allies out of many who tent for the protected areas. It leads to consider themselves opponents. perceptions that the park does not care about local people and fuels the distrust What species belong here? that characterises today’s relations Just as park managers interpret histories, between the park and island residents. It they have the ability to determine which complicates park relationships with native species of plants and animals— and how residents, exacerbating feelings that the many— should exist within the park. Official park is not for them or connected to park communications explain that invasive them. Failing to adequately incorporate “non-native” species must be reduced to histories relevant to local residents can be protect the “natural” or “native” habitat, significant and symbolic. including federally listed endangered species, such as the St. Thomas Lidflower The park is beginning to increase the (Calyptranthes thomasiana) and the Prickly attention given to the post-emancipation Ash (Zanthoxyllum thomasianum), and one era, particularly the twentieth century. For of the best remaining representative exam- example, the Chief of Interpretation has ples of Caribbean dry tropical forest. The made an arrangement for a cultural fauna with reduction programs include mon- anthropologist to help prepare a guiding goose, cats, rats, feral pigs, and goats. document focused on the interpretation of Donkeys do not have a reduction pro- land use within the park during the twen- gramme but are also considered a threat to tieth century and the communities who native species.26 Proposals for the control of lived there. In addition, the Cultural non-native invasive flora are in the planning Resources Manager helped prepared a process. Some of the flora and fauna, par- proposal that in part addresses twentieth- ticularly goats, pigs, and donkeys are cultur- century land use at a major site in the ally significant because of their historical park. Additional possibilities include uses, particularly during the post-emancipa- adding interpretive signs or demonstra- tion period. tions regarding bay rum production, boat making, charcoal making, or cattle rearing Although locals often understand that the throughout the park and commissioning park needs to control non-native species park resource studies that include more because they damage native ones and lack 24 extensive treatments of recent histories. natural predators, public perception overall is that the non-native species—culturally Native St. Johnians, like the original resi- significant ones—are targeted in an attempt dents near so many parks, have sacrificed to return the island to a pre-Columbian for the benefit of all people who enjoy landscape. A 1987 report on land use within these parks. While, of course, many local the park offered a similar observation, not- people have benefited from the park’s cre- ing that “much of the landscape has been ation as well, many more feel that the deliberately managed to a wilderness state costs they have endured have long been that obscures its cultural dynamic.”27 swept under the rug. Protected areas Moreover, many St. Johnians perceive that wield tremendous power as they decide the park has chosen certain species over which historical periods they wish to pre- others without regard for local customs and 25 serve or highlight. A living history that traditions. Some see this as part of an celebrates the life and times of St. inconsistency in park management decisions Johnians could celebrate their contribu- to protect some species and destroy others. tions and sacrifices for the preservation of For example, sweet lime (also known as

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 155 History, culture and conservation

limeberry, a local favorite) was targeted for value donkeys picking through their trash or removal at a beach that locals frequent. goats nibbling their flow- Meanwhile, almost all of the interpretive ers. It also does not mean Many residents signs on the famous Reef Bay Trail in the that we should value the refuse to attend park contain natural history information cel- damage these species ebrating exotic species and explaining their cause to other species. It meetings, at times as presence on the island. means that these species a form of protest. can be valued in both his- Many who do attend Park managers are guided by National Park torical and cultural ways do so to register oppo- Service Management Policies, which provide and at the same time be sition to whatever for the protection of cultural and historic controlled within the park. park propositions are landscapes and the protection of native The emphasis could be on discussed. […] More species. Managers recognise the merit of promoting the integration than half of our incorporating culturally relevant species into of these species into the interviewees suggest park landscapes but they must also adhere park landscape and at the that officials should to federal laws (e.g. the Endangered same time providing for Species Act). Thus, while park service man- the protection of federally communicate more dates are to pursue the protection of native and territorially listed often in a less for- species by reducing the non-native ones, endangered species. This mal manner with they also promote the historic and cultural might be pursued by local residents. importance of the non-native species including goats, hogs, and through a cultural landscape program. donkeys as part of certain park landscapes

Park managers then find themselves in a balancing act. However, it is not merely an ecological balance that is important to seek. The park could more actively and clearly emphasise a balance between the native and non-native species and the cultural and historic landscapes in which they are situated. Another option would be to re-evaluate the process of deciding what is or is not native to St. John, perhaps stretching the interpretation beyond strictly eco- logical criteria. Moreover, the park could temper public frustration through public acknowledgment of the significance of these culturally relevant species. Picture 3. Feral donkeys are often seen walking along the roadsides, many of which are located within the park. Taking By acknowledging and even cele- home a photo of a donkey is a favorite tourist pastime. brating the cultural role of some of (Courtesy Crystal Fortwangler) these species the park might treat them as (such as post-emancipation cultural land- valued local species instead of harmful scapes)28 but not others, or limiting these invaders. By suggesting this, we do not animals to an interpretive site. Without mean to imply that St. Johnians or others attention to the cultural significance of

156 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

these species, the park risks further alienat- Comments are taken, and park officials ing a population that already feels its sense report that they are utilised in planning of place and ownership eroding. A recent processes, but no evidence is provided to positive step in this direction was the inclu- local residents as to why certain comments sion of donkeys and goats in a park spon- were acted upon and others not. People sored parade float emphasizing the human feel as if the curtains close at the end of a history of the island.29 meeting and never re-open. Respondents expressed that they did not expect the Culture and Communication park to incorporate everything they would Park communication with the public also like, but they would like an honest effort to suffers from inattention to historical and respond to concerns with explanations. cultural matters. Most commonly, the Park The fact that the park does not provide Service communicates through press post-meeting follow-up leads people to releases, requires formal written respons- believe that they have been disrespected. es, and holds public meetings, as required Respect – as one would expect — is an by the NEPA process. Many residents important factor in creating positive rela- refuse to attend meetings, at times as a tionships. form of protest. Many who do attend do so to register opposition to whatever park Many St. Johnians view the park historical- propositions are discussed. Both sets of ly as yet another largely white (particularly research show that respondents over- in management), external entity that has whelmingly recommend that the park usurped local sovereignty, as have prior change its style of communication.30 colonial entities. At times, the Park Service “Come out and mingle,” suggested one reinforces these sentiments. For example, native St. Johnian. St. John is a small the initiation of entry fees at Trunk Bay, a place. Locals want to see park officials popular beach, without exceptions for local 34 talking with locals on the streets, at com- residents has caused considerable angst. munity gatherings, and playing dominoes Although the fee is small, the principle that at local hang-outs.31 Another roadblock to locals should pay to visit a beach their developing shared trust between the com- families have used freely for generations is munity and park is the frequent turnover a direct insult to many. The closing of old of the Superintendent position, a common trails and roads has generated similar practice in the National Park Service. Many responses. The building of a gate at an access point to Decisions such as expressed feelings of futility in building charging locals personal relationships with someone who privately held lands encom- passed by the park a few park fees or creat- will be leaving soon.32 years ago may be an ing the recent mon- extreme example of such The formal and infrequent modes of com- ument are often affronts. The gate was munication employed by the park have led finalised at a high- closed to halt illicit activities to strong perceptions that local involve- er level, leaving allegedly occurring in the ment in park decisions is not genuine.33 A park managers to area. Public debates con- recent example provided by St. Johnians is deal with the local cerning access to inholdings the perceived lack of communication consequences. and the closing of roads throughout the process leading up to the have been ongoing for establishment of the national monument. many years. The unannounced closing of Many believe that meetings held by the the gate re-ignited a passionate flame of park are just for show. The Park Service resentment.35 In turn, many St. Johnians has done little to contest these claims.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 157 History, culture and conservation

offered cautious optimism when the new ment on the island, however, it may be superintendent recently removed the gate these individuals, positioned at the critical altogether. nodes of communication, who could proba- bly best articulate the common ground The make-up and hierarchy of park staff between the park’s interests and those of also impacts local viewpoints and reac- the local population. Recently, the park tions. While the park hires a considerable hired a St. Johnian to develop a communi- number of local residents, some within the ty outreach and media relations plan. This upper echelons of the park’s hierarchy, position could provide a venue through park superintendents have been from else- which to address some of the issues raised where with perhaps one exception.36 Many here. enforcement rangers and most natural resource managers are also from the Conclusions mainland. Most people believe that deci- We have highlighted how the concept of sions made regarding St. John’s protected land on St. John has changed from some- areas are made at the regional office of thing that is shared to something that is the Park Service in Atlanta or in owned and restricted. Historically, the Washington, DC. Indeed, decisions such as lands on St. John were loaned, borrowed charging locals park fees or creating the and shared locally as needed amongst recent monument are often finalised at a family, neighbors and different-sized land higher level, leaving park managers to deal holders. National Parks, however, are with the local consequences. The relation- owned in common by everybody in the ship between NPS administrative levels United States. It should not be surprising makes it difficult to pin down responsibility that native St. Johnians view protected for certain decisions, which frustrates areas on the island as more of a taking locals. This further reinforces feelings of than any sort of giving for the local resi- local powerlessness and prompts discus- dents – even if they recognise some bene- sions about neo-colonialism amongst local fits. St. Johnians and the protected areas residents. themselves would benefit from a renewed sense of ownership in what they once con- Locally-hired park staff also play a role in sidered their own.37 the relationships between the park and locals. Because the park is viewed by St. Johnians have a special relationship many as predominantly foreign, formal, with the island— a special sense of place, and largely unapproachable, they often one different than others who have moved rely upon locally-hired people as key bro- to the island. Sense of place is the coming kers of information about the park. When together of memories, experiences, lan- these employees are not brought into the guages, visions, stories, social relations, overall park planning, it only solidifies per- and identities.38 It is a merging of one’s ceptions about the lack of genuine local individual and collective pasts, presents, involvement and cultural sensitivity exhibit- and futures developed over time in places. ed by park managers. Both of our studies Building a sense of place is an individual revealed that minimal consultation with and cultural process of experiencing and local hires (and Virgin Islanders in general) interacting with places with one’s body and in the management planning and decisions through social engagements. It is, for of the park has a great impact on relation- example, knowing which tree people gath- ships between the park and community. ered under on the island and why – and Based upon patterns of information move- having a shared or similar understanding

158 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

about it, a shared and special relationship human-dominated landscapes that sur- to that place, even if you never gathered round and infiltrate most protected areas, there, even if the tree is no more. Such the successful protection of resources is trees have or still exist within the bound- dependent upon both sound natural aries of the park. So does much of St. resource management and sound manage- Johnian history. ment of social relationships. For the latter, careful analyses of the social contexts in Sense of place has a profound influence on which parks are situated appear indeed how St. Johnians evaluate the park, the necessary. Programmatically incorporating recently designated national monument, such analyses can lead to better relation- the Park Service and its support groups. ships with local communities, better visitor St. Johnians know an island with and with- experiences, and better resource protec- out a park. They may articulate an opinion tion in the long run. Ultimately, such analy- about the park but it is not isolated; it is ses should guide what the PA is all about. situated within a web of human and place- based relationships. The protected areas Crystal Fortwangler ([email protected]) is a are intertwined with St. Johnians’ cultural Ph.D. Candidate at the University of Michigan. and social worlds—they are “cultural enti- Her dissertation research focuses upon protected ties.”39 area politics and relationships to place on the island of St. John, U.S. Virgin Islands. She has We have illustrated the connections worked on issues of social justice, human rights, between cultural and historical understand- and park- people relationships and co-edited ing, trust and the maintenance of Contested Nature: Promoting International resources within protected areas on St. Biodiversity with Social Justice in the Twenty-first John. For instance, appropriate cultural Century (see the review in this issue of Policy and historical interpretation and communi- Matters). Crystal is A CEESP/CMWG member. cation are very significant in developing Marc Stern ([email protected]) is a Ph.D. the relationships upon which local preser- Candidate at Yale University. His dissertation vation depends. And neglecting certain research focuses upon the relationships between aspects of local contexts can lead to national parks and the neighbouring communities impaired management situations. in the USA and Ecuador. Marc is member of the IUCN Commission on Education and These are common themes in many pro- Communication and would like to acknowledge tected areas around the world. The pri- financial support from the Canon National Parks mary focus of park management in recent Science Scholars program. years upon natural resources within pro- tected areas is understandable, as that is the primary mission of many protected References areas. However, the continued existence of Alcorn, J.B., Indigenous peoples and conservation, Conservation Biology, 7(2): 424-426, 1993. these resources is contingent upon the Armstrong, D., Creole Transformation from Slavery to human institutions that surround them. Freedom. Historical Archaeology of the East End Our results show that park planners and Community, St. John, Virgin Islands. University Press of Florida, Gainesville, FL, 2003. managers should place greater emphasis Brechin, S., Wilshusen, P., Fortwangler, C., & P. West on viewing park neighbors as people who (eds.), Contested Nature. Promoting International care about the places in which they live Biodiversity with Social Justice in the Twenty-first Century. SUNY Press, Albany, NY, 2003. and have emotional connections to the Casey, E., “Getting from Space to Place and Back Again”, landscapes and histories encompassed in Feld and Basso, 1996 op.cit. within protected area borders. In the Colchester, M., Salvaging Nature: Indigenous Peoples, Protected Areas and Biodiversity Conservation.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 159 History, culture and conservation

Discussion paper #55, UNRISD, Geneva, 1994. to the Wrong Term for Wilderness Protection: A Case Feld, S. & K. Basso (eds.), Senses of Place. School of Study at Point Reyes National Seashore, APCG American Research Press, Sante Fe, NM, 1996. Yearbook. 64: 55-72, 2002. Fellows, L., Trouble Invades Island Paradise, New York Winks, R., Laurance S. Rockefeller. Catalyst for Times, p. 10, May 18, 1958. Conservation, Island Press, Washington D.C., 1997. Infield, M., Conserving nature and the nature of conser- Zimmerman, B., C.A. Peres, J.R. Malcolm & T. Turner, vation – national parks as cultural entities, Policy Conservation and development alliances with the Matters, 12: 64-70, 2003. Kayapo of south-eastern Amazonia, a tropical forest Koester, S., Socioeconomic and Cultural Role of Fishing indigenous people, Environmental Conservation 28(1): and Shellfishing in the Virgin Islands Biosphere 10-22, 2001. Reserve. Virgin Islands Resource Management Cooperative, Biosphere Reserve Research Report No. Notes 12, Virgin Islands National Park, St. John, U.S. Virgin 1 Brechin et al., 2003; Colchester, 1993. Islands, 1986. 2 Terborgh and Peres, 2002. Low, S. & D. Lawrence- Zúñiga (eds.), The anthropology 3 of space and place. Locating culture. Blackwell Alcorn, 1993; Metcalfe, 1995; Zimmerman et al., Publishing, Oxford, 2003. 2001. 4 Metcalfe, S.C., “Communities, parks, and regional plan- Stern interviewed 44 native St. Johnians, 46 people ning: a co-management strategy based on the originally from the U.S. mainland, and 25 from else- Zimbabwean experience”, in J.A. McNeely (ed.) where. Fortwangler interviewed 46 native St. Expanding Partnerships in Conservation, Island Press, Johnians and 44 people originally from the U.S. Washington, D.C., 1995. mainland. There is only a small degree of overlap in Olwig, K.F., Cultural Adaptation and Change on St. John: persons interviewed. 5 Three Centuries of Afro-Caribbean Life. University of We use the term “native St. Johnian” here to refer to Florida Press, Gainesville, FL, 1985. persons whose families trace their ancestry on the Olwig, K.F., The Land is the Heritage. Virgin Islands island back many generations and who would be Humanities Council, St. Thomas (U.S. Virgin Islands), described in relevant literatures as Afro-Caribbean. 1995. 6 See Armstrong (2003) for a detailed account of this Olwig, K.F. & K. Olwig, Underdevelopment and the devel- unique community living on the east end of island. opment of “Natural” Park ideology, Antipode, 11(2): 7 The cattle estates were owned by a few families of 16-25, 1979. mixed African and European descent with locals O’Neill, E.A., Rape of the American Virgins. Praeger working occasionally as laborers; the number of cat- Publishers, New York, 1972. tle reached a peak in 1930 with fifteen hundred Relph, E., Place and Placelessness, Pion Limited, London, head. For full account of land use history on St. John 1976. see Tyson 1984. Roberts, N.S. Virgin Islands National Park, Community 8 See also Tyson (1984) and Olwig (1985). outreach plan and recommendations. A vital resource 9 Winks, 1997. Rockefeller was also interested in help- in need of attention: A draft plan for action. National ing local people get jobs. He thought of the park as Park Service, Natural Resource Information Division, a way to “save the island from exploitation and help Washington, DC., 2003. islanders at the same time” (Thruelsen, 1955). Stern, M.J., Payoffs vs. Process: Expanding the paradigm 10 Stick was a former artist-illustrator who later turned for park/people studies beyond economic rationality, to the real estate business and became a successful Journal of Sustainable Forestry, in press. developer of NC beach-front property around Nags Terborgh, J. & C. Peres, “The problem of people in Head. He worked with the National Park Service to parks”, in J. Terborgh, C. v. Schaik, L. Davenport & M. establish Cape Hattaras National Seashore (1953) Rao (eds.) Making Parks Work: Strategies for preserv- and gave land for Wright Memorial in the 1920s. ing tropical nature, Island Press, Washington, D.C., 11 See O’Neill (1972) for a fuller treatment of the bene- 2002. ficial relationship between Caneel Bay and the park. Thruelsen, R., The Island Nobody Spoiled, Saturday See Olwig (1995) for a detailed discussion of how Evening Post, September 3, 1955. tourism and the park have impacted the St. Johnian Tilley, C., A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, Paths community. and Monuments, Berg, Oxford, 1994. 12 Olwig & Olwig, 1979. Tuan, Y., Space and Place: The Perspective of 13 Fellows, 1958:10. Experience, University of Minnesota Press, 14 Ibid. Minneapolis, MN., 1977. 15 Many spoke of the park as having a military style of Tyson, G., Land Use History on St. John. National Park management and of top park officials’ unwillingness Service, St. Croix (U.S. Virgin Islands), 1984. to show themselves at local hang-outs or talk casual- Tyson, G., Historic Land Use in the Reef Bay, Fish Bay ly to people on the streets. Invariably, people report and Hawksnest Bay Watersheds St. John, U.S. Virgin that when more personable superintendents have Islands 1718-1950. Biosphere Reserve Report No. 19, been in charge of the park, relations have improved National Park Service, St. Thomas (U.S. Virgin considerably. Islands), 1987. 16 Roberts (2003) also finds a general lack of trust Virgin Islands National Park., Business Plan, National towards the park service on St. John, noting that Park Service, St. John (U.S. Virgin Islands, 2001. such lack of trust will preclude any success of an Watt, L., The Trouble with Preservation, or, Getting Back outreach effort (re: conservation of marine

160 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

resources). She writes, “there is absolute recognition regularly mingled and personally engaged the locals. [by park staff] that lack of trust is a major factor The current superintendent has made a great effort that yearns for mending” (11). in this regard. 17 When trust is included in any model along with these 32 We agree with Roberts (2003) that trust between the other variables, only the trust variable proves signifi- community and park would improve if park managers cant at the 95% confidence level. When rational remained longer than a few years. cost-benefits assessments are used in place of the 33 This is consistent with the findings of anthropologist trust variable in the model, the overall predictive Stephen Koester in the mid-1980s. He concluded power of the model drops to 74.6%. that a large part of the conflict between local fisher- 18 Higher levels of trust and cultural understanding men and the park stemmed from the “almost com- were also correlated with positive actions toward the plete exclusion of fishermen from any meaningful park, measured as donating money, volunteering, or role in the national park.” He argued that to “build a defending the park in public arenas. The best predic- cooperative relationship” the park must pursue a tors of positive actions, however, were perceived lev- management structure “based on participation rather els of local empowerment and perceptions about the than exclusion” and a management policy that attitudes of one’s peers. Respondents with percep- “extends decision making power and planning to tions of greater local input into park decisions and of include traditional resource users and residents” higher percentages of peers with positive attitudes (Koester 1986:20-21). were more likely to actively support the park. 34 This is a general policy of the park service. Because 19 Roberts (2003) also points out that the interpretive parks are owned equally by every citizen of the programs at VIIS could gain from an external evalua- United States, locals generally receive no special tion, asking “what’s missing” regarding interpretation privileges. of the “untold stories.” 35 The superintendent at the time later regretted not 20 There were earlier attempts by interpretive rangers discussing the gate with residents before locking it to focus on the island’s late 19th and early 20th cen- (page 6 of Virgin Islands Daily News, May 10, 2001). tury subsistence era, but these efforts were not 36 One superintendent did spend childhood years on St. effectively institutionalised. John and worked for the park as a young adult. 21 The park recently completed a collections conditions Some people, however, did not consider him to be survey and a collections management plan. truly local, having been born elsewhere. In order to 22 In addition to the Annaberg festival, this past year become a superintendent, an employee is expected the park (with funding from the Friends of the Virgin to move from unit to unit, securing a range of expe- Islands National Park) worked with a local theatre riences. While there have been a handful of Virgin company to offer a play based on the life and times Islanders who have done this, most people are not of a well-known St. Johnian. The play is held in the interested in leaving the islands in order to pursue park every week and attended by locals and tourists. this path. Early reports suggest it is well-received by the St. 37 Park policy regarding “traditionally-associated peo- Johnian community. ples” should apply to native St. Johnians. Park recog- 23 Additionally, the Friends of the Park recently started nition of this status would ensure a greater emphasis a docent program, five days per week during the on the types of communication most St. Johnians peak tourist season. would like to see, acknowledging their traditional cul- 24 The park has previously commissioned studies that tural connection with the landscape that pre-dates include the post-emancipation era. However, they the park and thus their legitimate stake in decision- provide minimal attention to the years after 1917. making processes. Exceptions are Tyson 1984 and 1987 but these have 38 Sense of place and relationships to places have been a very limited distribution. approached from numerous disciplines such as 25 See also Watt (2002). anthropology (Feld and Basso, 1996; Low, S. and D. 26 There have been plans proposed for donkey man- Lawrence-Zúñiga, 2003), archaeology (Tilley, 1994), agement, such as one prepared by the Feral Animal geography (Relph, 1976; Tuan, 1977), and philoso- Task Force on St.John in the early 1990s. phy (Casey, 1996). 27 Tyson, 1987:16. 39 Infield (2003) discusses national parks as "cultural 28 In 1997, a Park Service regional office identified a list entities", arguing that conservation will be strength- of eight preliminary cultural landscapes for the Virgin ened if protected areas are represented in cultural Islands National Park. At the time, the park did not terms. comment on the list. The park could pursue this option and encourage post-emancipation landscapes to be included on the list. 29 The idea for such a float was initiated by St. Johnian park employees, an important point relevant to the next section of paper. 30 See Roberts (2003) for recommendations on how the VIIS could improve its communication strategy. 31 Superintendents, for example, have engaged with the St. Johnian community in different ways. St. Johnians point to only a few superintendents who

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 161 History, culture and conservation

La propriété collective et la mobilité pastorale en tant qu’alliées de la conservation— expériences et politiques innovatrices au Ferlo (Sénégal) Adama Ly et Maryam Niamir-FFuller

Résumé : La légitimité d’accès aux ressources naturelles renouvelables et la responsabilisation des com- munautés dans leur gestion déterminent une grande partie du comportement de ces communautés vis-à- vis de la nature. Dans ce qui suit plusieurs expériences et politiques seront analysées pour le cas du Ferlo au Sénégal — depuis la propriété collective traditionnelle des sociétés pastorales jusqu’à la compétition « moderne » entre différents utilisateurs et utilisations possibles. Des options d’utilisation durable de ces ressources et de conservation participative de la biodiversité seront par la suite examinées. Ces options sont soutenues par un projet FEM-PNUD qui a promu la reconnaissance d’un nombre de Réserves Naturelles Communautaires et d’Unités Pastorales (UPs) gérées par des communautés transhumantes avec des plans de gestion flexibles et bien enracinés dans les connaissances et savoir faire traditionnels. Ces options se fondent sur la restauration, à la fois, de la propriété collective traditionnelle des ressources naturelles, de la transhumance pastorale et de la migration saisonnière de la faune (par une meilleure connectivité entre les aires protégées qui constituent leurs habitats principaux).

La propriété collective tradition- et à mesure que le fourrage plus proche de nelle et l’utilisation durable des la mare devenait rare. Ce système d’utilisa- ressources naturelles tion durable des ressources pastorales était complété par la transhumance des grands Traditionnellement en Afrique, et au Sénégal troupeaux une fois que les mares commen- en particulier, la terre n’a jamais été une çaient à tarir. Les exploitants des UPs tradi- propriété individuelle, même si son usage tionnellement reconnues pouvaient accorder, individuel a été garanti et contrôlé par les négocier ou refuser aux étrangers le droit collectivités locales.1 La terre a toujours été de pâture sur leur territoire. Ce système de une propriété familiale ou communautaire, gestion communautaire et d’utilisation dura- utilisée selon des règles de bonne gestion ble des ressources naturelles était de règle reconnues et respectées par tous. Ainsi, le jusqu’à l’avènement de l’ère coloniale. Dans Ferlo était jadis subdivisé en un ensemble la pratique, la gestion des hurums obéissait d’unités écologiques comprenant des mares aux règles de réciprocité d’accès aux res- et des pâturages. Chacune de ces unités sources au profit de diverses communautés spatiales était la propriété collective étrangères au fur et à mesure des besoins. 2 (hurum) d’un groupe de pasteurs dont la Ces règles fonctionnaient même durant les légitimité d’accès aux ressources naturelles périodes de grande sécheresse, quand la était reconnue par tous. Ces hurum, qui rareté des ressources fourragères et hydri- aujourd’hui, nous appellerions Unités ques accentuait la compétition pour l’usage Pastorales traditionnelles (UPs), étaient des ressources. Les règles de réciprocité exploitées selon des règles de bonne ges- d’accès des groupes de pasteurs aux res- tion des ressources fourragères et hydri- sources d’un hurum à l’autre constituaient ques. Les bénéficiaires respectaient ces ainsi un exemple de compromis et de coo- règles avec un système de rotations spatio- pération au profit de toutes les communau- temporelles centrifuges et progressives sur tés et de l’environnement. un rayon approximatif allant de 5 à 10 kilo- mètres autour des mares principales, au fur

162 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

moyens de contrôle de ces ressources naturelles par l’administration, les règles de bonne gestion se transformèrent vite en compétition pour leur uti- lisation.6 Ainsi, la dégra- dation des terres et des ressources naturelles fut sans précédent. Ce type de tragédie environne- Figure 1 . Pendant l’hivernage, autant les bovins que les ovins et caprins, le mentale, surnommé « pâturage centrifuge autour des mares assure une utilisation rationnelle des res- tragedy of the commons sources naturelles des Hurums. (Courtoisie PGIES) » 7 et constituant plus précisément une « tra- De la vision coloniale de la pro- gedy of the open access », est la consé- quence directe du fait que les communautés priété individuelle au classement qui avaient des droits coutumiers sur ces des terres collectives et aux tenta- terres ont été dépossédées. Ainsi, elles ne tives de sédentarisation des éle- pouvaient plus ni négocier avec les étran- veurs gers ni leur interdire l’accès aux ressources Durant la période coloniale, suivant la logi- et encore moins leur imposer le respect des que de la propriété individuelle de la vision règles de bonne gestion comme c’était tra- européenne, la propriété collective fut igno- ditionnellement le cas. rée et toutes les terres collectives « sans propriétaire avec immatriculation légitime » Face à cette situation, des tentatives de furent déclarées « vacantes et sans maître sédentarisation des éleveurs furent opérées ».3 Dès lors, à partir de 1904,4 démarra le avec la création, à partir de 1953, de la classement au profit de l’Etat colonial de la Réserve Sylvopastorale des six forages au majorité de ces terres en Parcs, Forêts Ferlo. L’idée était de mettre en place un Classées et Réserves. Ce système de classe- réseau dense de forages, en comprenant ment fut établi avec un arsenal de textes environ un tous les 25 kilomètres. Ce trans- juridiques, d’institutions et de corps de fert technologique fut mal adapté car la plu- répression au nom de la part des forages tombèrent en panne Ce type de tragédie protection et de la conser- (c’étaient les populations locales qui environnementale est vation des ressources devaient prendre en charge le fonctionne- une « tragedy of the naturelles. Les communau- ment et les réparations, mais ils n’en open access » — la tés qui avaient conservé et avaient pas la capacité). Les quelques fora- conséquence directe utilisé durablement ces ges fonctionnels, finirent par accueillir d’im- pressionnantes concentrations de cheptel, du fait que les com- ressources naturelles com- munautaires de génération en particulier durant les années de séche- munautés qui resses. Une dégradation des terres sur un avaient des droits en génération deviennent des « voleurs » contre rayon de plusieurs kilomètres s’en est suivie coutumiers sur les qui ces mêmes ressources autour de ces forages. Les mauvaises her- terres ont été dépossé- devaient être protégées.5 bes ou même des plantes toxiques comme dées. Bien évidement, les popu- Calotropis procera et Adenium obesum rem- lations se sentirent expro- placèrent progressivement, en certains priées. En plus, dans un contexte de faibles endroits, les pâturages de qualité. Dans le contexte des sécheresses des années 1970,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 163 History, culture and conservation

le nombre élevé d’animaux sur un terroir conditions d’utilisation durable des ressour- limité et la rareté du fourrage et de l’eau ces naturelles. conduirent à un fort taux de mortalité du bétail. La sédentarisation, qui devait être Les tentatives de rétablissement de une solution à la dégradation des ressour- la gestion communautaire avec la ces naturelles au Ferlo, finissait, paradoxale- loi sur le domaine national et les ment, à exacerber la crise avec des impacts leçons des projets pastoraux environnementaux et socioéconomiques Avec l’avènement de l’indépendance du majeurs. EROS Data Center rapporte ainsi pays en 1960, des nouvelles solutions furent que, depuis 1982, il y’a eu une régression également tentées avec la loi 64-46 du 17 générale dans la composition de la végéta- Juin 1964, plus connue sous le nom de Loi tion et une diminution de la superficie du sur le domaine national. Cette loi, tout en couvert végétal, de la productivité, de la mettant toutes les terres—y compris celles capacité de régénération et de la diversité des terroirs villageois—sous la propriété de de la végétation du Ferlo. Globalement, la l’Etat, prévoyait déjà, en 1964, la décentrali- dégradation des terrains de parcours est sation de leur gestion ainsi que celle des estimée à 80.000 ha /an.8 Les conséquen- ressources naturelles, au profit des ces socioéconomiques se sont manifestées Communautés Rurales (CRs). Les premières de façon multiple. La forte mortalité du CRs furent crées en guise de test en 1972. bétail a conduit à la paupérisation des éle- Les CRs, regroupent environ de dix à quinze veurs, les obligeant à quitter le Ferlo à des- villages ayant des liens de solidarité, d’al- tination soit des zones urbaines aux alen- liance et de coopération dans l’utilisation tours desquelles ils gonflent aujourd’hui les commune des ressources naturelles. Il s’agit bidonvilles, soit vers le bassin arachidier, qui d’une étape décisive du processus de la hébergeait déjà, l’une des plus fortes densi- décentralisation vers une restauration de la tés de population rurale, pour se faire la gestion communautaire des terres et des main dans l’agriculture sur des sols épuisés, ressources naturelles renouvelables. Mais la peu fertiles et surexploités. Ainsi, les politi- loi précise que la terre appartient à celui qui ques de développement firent progressive- la met en valeur. Ce critère de mise en ment les preuves de leurs insuffisances et valeur est donc la seule porte d’entrée pour de leurs limites dans la restauration des une affectation ou pour une désaffectation de la terre. Ce pouvoir est exercé par le Conseil Rural, composé de Conseillers Ruraux élus pour cinq ans, et dont le nom- bre par village varie proportionnellement avec la taille de la population des villages constitutifs de la CR. Une fois élus par les villages constitutifs de la CR, les Conseillers Ruraux, à leur tour, élisent un Président de la CR. Toutes leurs décisions d’affectation ou de désaffectation de la terre se font sur une base de délibération. Toutefois, pour être valable, la délibération doit nécessaire- ment être approuvée par un arrêté pris par le Sous Préfet concerné. Le Sous Préfet est Figure 2 . Femmes peulh sur le chemin de la vente de le représentant local de l’Etat dont la com- lait—une occasion de coopération et d’échange économi- pétence s’étend sur toutes les communes ques et culturelles. (Courtoisie PGIES) rurales de la Sous Préfecture dont il a en

164 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

charge l’administration. Le critère de « mise pas compte de la vocation des sols, et à en valeur » a donc été laissé à l’apprécia- l’augmentation du taux de stockage. Cette tion subjective des représentants locaux de réduction de la fertilité des sols créa des l’Etat à travers leur pouvoir de valider ou sérieux problèmes car elle s’est produite non les délibérations des Conseils Ruraux juste au moment où plusieurs villages (control à posteriori sur les décisions). Le étaient en train de se sédentariser autour représentant local de l’Etat ne peut prendre des forages (de 15 puits en 1972, date de aucune décision concernant l’affectation de la création des deux Réserves de Faune du la terre sauf valider ou non les délibérations Ferlo, ce nombre augmenta bientôt à 109 des Conseils Ruraux. Le pouvoir est ainsi puits repartis entre 106 villages).9 Pendant bicéphale : la décision appartient à la la saison sèche, l’émondage des arbres pour Collectivité Locale et sa validation au repré- le fourrage ligneux aérien complémentaire sentant local de l’Etat. devient si systématique que le phénomène conduit, en certains endroits, à la mortalité De ce fait, seulement les agriculteurs ont pu des arbres. Ainsi, les effets néfastes des bénéficier d’un accès légal à la terre. Même réactions de survie de l’élevage traditionnel, au Ferlo, où le pastoralisme a toujours été de plus en plus confiné sur des terres mar- l’activité dominante, les ginales et en rétrécissement, finit par Seulement les agri- pasteurs n’ont jamais pu convaincre, sans aucune analyse rétrospec- culteurs ont pu béné- bénéficier, ni individuelle- tive, que le pastoralisme ne pouvait pas être ficier d’un accès ment ni collectivement, un critère de « mise en valeur ». A cause légal à la terre… les d’affectation de terre car de l’iniquité d’accès des systèmes de pro- le pastoralisme n’a jamais pasteurs jusqu’ici, duction au foncier, la tentative de rétablisse- été considéré par les auto- n’ont jamais pu en ment de la gestion communautaire de la rités locales comme une terre se traduisait principalement, elle aussi bénéficier car le pas- activité capable de « met- en une augmentation des conflits entre toralisme n’a jamais tre en valeur » les res- agriculteurs et éleveurs. été considéré une sources naturelles. Cette activité capable de « situation tenait principale- Certains projets pastoraux avaient pourtant mettre en valeur » ment du fait que ces auto- été élaborés et mis en œuvre au Ferlo. les ressources natu- rités locales n’étaient pas Mais, en dépit de l’organisation des pasteurs relles. des pastoralistes et et de l’encouragement des opérations de avaient aussi, une certaine déstockage du cheptel par des actions de incompréhension envers commercialisation, et même de création les préoccupations des pasteurs. De ce fait, d’UPs pour tenter de régénérer les pâtura- les exploitations agricoles s’étendirent, mal- ges par des modèles de gestion rotative, les gré leurs faibles rendements, jusque dans impacts de ces projets furent assez limités les parcours de bétail, réduisant ainsi de tant du point de vue du changement des plus en plus les espaces pastoraux et occu- comportements que de l’amélioration de pant même les voies traditionnelles de l’environnement. Les faibles impacts de ces transhumance. Cette situation a obligé les projets étaient liés au fait qu’ils n’avaient éleveurs à réduire leur mobilité ou à pas pu lever les contraintes des causes pre- emprunter d’autres voies non traditionnelles mières de la compétition des acteurs et a ainsi conduit à une augmentation des concernés dans l’utilisation des ressources conflits entre agriculteurs et éleveurs. En naturelles. La propriété collective tradition- même temps, on a assisté à la dégradation nelle et le système de réciprocités d’accès des sols des fragiles écosystèmes steppi- entre groupes d’éleveurs n’avaient pu être ques du Ferlo, suite à leur défrichement, à rétablis. l’utilisation agricole inappropriée ne tenant

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 165 History, culture and conservation

Les options alternatives du Projet conseillers techniques aux Conseillers de Gestion Intégrée des Ruraux et chargés d’établir les plans des Ecosystèmes terres affectées), les éleveurs sédentaires et transhumants et les Chefs de Villages. C’est dans le contexte que nous venons brièvement de résumer que le Projet de Au niveau de ces ateliers, des exposés ont Gestion Intégrée des Ecosystèmes dans été tenus concernant, entre autres : l’évolu- quatre paysages représentatifs du Sénégal tion du comportement des éleveurs dans (PGIES), avec l’assistance du PNUD-FEM, a l’utilisation des ressources naturelles depuis entrepris, sur une base délibérative, l’affec- la gestion collective traditionnelle des tation légale de terres d’une série d’UPs au hurums ; les tentatives de sédentarisation Ferlo au profit des communautés de pas- des éleveurs avec leurs impacts sur la teurs. La stratégie du projet a visé à la fois dégradation des terres et leurs conséquen- le rétablissement des règles traditionnelles ces socioéconomiques ; la loi sur le de gestion et la mobilité en tant qu’élément domaine national et la marginalisation du essentiel de cette gestion. Ainsi on prévoit pastoralisme perçu à travers ses réactions des voies migratoires du bétail, mais aussi de survie et ce, dans un contexte d’absence de la faune, le long du corridor biologique de droits réels sur le foncier ; les limites principal entre le Ferlo et le Parc National des projets antérieurs, qui n’ont pas pu du Niokolo-Koba. Cette mobilité est essen- résoudre les problèmes à leurs racines. Ces tielle pour une répartition des charges ani- débats communautaires portant sur la pro- males aussi bien dans le temps que dans blématique pastorale, la conservation de la l’espace, gage principal d’une utilisation biodiversité, la lutte contre la dégradation durable des ressources naturelles des fragi- des terres et contre la pauvreté, ont les écosystèmes du Ferlo. convaincu les parties concernées de la nécessité d’un rétablissement de l’équité L’alternative représentée par ce nouveau des systèmes de production dans l’accès projet de gestion intégrée des écosystèmes légal à la terre. Cette iniquité était enfin démarra, avec son atelier de lancement en perçue en tant que barrière essentielle à fin février 2003, par une large sensibilisation lever pour la conservation des écosystèmes. de tous les acteurs concernés sur la ques- tion pastorale et la conservation de la biodi- versité. Après le recrutement du personnel du projet en mars 2003, le premier semes- tre fut consacré à une série d’ateliers d’in- formation et de briefing des acteurs concer- nés tant au niveau national que local. Les ateliers ont concerné les Directions Techniques Nationales compétentes en ges- tion des ressources naturelles, les autorités administratives comme les Gouverneurs des régions, les Préfets des départements, les Sous-préfets des arrondissements (chargés d’approuver, pour validation, les délibéra- tions des Conseils Ruraux), les responsables des commissions environnement dans les Conseils Ruraux, les agents des équipes plu- Figure 3 . Forage de Péthiel dans le Ferlo Nord. ridisciplinaires locales des Centres Concentration énorme de troupeaux autour du peu de d’Expansion Rurale Polyvalents (servant de forage fonctionnel pendant la saison sèche. (Courtoisie PGIES)

166 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

Forts des discussions en ateliers et de l’ins- projets, des ONG et des structures techni- tauration du dialogue entre autorités admi- ques locales. Ainsi un Plan Communautaire nistratives, éleveurs sédentaires et transhu- de Gestion et d’Utilisation Durable des mants, élus locaux et services techniques Ressources Naturelles de l’UP a été élaboré de base, huit Chefs de Villages ont adressé sur la base de la vision des acteurs locaux. le 04 Octobre 2003 une demande écrite au Les initiatives prévues incluent des actions Conseil Rural de Oudalaye pour l’affectation d’ouverture de pare-feux périmètraux et d’une UP sise sur le reste de leurs terroirs internes pour un meilleur contrôle des feux pastoraux encore non classés et qui consti- de brousse, du braconnage et de l’exploita- tuait une partie d’un ensemble que les villa- tion clandestine de produits ligneux et non ges exploitaient traditionnellement de façon ligneux par ses « écogardes villageois ». communautaire. Après réception de cette Elles incluent aussi le re-profilage de mares requête, le Conseil Rural fut convoqué en naturelles pour augmenter leur capacité de date du 06 Novembre 2003 et délibéra la stockage des eaux de pluies au profit du création de l’UP de Loumbol Samba Abdoul bétail et de la faune, la pisciculture dans les sur une superficie de 38,170 hectares.10 mares aménagées, l’apiculture sans feu et Avec l’approbation, par arrêté de la Sous- l’enrichissement des pâturages avec des préfecture concernée, 39 ans après l’avène- espèces herbacées et ligneuses. Outre la ment de la loi sur le domaine national, la matérialisation des limites de l’UP par des barrière institutionnelle qui avait causé telle- pancartes de signalisation et par des bor- ment de problèmes environnementaux et nes, le plan prévoit l’établissement d’une socioéconomiques venait enfin de tomber. charte locale d’utilisation durable des res- Cette action fut accueillie avec une grande sources naturelles sur la base des connais- satisfaction par les éleveurs. Cependant, sances locales, comme la gestion centrifuge tous les problèmes n’ont pas disparu de ce des ressources fourragères autour des jour au lendemain. Le nombre accru d’éle- points d’eau. Le plan est complété par des veurs et l’accroissement de la taille du actions de transformation des produits lai- cheptel bovin, ovin et caprin sur le nouvel hurum reconstitué rend indispensa- ble d’avoir de bons plans d’aménagement et de ges- tion, capables de répondre de façon flexible aux varia- tions de la pluviométrie et de rétablir de façon négo- ciée avec les éleveurs non membres de l’UP, la récipro- cité d’accès aux ressources naturelles de l’UP et de cel- les en dehors.

L’affectation de l’UP précise qu’elle doit faire l’objet d’un plan d’aménagement avec l’assistance du projet PGIES et dont la mise en œuvre Figure 4 . Les feux de brousse sont un fléau commun entre le Ferlo se fera avec une contribu- et le Niokolo-Koba. Un comité inter sites planifie à niveau éco régionale tion en synergie des autres pour leur éradication. (Courtoisie PGIES)

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 167 History, culture and conservation

tiers en lait caillé, beurre et fromage au vités concernées. profit des groupements de femmes et par des actions d’utilisation de foyers améliorés La Charte Locale précise la volonté de et la promotion de l’écotourisme. bannir l’installation anarchique des villages dans les UP et d’interdire la création de Selon la loi, la terre peut être désaffectée tout nouveau village dans une UP. Le sur la base de constat de mauvaise ges- défrichement, même partiel, pour des usa- tion. Ainsi, la bonne gestion devient une ges de cultures marchandes est égale- motivation pour les éleveurs et le seul cri- ment prohibé. La Charte précise cela et tère de garantie du maintien de l’affecta- prévoit des sanctions aux contrevenants tion de la terre. Dans la pratique, d’autre (amendes). Des pépiniéristes et des éco- part, la désaffectation est difficile à imagi- gardes— chargés de la surveillance du ner car le morcellement d’une UP pour sa parcellaire de l’UP et du respect des règles répartition entre des éleveurs est impossi- de bonne gestion— ont été désignés par ble car l’affectation est communautaire. les villageois. Le parcellaire découpant l’UP Pour bien gérer leur UP les éleveurs ont en trois unités a été établi de manière à élaboré une Charte Locale précisant les responsabiliser chacun des trois groupes règles de bonne gestion. Cette Charte de villages pour assurer le contrôle des Locale, dont le processus d’adoption par feux de brousse, du braconnage et des tous les acteurs est en cours, est basée exploitations clandestines éventuelles. Des sur les connaissances traditionnelles en pare-feux ont été ouverts le long des pis- matière de gestion des ressources naturel- tes servant de limites de ce parcellaire et les. Le processus d’adoption de la Charte le passage d’une parcelle à l’autre est a démarré avec l’examen des dispositions assuré à tous. Des Comités de Gestion et leur adoption à travers des réunions vil- existent. Ils comprennent le Président de lageoises. Une fois que tous les villages la Communauté Rurale, le Préfet du membres de l’UP l’auront approuvée et département, le Sous-préfet concerné, adoptée, le processus sera finalisé dans mais aussi un commissariat au comptes une Assemblée Générale impliquant les (composé d’un commissaire général et 4 représentants des villages l’ayant déjà assistants) et une commission suivi et adoptée et des représen- évaluation participative. Cette dernière Les éleveurs ont tants d’autres UPs, avec la commission est surtout concernée par les obtenu l’affecta- présence de pasteurs non impacts sur le milieu naturel et sur l’éco- tion des Unités membres d’UPs mais béné- nomie locale en termes de lutte contre la Pastorales …. ils ficiant de droit d’accès. pauvreté. En cas de saisie de braconniers sont en train Après ce processus, il est ou d’exploitants clandestins, les écogardes d’élaborer une prévu que le Représentant saisissent l’agent forestier ou des parcs Charte Locale pré- Local de l’Etat signe un nationaux ou la gendarmerie nationale ou cisant les règles arrêté portant sur toutes locale qui déclanchent le processus de les dispositions adoptées de mise en œuvre des peines pouvant aller de bonne gestion la Charte de manière à les jusqu’à l’emprisonnement. Le projet envi- … basée sur leurs rendre exécutoires. Un pro- sage de former ces écogardes dans les connaissances cessus démocratique pre- Centres de Formation Communautaires du traditionnelles nant en compte des com- projet et de les munir de signes distinctifs promis est nécessaire pour comme des badges. la coopération de tous les acteurs dans le respect des règles établies dans la Charte Les plans d’aménagement et de gestion Locale au profit de l’ensemble des collecti- des ressources fourragères et hydriques

168 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

sont censés être revus et corrigés selon le l’UP. Pour les membres du groupe commu- besoin, suivant les changements climati- nautaire affectataire, la redevance de ques et socio-économiques qui affecteront contribution mensuelle est de dix francs l’UP. Ainsi, en cas de variabilité spatiale de CFA par bovin et de cinq francs CFA par la distribution des pluies sur de grandes ovin ou caprin. Quant aux transhumants, superficies, un Comité Pastoral inter-UP cette redevance mensuelle d’utilisation du sera convoqué pour la révision des plans fourrage dans les UP légalement créées d’aménagement et de gestion de manière est de quinze francs CFA par bovin et de à offrir une « péréquation » entre les dix francs CFA par ovin ou caprin. Le paie- zones différemment affectées. Cette péré- ment de cette redevance, inscrite dans la quation se fera sur la base de paiement Charte Locale de bonne gestion, se justifie de redevances au profit des fonds pasto- par l’utilisation par le bétail d’un fourrage raux. Globalement, les plans d’aménage- de meilleure qualité et en abondance, ce ment et de gestion des pâturages sont qui motive le paiement de cette redevance censés être mis à jour chaque année, aussi bien par les éleveurs membres du conformément à la tradition ancestrale comité de l’UP que par les étrangers. des pasteurs. Globalement, le montant des recettes s’élève déjà pour l’UP de Lombol Samba Les commissaires aux comptes sont char- Abdoul, à plus d’un million de francs CFA. gés de l’application des règles de bonne A terme, d’autres sources comme les gestion financière et comptable du comité. contributions des Communautés Rurales Les ressources financières du comité de gestion proviennent principalement de deux sources. La première source est la Taxe d’Abreuvage (TA) instituée locale- ment pendant la saison sèche à partir d’une utilisation des eaux des forages. Cette taxe est de cent francs CFA par mois et par bovin. Elle est instituée systémati- quement par tous les comités de gestion des forages avec ou sans UP. Elle est uni- que aussi bien pour les résidents locaux que pour les transhumants qui utilisent les ressources seulement lors de leur pas- sage. Son paiement s’effectue sans pro- Figure 5 . L’Hippotragus equinus (Antilope rouan) est blème depuis sa généralisation à tous les l’une des espèces charismatiques dont le nom local comités de gestion des forages vers la fin Koba a été utilisé pour l’appellation du parc. des années 1980 aussi bien en dehors des (Courtoisie PGIES) UPs que dans les UPs. Le projet a trouvé sur place l’institution du paiement de cette (CR) et les recettes écotouristiques par la TA. La deuxième source des fonds du vente d’œuvres d’artisanat et l’organisa- comité de gestion, spécifique cette fois ci tion de manifestations culturelles pour- aux seules UPs légalement constituées, raient constituer des options viables, en est le Fonds Pastoral (FP). Le montant de particulier aux alentours des aires proté- la contribution des éleveurs à ce fonds gées du Ferlo. spécifique aux UP varie suivant les cas que l’éleveur est ou non membre du Les fonds collectés par le comité de ges- groupe communautaire affectataire de tion sont domiciliés à un compte bancaire

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 169 History, culture and conservation

et destinés à prendre en charge les frais total de six UPs, devant couvrir au moins récurrents de fonctionnement du forage, dix pour cent de la superficie du Ferlo. La d’ouverture et de nettoiement des pare- suite des demandes sera prise en charge feux, et d’enrichissement des pâturages. par les populations elles mêmes ou par Seule la qualité et l’abondance du pâtu- l’assistance d’autres projets et ONG. rage—obtenue par la bonne gestion et la surveillance des écogardes—peut attirer En général, on attend du projet des béné- les transhumants et les nomades et les fices de développement local durable mais encourager à payer. Une balance entre les aussi de conservation de la biodiversité, recettes et la bonne gestion écologique comprenant les espèces endémiques et nécessaire au maintien de l’affectation de celles globalement menacées et présentes l’UP est un défi que les éleveurs doivent au Ferlo. Tout comme le bétail, la faune relever avec l’assistance du PGIES, des pourra utiliser les UPs gravitant autour des projets partenaires, des services techni- Réserves de Faune du Ferlo en tant que ques de l’élevage et des ONG. Un autre corridors de migration saisonnière, selon défi est la création d’autres UPs sur propre les habitudes des herbivores migrateurs initiative d’autres éleveurs d’autres locali- entre le Ferlo et le Niokolo-Koba. Tout le tés du Ferlo ou par d’autres projets et long du corridor du coté du Ferlo (voir ONG. Carte 1), il est prévu de créer d’autres UPs jusqu’à la route Tambacounda- Au vu de l’engagement des éleveurs pour Goudiry et sur la section sud du corridor il une bonne gestion et une utilisation dura- est prévu de créer plusieurs Réserves ble des ressources naturelles, des deman- Naturelles Communautaires. Les fonctions des d’affectation légale de la terre éma- de ces Réserves sont en fait censées être nant de villages pastoraux d’autres UPs les mêmes que celles des UPs: elles doi- (crées antérieurement par un autre projet) vent servir de zones de développement ont été reçues et approuvées par l’Autorité durable au profit des pasteurs, du bétail Administrative Locale avec l’assistance du et de la faune. L’appellation change seule- PGIES. Ainsi, après l’UP de Loumbol ment en fonction des activités dominantes Samba Abdoul approu- vée le 06 novembre 2003, d’autres UPs suivi- rent avec des superficies nettement plus grandes: l’UP de Malandou pour 66 420 ha, approuvée le 29 novembre 2003 et l’UP de Wendou Diohi, pour un total de 79 850 hectares à cheval sur deux Communautés Rurales, approuvée le 1er mars 2004. Deux autres UPs ont déjà été identifiées à la suite de demandes des popula- tions mais le projet compte s’en arrêter à un Carte 1 . Carte du Corridor de migration de la faune herbivore du Parc National du Niokolo koba au Ferlo

170 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

dans une localité ou l’autre. Ces deux sec- aux prédateurs et aux braconniers. tions sud et nord du corridor biologique de migration de la faune entre le Parc La création des UPs et des Réserves National du Niokolo-Koba et le Ferlo Naturelles Communautaires est censée débouche au Ferlo sur un espace naturelle avoir un impact très positif pour la conser- aux confluents des vallées du Ferlo et de vation de la faune car elle améliorera la la vallée du Mboune. Cet espace constitue connectivité biologique entre les aires pro- un réceptacle naturel et de cadre de tégées. En plus, l’élaboration et la mise en séjour saisonnier de la faune migratrice du œuvre de plans d’aménagement et de Parc National du Niokolo-Koba au Ferlo. Le gestion communautaire des ressources projet envisage de faire de ce quartier naturelles, ainsi que la mise en place de d’hivernage de la faune une réserve de Chartes Locales des UPs interdisant la 72,320 ha. Cette « Grande Réserve » non chasse et les feux de brousse, sont cen- encore occupée par des villages est locali- sées générer des profits sociaux, économi- sée à l’est de la Réserve de Faune du ques et environnementaux considérables. Ferlo Sud, est à cheval sur deux CR. Des Déjà en 2004, aucun cas de feu de discussions sont en cours pour créer sur brousse n’a pas été enregistré dans les cet espace un Parc Local UPs et certains écogardes ont signalé la Communautaire—une innovation de taille présence de gazelles. Ces animaux, deve- au Sahel où la plus part des zones proté- nus désormais très rares, ont été observés gées sont gérées par l’Etat. lors des patrouilles et lors de la pose des pancartes de signalisation de l’UP de Le rétablissement des règles d’accès et de Lombol Samba Abdoul. Un autre impact gestion traditionnelle communautaire des positif déjà également perceptible est ressources naturelles de ces espaces l’abandon des pratiques de création désor- dédiés à l’exploitation pastorale et à la donnée des villages dans les espaces pas- conservation de la biodiversité est sans toraux. Cette pratique de création de doute un autre grand défît. La tendance hameaux en plein pâturage conduisait actuelle sur le corridor biologique de chaque année à des plages de désertifica- migration de la faune indique à l’accrois- tion et leur interdiction sera suivie avec sement de la colonisation agricole, à l’éta- des statistiques précises. Les communau- blissement de nouveaux villages et à l’oc- tés sont aussi encouragées à éviter les cupation par des amodiations de zones de feux de brousse pour pouvoir bénéficier chasses. Ces amodiations sont des espa- des emplois saisonniers et des revenus ces biophysiques dans durables pour l’ouverture des pare-feux. La sauvegarde du cor- lesquels la chasse est L’activité d’ouverture des pare-feux par ridor biologique entre permise. Même si contrat plans est en effet suspendue en le Ferlo et le Parc cette chasse ne vise cas de feu dans l’UP— ce qui motive les National Niokolo-KKoba pas les herbivores populations à être vigilants. Une partie — aujourd’hui forte- migrateurs (principale- des recettes des contrats plans sert à ali- ment menacé par l’oc- ment constitués par menter la caisse d’épargne et de crédit cupation des villages et les grandes antilopes), communautaires. Cette synergie est une les seuls coups de innovation et est de nature à permettre au des cultures— est une fusils pendant la comité de gestion de faire face aux frais nécessité pour la survie migration suffisent à de paiement des caissiers sur leurs fonds de la faune mais aussi disperser les animaux propres sans apport direct du projet pour la survie de la migrants les rendant même au démarrage. mobilité du bétail ainsi plus vulnérables

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 171 History, culture and conservation

fragiles écosystèmes du Ferlo. Aussi bien le bétail que la faune, par contre, peuvent profiter de façon complémentaire de la sit- uation de mise en place du corridor fonc- tionnant sous forme de réserve de biosphère. D’un coté la faune (principale- ment l’élan de Derby— Taurotragus der- bianus)11 pourra utiliser les UPs en tant que corridors de migration saisonnière. De l’autre le bétail aura aussi la possibilité de pâturer dans les aires protégées (APs) sur la base d’un plan concerté entre les agents de la conservation et les éleveurs. En d’autres mots, on mettra en valeur la complémentarité d’usage des ressources naturelles des noyaux centraux de conser- vation et des zones périphériques de la réserve de biosphère. Le pâturage se fera de manière saisonnière aux périodes et dans les localités les plus appropriées et sera bénéfique pour la conservation. Au niveau des pare-feux, le pâturage dans les APs permettra de retarder la maturation des graminées et donc leur assèchement, réduisant et retardant ainsi la quantité de Figure 6 . Manifestation culturelle bassari. biomasse sèche qui pourrait alimenter des L’écotourisme est un des potentiels pour faire feux de brousse violents. En dehors des face aux frais récurrents du par cet en assurer pare-feux, le pâturage en APs facilitera la l’autonomie de gestion. (Courtoisie PGIES) dissémination et la régénération des graines de certaines espèces forestières à Avec la bonne gestion des UPs, le projet tégument dur qui germent plus facilement envisage d’intégrer les deux Réserves de après scarification chimique par les sucs Faune du Ferlo en une « réserve de gastriques du tube digestif des ruminants. biosphère » plus large, qui comprendra Il est donc bien possible que, dans l’é- aussi le « corridor biologique » choisi par cosystème du Ferlo, la survie de la tran- la faune dans sa migration saisonnière et shumance traditionnelle soit le se révèlera la Grande Réserve communautaire dont le facteur crucial pour la conservation de on a traité auparavant. La sauvegarde du la biodiversité. corridor biologique entre le Ferlo et le Parc National Niokolo-Koba (voir Carte 1) est Conclusions et perspectives une nécessité pour la survie de la faune mais aussi pour la survie de la mobilité du La restauration de la propriété collective bétail. Sans corridors biologiques, les aires des ressources naturelles est un pas signi- protégées se transformeront en de sim- ficatif dans la gestion participative et l’uti- ples zoos, avec un cortège de problèmes lisation durable des ressources naturelles. comme la consanguinité et de fragilisation Dans le contexte Sahélien, elle est censée de la santé des espèces. Sans parcours de restaurer à la fois les règles de bonne transhumance viable, le pastoralisme ne gestion des ressources naturelles, mainte- peut pas survivre durablement dans les nir la mobilité du bétail et rendre possible

172 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

des aménagements pastoraux flexibles References (capable de répondre à la variabilité clima- Bartholomé, E., Les Régimes Fonciers Traditionnels dans les pays Sahéliens et leurs mutations, Extrait de thèse tique) et sécuriser les Une option au pro- de Doctorat, Université de Gembloux (Belgique), 1989. investissements des éle- Hardin, G., “The tragedy of the commons”, Science, fit des hommes, veurs. La création d’un 162:1243-1248, 1968. du bétail et de la King, D. J., Land Reform and Participation of the Rural réseaux d’UPs et de Poor in the Development Process of the African faune ! Réserves Naturelles gérées Countries. LTC no 101, Land Tenure Center, University par les communautés gravi- of Wisconsin, Madison (Wisconsin, USA), 1974. Ly, A. Resolving Senegal’s Crisis of Renewable Natural tant autour des aires protégées du Ferlo Resources: a Framework for Policy Development, est de nature à permettre également le Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the School of rétablissement des interconnections entre Renewable Natural Resources, University of Arizona, Tucson, (Arizona, USA),1996. écosystèmes complémentaires—notam- République du Sénégal, Décret 64-573 du 30 Juillet 1964 ment entre les écosystèmes du Ferlo et fixant les conditions d’application de la loi 64-46 du 17 ceux du Parc National du Niokolo-Koba. Juin 1964, 2-18, 1964. République du Sénégal, Plan Directeur de Ainsi, le maintien des parcours de trans- Développement Forestier, Ministère de humance du bétail est à la fois une garan- l’Environnement et de la Protection de la Nature, 43, tie de maintien des corridors biologiques 1993. Shiva, V., Ecology and the Politics of Survival, United de migration saisonnière de la faune. A Nations University Press, Sage Publications, New Delhi cet effet, la création d’UPs et des and Newbury Park (London), 1992. Réserves Naturelles Communautaires Notes autour des APs et le long des voies de 1 King, 1974 :29. migration saisonnière de la faune est une 2 Enquête entretien avec des notables peuls du forage option au profit des hommes, du bétail et de Pétiel (Ferlo), Avril 2000. 3 de la faune. Cela pourrait bien s’étendre Bartholomé, 1989 : 6. 4 Bartholomé, 1989 : 7. au niveau sous-régional (en intéressant la 5 Shiva, 1992:90. Gambie, le Mali, la Guinée et la Guinée 6 Ly, 1996:36. Bissau) avec de plus en plus de voies de 7 Hardin, 1968:1244. 8 Plan d’Action Forestier du Sénégal, 1993. migration de la faune transformées en 9 PGIES, Mai 2003. réserves de biosphère transfrontalières au 10 Il est intéressant de noter que l’UP de Loumbol profit, à la fois, du pastoralisme transhu- Samba Abdoul ne représente environ que la moitié d’une UP selon la théorie « moderne ». Cependant, mant et de la conservation de la biodiver- elle correspond à environ deux hurums traditionnels sité. (l’un autour des mares le long de la vallée du Ferlo et l’autre autour des mares de la vallée du Loumbol). 11 Les éléphants (Loxodonta africana) effectuaient habituellement des migrations saisonnières du Park Adama Ly ([email protected]) est Ingénieur des National du Niokolo-Koba au Ferlo à travers le corri- Eaux et Forêts et Aménagiste-Planificateur. Il dor biologique entre ces deux aires protégées. Ils occupe actuellement les fonctions de ont actuellement disparu de ce corridor et le dernier à y être signalé remonte à la fin des années 1950. Coordonnateur du Projet de Gestion Intégrée des Un projet de pose de colliers pour un suivi des Ecosystèmes dans quatre paysages représentatifs espèces par voie satellitaire et par antenne VHF est en cours. Il apportera plus des renseignements sur du Sénégal (PGIES) sur financement PNUD et les espèces qui continuent à migrer le long du corri- FEM. Il est membre de l’Alliance Mondiale des dor. Peuples Autochtones Mobiles (WAMIP).

Maryam Niamir-Fuller (maryam.niamir-ful- [email protected]) est Conseiller Technique Principale pour la Gestion Durable des Terres, PNUD-FEM et membre du CEESP/SLWG. Depuis 15 ans elle tra- vaille dans le domaine du développement pasto- ral.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 173 History, culture and conservation History, Culture, and Conservation: in search of more informed guesses about whether “community-bbased conservation” has a chance to work Jim Igoe

Summary. Community-based conservation seeks to protect biodiversity by enrolling local people, espe- cially indigenous ones, in resource conservation. The approach is based on a perceived overlap between biological and cultural diversity on a global scale. It assumes, therefore, that indigenous peoples are important partners for conservation, and their environmental knowledge should be valued and applied. Generally, culture and indigenous knowledge are treated as a coherent bundle of ideas and values that dictate how people manage natural resources. This view of culture, however, is at variance with current trends in anthropology, which see culture as essentially incoherent and historically contingent. Importantly, competing groups appear as constantly struggling to define values and meaning to their own advantage. Culture, in other words, is seen as constantly contested and never stable. In particular, we should better understand cultural “change” that occurred under conditions of colonialism and as a consequence of the imposition of national park style conservation on indigenous communities. Drawing on a survey of national parks and indigenous communities from around the world, this article identifies and discusses five histori- cal and cultural variables that exert fundamental influence on the outcome of community-based conserva- tion interventions, including: 1) colonial histories and conservation encounters; 2) sovereignty and political clout; 3) civil society and NGOs; 4) historically contingent attitudes towards conservation; 5) capacity and indigenous environmental knowledge. The article concludes that effective conservation interventions will need to be flexible enough to recognise and incorporate the complexity of these cultural/historical vari- ables.

different assumptions about how nature “We have to doubt the long-term viabil- works and the place of human beings within it. Importantly, these struggles are closely ity of approaches that rely heavily on the … linked to certain types of prizes: funding, exclusion of local people from both the land research opportunities, and prestige to name and associated decision making processes.” a few. The schism also reflects responses to (Roe et al., 2003: 91). global historical processes. Following the col- lapse of the Soviet Union, two new global “You know, one has to say thank God some- imperatives emerged: 1) democratisation; body did think of stealing this land from and 2) free market capitalism. somebody else, because if they hadn’t we Democratisation empowered local people, wouldn’t have it today.” (Leakey, 2003: 11). giving them a greater voice in the conserva- tion movement. Meanwhile, free market cap- Most readers will recognise that the above italism threatened biodiversity in every part quotes represent a fundamental schism of the world. Some conservationists have within the conservation movement, between responded to these events by putting up community-based conservation and the ‘back barriers. Others argue that it will be neces- to the barriers’ movement. As an anthropol- sary to adopt flexible, albeit more risky, ogist, I find this schism interesting because strategies if we are to contend with these it demonstrates the contested nature of cul- complex changes. ture, as well as its historical contingency. If fundamental conflicts about meaning and The schism not only reflects fundamental values pervade the conservation movement, differences in the direction that the move- it is reasonable to expect that they also per- ment should take, but also fundamentally

174 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

vade the communities that are so often its 3. Civil Society and NGOs; targets. As in the conservation movement, Local Attitudes Towards Conservation; and these struggles are often linked to certain kinds of prizes, especially natural resources 4. Indigenous Environmental Knowledge and conservation/development funding. and the Issue of Capacity. Moreover, they are historically contingent, and fundamentally shaped by global processes. In this light, some considerations can help us to understand the relationship between culture and local conservation practice.

First:, “the ways of being and living in the world that we think of as culture can be seen as a particular forms assumed by the interaction of a multitude of historical processes at particular moments in time”.1 Figure 1. A group of Lakota activists called the In other words, history and culture are inex- Keepers of the Stronghold Dream meet at their tricably linked, and ideas and values are encampment inside the Badlands National Park continually shaped and reshaped through under the tribal and spiritual flags of the Lakota action and practice.2 Second: action and Nation. These activists have been occupying practice take place in specific physical envi- parts of the park that overlaps with their tribal ronments. As these physical environments land since July of 2003, demanding that the U.S. are transformed, people must adapt and National Park Service returns the land to the transform accordingly their practices, cultur- Lakota. Leaders of this group are currently work- al values and environmental knowledge. ing with the Oglala Sioux Parks and Recreation Authority and the Oglala Lakota College to create In my own research I have studied issues of a plan to convert this area into a tribal park or history, culture, and conservation with wilderness area. (Courtesy James Igoe). Maasai communities living on the borders of Tarangire in Tanzania, and Oglala Sioux communities living on the borders of In this article I outline these variables, and Badlands National Park in South Dakota, touch upon the ways in which they have U.S.A. Additionally, I am involved in ongoing influenced community-based conservation discussions with anthropologists and conser- interventions in different local contexts. vation practitioners engaged in similar work These necessarily brief discussions in no in other parts of the world. Finally, I have way represent a comprehensive paradigm. worked with students in my class Rather they suggest a tentative framework Conservation, Globalisation, and Indigenous for future research geared towards under- Communities to compare written case stud- standing the interplay of history and culture ies from around the world. We have identi- in community-based conservation. I firmly fied five interrelated historical and cultural believe that such knowledge is essential to variables that appear to influence outcomes the design and implementation of conserva- of community-based conservation. These tion interventions that are effective in both variables include: 1) protecting biodiversity; 2) ensuring equi- 1. Colonial Histories and Conservation table distribution of benefits to the local Encounters; communities that pay for conservation by foregoing access to land and other natural 2. Sovereignty and Political Clout; resource on which their livelihoods depend.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 175 History, culture and conservation

Colonial Histories and Conservation 1. the national park model incorporates a Encounters western view of the world, which posits “We were told to sign. It was never a radical separation of humans and explained to us. None of the elders knew nature; how to read or write. You white people are 2. as such, parks were frequently created very tough.” A signatory of the 1958 agree- without regard for local people and their ment stipulating that the Maasai would relationship to the environment; leave the Serengeti National Park, speaking 3. their rigid boundaries also ignored the to investigative journalist Raymond Bonner interconnectedness of ecosystems, and (1993: 175) especially ecological processes that occurred beyond them; and “The Park Service have been dragging their feet. We do have something in common 4. in spite of rhetoric to the contrary, this and should try to develop it to the point conservation model has remained a cen- that it is an asset to both groups. They tral component of conservation in the have not followed what they committed way that it affects indigenous communi- themselves to do.” Johnson Holy Rock, ties around the world. Oglala Sioux tribal council member, speak- ing to investigative journalist Phillip For those of us who are concerned about Burnham (2000: 228) about the agreement community-based conservation, one of the between the tribe and the administration of most important implications of this history is Badlands National Park the ways in which the creation of parks on a global scale has transformed ecosystems Whatever local conservation models may and resource management practices at the have existed prior to the 19th century have local level. In Tanzania, for instance, the now been subsumed, or at least profoundly creation of Tarangire National Park has con- influenced, by colonialism, the rise of the tributed to the transformation of the Maasai nation state, and the global spread of capi- herding economy towards settled subsis- talism.3 Any study of the relationship tence and commercial agriculture. This between culture and conservation at the transformation is distressing to western con- local level will be incomplete servationists, since Maasai farms block Any study of without taking these global wildlife migration routes, bringing local peo- 5 the relationship historical processes into ple into conflict with migrating wildlife. account. between culture In the American west, the creation of parks and conservation The global historical develop- was part of the process by which the state at the local level ment with the most direct rel- contained Native Americans on reservations. will be incom- evance to community-based This, in turn, transformed their livelihood plete without tak- conservation, however, is the activities in ways that bring them into con- ing into account rise of the national park as a flicts with national parks.6 At Mesa Verde colonialism, the conservation model.4 Much National Park, for instance, park administra- rise of the nation has been written recently on tors have been consistently concerned state, and the the history of parks and about the activities of the Ute Mountain Ute global spread of European expansion, so the Tribe, especially natural gas exploration, details of these encounters capitalism. cattle ranching, and helicopter tours. The need not detain us here. administration of Badlands National Park However, four important points has long sought to convince the Oglala need to be made: Sioux Tribe to abandon cattle ranching, pro-

176 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

moted by the reservation system, in favor of Colombia, for instance, indigenous leaders a free range bison herd in the area of the actively lobbied government officials to park that overlaps their reservation. gazette parks in their traditional territories. Although the idea resonates with the cultur- Local people became active participants in al history and ideals of the Oglala, it is the creation of national parks. (Gates of the unfortunately not nearly as profitable as Arctic National Park in the U.S., Kakadu in cattle ranching. Furthermore, a large seg- Australia, Kaa Yia in Bolivia, and Alto Fragua ment of Oglala society has embraced cow- Indiwasi in Colombia) in the hopes that they boy culture. Rodeos have become one of would protect their lands from large-scale the central social events in Oglala society. commercial interests.7 In Brazil, indigenous people were allowed to live inside of parks In addition to these socio-ecological trans- as another type of “endangered species”.8 formations, parks have displaced and While this arrangement causes other types impoverished local people in ways that of problems, it has allowed some groups to almost guarantee antagonistic relationships continue pursuing their traditional livelihood between indigenous Colonial histories have strategies, thereby providing incentives for communities and west- them to value protected areas, which they shaped indigenous ern conservationists. This perceive as protecting their cultural autono- livelihoods and social in turn almost guaran- my. organisation in ways tees that some interest that have fundamen- groups within these soci- These examples illustrate the need for a tal implications for eties will use opposition historical understanding of the impacts of local conservation to conservation as global processes and institutions on local values, as well as for ammunition in cultural culture and resource management practices. the inclination of spe- debates. In short, these Understanding these histories will allow cific groups to partici- colonial histories have western conservationists to address the his- shaped indigenous liveli- pate in community- torical grievances of indigenous communi- hoods and social organi- ties. It will also illuminate circumstances based sation in ways that have under which global processes sparked local conservation fundamental implications movements to create protected areas or for local conservation engage in other types of community-based values, as well as for the inclination of spe- conservation programmes. Finally, it will cific groups to participate in community- help us to understand the ways in which based conservation. parks have transformed local ecologies and resource management practices. Such an Nevertheless, many of the western conser- understanding is crucial for identifying vationists I have interviewed in my work are obstacles to local livelihood activities that dismissive of the idea that colonial histories resonate with people’s cultural values, are have anything to do with what they are cur- economically viable, and protect biodiversi- rently trying to achieve. This a-historical ty. Significantly, these are the very types of perspective is unfortunate, not only because activities that indigenous environmental it keeps conservationists and indigenous activists are likely to instigate and/or sup- communities from working together, but port. also because it misses out on historical moments where they have worked well Sovereignty and Political Clout together, and, therefore, opportunities to “Very few conservationists could truthfully learn from successes as well as from fail- say that they would vigorously support sub- ures. In Alaska, Australia, Bolivia, and sistence hunting if the natives had zero

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 177 History, culture and conservation

Two closely relat- political clout. “Robert including parks. These transfers could be ed historical vari- Weeden, President of the undertaken by bureaucratic fiat, without ables appear to Alaska Conservation Society consulting local communities. The situation influence political in the 1970s (Catton 1997: remains nearly unchanged in contemporary 209) 11 clout for indige- Tanzania. As these processes of land transfer fundamentally transformed peoples nous communi- In addition to understanding resource management systems, they also ties: sovereignty the local transformations transformed their cultural values and envi- and legal rights brought about by the cre- ronmental knowledge. Often new resource to land, especially ation of national parks and management practices and cultural values in the form of an other protected areas, it is are inimical to the management of parks officially also important to understand and other protected areas.12 This situation designated corpo- historical variables influencing has also contributed to an atmosphere of rate territory the political clout of specific suspicion concerning anything called conser- indigenous communities. vation. Finally, since local people have little Political clout empowers indigenous commu- say over the disposition of land and other nities to pursue livelihood strategies that natural resources, they have little to offer as resonate with their traditional cultural val- partners in community-based conservation ues. It also makes them viable partners in interventions. community-based conservation interven- tions, while allowing them to enter into This situation stands in stark contrast to partnerships on a relatively equal footing Alaska and Australia, where the legally pro- with western conservationists. tected land rights of indigenous communi- ties has enabled them to negotiate for the Two closely related historical variables creation of parks that would protect their appear to influence political clout for indige- traditional territories, and in which they nous communities: sovereignty and legal would be allowed to remain resident. They rights to land, especially in the form of an also were able to negotiate co-management officially designated corporate territory.9 In agreements, in which indigenous represen- situations where such rights are present, tatives would have a direct role in the man- indigenous communities have more oppor- agement of the parks in question. The situ- tunities to pursue resource management ation also stands in contrast to Brazil where practices that are consistent with their ‘tra- the protected status of indigenous commu- ditional’ cultural values, although this is no nities has allowed them to enter into guarantee that they will do so. These types alliances with international conservation of rights also create opportunities to take a organisations to create even larger parks prominent role in defining conservation and prevent the construction of a hydro- interventions, of which they are the intend- electric dam.13 ed beneficiaries. In situations where they do not enjoy these rights, they have tended to In the United States, some indigenous com- fare much worse.10 munities enjoy both legally protected terri- tory and quasi-sovereign status. Because of The case of Tanzania presents a particularly the nature of the history of parks and reser- poignant example of this problem. Colonial vations, however, this situation has not con- land laws in this country were designed sistently translated into political clout for specifically to transfer land from African indigenous communities when it comes to communities to European settlers and colo- conservation.14 Some indigenous groups nial development/conservation projects, were removed from places that became

178 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

parks (Yellowstone). In other cases parks the land necessary to create protected were created by the “ceding” of reservation areas, as well as the bureaucratic capacity land (Glacier and Mesa Verde). There are to manage it. In such cases, traditional cul- even some cases where small indigenous tural values are enshrined in parks that are communities have remained resident in similar to the western model, but which also national parks with few legal rights (Death incorporate important differences. The Ute Valley, Grand Canyon, and Yosemite). Mountain Tribal Park in Southwestern Colorado protects ancient Anasazi ruins At Badlands National Park, where I currently according to spiritual values of several conduct field research, the axe of sover- Native American groups, rather than the eignty cuts both ways. The tribal govern- interpretive imperatives of the National Park ment of the Oglala Sioux is currently negoti- Service.16 The Kuna Indians of eastern ating for an arrangement Panama have created the Kuna Park in A group of Oglala that will bring benefits to order to protect the rainforests on the east- environmental local people and enhance ern slopes of the San Blas Mountains. In so activists have been tribal sovereignty. doing they have preserved their traditional working to introduce However, Oglala tradition- livelihoods as well as their cultural values, an ‘Indigenous alists view the tribal gov- as they believe that the forest is home to Stewardship Model’ ernment as the root of their ancestor spirits. The Kuna Park gained through which local their problems. They a great deal of recognition and funding from argue that elected tribal international conservation organisations.17 people would be able officials have consistently to manage natural entered into agreements Civil Society and Non- resources according that are detrimental to Governmental Organisations to their the interests of local peo- “Civil society occupies a unique space, traditional values ple. The current agree- where ideas are born, where mindsets are ment between the tribe changed, and where the work of conserva- and the National Park Service, for instance, tion and development doesn’t just get grants the administration of Badlands talked about, but gets done.” Kofi Annan, National Park authority to manage tribal U.N. Secretary General, speaking to a civil lands. A group of Oglala traditionalists has society forum in Johannesburg, South occupied part of the park, demanding that Africa, on September 2nd 2002 the park service withdraw forthwith. Meanwhile, a group of Oglala environmental Tribal governments can be either a boon or activists have been working to introduce an a liability to community-based conservation. ‘Indigenous Stewardship Model’ through In the case of the Kuna and the Ute which local people would be able to manage Mountain Ute tribal government became a natural resources according to their tradi- focal point for the creation of indigenous tional values.15 Because of the ongoing ide- protected areas. In the case of the Oglala ological struggle surrounding the Badlands Sioux, however, tribal government has National Park, however, it has been very dif- become the focal point for struggles over ficult for them to make this model a reality. cultural meaning, especially over what it means to be Lakota. These struggles are Finally, it is important to note that tribal closely tied to efforts of the U.S. sovereignty has been an essential compo- Government to administer the Oglala nent to the creation of indigenous protected through a system of “indirect rule”. areas. Indigenous communities that enjoy the legal status of sovereign entities have The creation of native administrations

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 179 History, culture and conservation

around the world was motivated by a desire texts. to simplify the administration of native com- munities. Through officially designated An important indigenous NGO success story, ‘native authorities’ it became possible for from the perspective of western conserva- colonial administrators to negotiate legally tionists, is an organisation of the Kuna binding agreements with heterogeneous Indians called PEMANSKY (Study Project for communities of people without having to the Management of the Wildlands of Kuna grapple with the complexities of this hetero- Yala – translated from Spanish). While geneity. The outcomes of such an arrange- PEMANSKY was never officially registered as ment are clearly visible at Pine Ridge, an NGO, it operated like one. In spite of where the administration of Badlands numerous internal problems, the organisa- National Park claims to have a legally bind- tion succeeded in invoking Kuna cultural val- ing agreement with a tribal government, ues to mobilise the Kuna to protect the which many of its constituents refuse to boundaries of their reservation in the 1980s. recognise as legitimate.18 It also succeeded in capturing substantial sums of donor money so that these efforts Significantly, such arrangements are out of resulted in the creation of the Kuna Park. step with global trends in conservation, Although PEMANSKY is more or less defunct development, and governance. Since the at this point, it inspired the creation of collapse of the Soviet Union, there has been other Kuna NGOs now working to promote a new global imperative to build civil society local conservation initiatives, as well as through the promotion of a vibrant NGO instilling a general conservation ethic sector. While the idea of building civil socie- amongst the people of Kuna Yala.20 ty certainly predates this collapse, prior imperatives focused more centrally on con- Most of the Maasai NGOs I worked with in taining communism (or capitalism) through Tanzania also claimed to promote conserva- state-centered development and conserva- tion. However, the majority of these organi- tion. Since 1990 there has been an explo- sations held that community-based conser- sion of NGOs on a global scale.19 vation needed to begin by giving local peo- ple more control over land and natural Indigenous NGOs are not a panacea for resources. Furthermore, they argued, that community-based conservation. As with trib- conservation for the Maasai would need to al governments, there is a risk that they will build on traditional Maasai resource man- privilege certain cultural voices at the agement practices. One organisation in par- expense of others. Like tribal governments ticular, however, cooperated with the they can also become the stake of cultural Tanzania National Parks Authority and the struggles. In best case scenarios, however, African Wildlife Foundation to promote com- indigenous NGOs allow diverse groups of munity-based conservation programmes people to participate in conservation and that most local people perceived as inimical governance. As such, they create the possi- to their interests. As a result, cultural bility that marginal groups might gain debates concerning conservation in Maasai access to resources that would allow them communities began to revolve around: i) to make their voices heard, not just locally the costs and benefits of working with these but even on a global scale. In short, a outsiders; and ii) which organisations pos- vibrant NGO sector has the potential to sessed the legitimate authority to speak for institutionalise the complexity of the cultural the community.21 debates surrounding the meaning and direc- tion of conservation in specific local con- Indigenous NGOs in the United States have

180 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

yet to make a comparable impact on com- in which historical encounters have shaped munity-based conservation, since conserva- local attitudes to the idea of conservation. tion and development work for tribes in the U.S. is dominated by tribal governments. Local Attitudes towards Furthermore, indigenous NGOs in the U.S. Conservation are oriented primarily to tribal governments “We Eskimos would like to join the Sierra and Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) fund- Club.” Inuit Activist William Willoya advocat- 22 ing. This makes it difficult for them to ing for the creation of a park that would 23 define or follow alternative agendas. This protect Inuit land rights (Catton, 1997: 195) is unfortunate, because it makes it difficult for diverse interests to influence protected “We have to be very careful about what we area management. This not only leads to say. Those conservationists are just waiting intractable problems like the current situa- for us to make a mistake.” Ernest House tion at Badlands, it also Senior, Ute Mountain Ute Council Member, international conser- makes it difficult for indi- speaking to a council meeting in July of vation NGOs should viduals outside tribal gov- 2002 not sidestep the com- ernment to promote con- plexities of cultural servation initiatives based The question of local attitudes towards con- debates on the values, needs, and servation is closely tied to the ways in aspirations of local people. surrounding conser- which local cultural values are shaped by historical encounters with the global system. vation at the local In considering the role of level […] and be espe- Many western conservationists I have inter- indigenous NGOs in con- viewed have expressed bewilderment over cially mindful of the servation, it is important the negative attitudes of indigenous com- possibility that the to note that they receive munities towards conservation. They resources they bring much of their support describe local people as intractable and to a community from international conser- ignorant, fundamentally incapable of seeing might be empowering vation NGOs like theWorld the potential benefits of conservation. From some people at the Wide Fund for Nature this perspective, negative local attitudes expense of others (WWF) and the African towards conservation represent something Wildlife Foundation (AWF). that needs to be changed, or at the very They also receive technical support and least worked around. What this perspective enhanced legitimacy from the World ignores, however, is that most people’s atti- Conservation Union (IUCN). It is imperative, tudes reflect something about their experi- therefore, that these organisations learn ences. A more rational perspective on local from the mistakes of colonial governments. attitudes towards conservation would be to First, they should avoid sidestepping the begin with the assumption that different complexities of cultural debates surrounding attitudes reflect different experiences. For conservation at the local level by working indigenous people the word “conservation” with a handful of ‘community representa- may have very different meanings and asso- tives.’ Second, they should remain aware of ciations than it does for people in the west the impacts of their own ideas and actions – especially those who have dedicated their on the nature and direction of these lives to conservation and are emotionally debates. They should be especially mindful invested in the concept. of the possibility that the resources they bring to a community might be empowering When I asked my informants in Tanzania if some people at the expense of others. the Maasai did conservation, they usually Finally, they should acknowledge the ways responded, “Of course not, why would we

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 181 History, culture and conservation

do anything so ridiculous?” If I asked them, They have been managing ecosystems for however, whether they ever managed the generations. Their knowledge of those environment in ways that were beneficial to ecosystems must be intricate indeed. wildlife, they often responded, “Of course, Furthermore, since they depend on the con- don’t you see that more animals graze in tinued viability of those ecosystems for their the areas that we burned last year than in survival, they must have a vested interest in other areas?” In short, most of my inform- seeing them conserved. On the other side ants didn’t describe conservation as an of the coin, however, is a niggling doubt activity, but as an alien force over which that members of these communities lack they have no control. the skills and mindsets necessary to do con- servation correctly. This situation stands in contrast to the Inuit who wanted to “join the Sierra Club.” Other This contradiction reveals a fundamental groups, like the Anangu in Australia and the oversight of the historical and cultural Kayapo in Brazil, have also sought alliances processes briefly addressed in this paper. with western conservationists. The Kuna The historical legacy of national parks and started a conservation initiative that conservation bureaucracies make it difficult achieved international renown. While mem- for conservation programmes to incorporate bers of these groups might not see conser- indigenous environmental knowledge that vation as a wholly positive thing, they obvi- does not serve the agendas and bureaucrat- ously can see that it has possibilities. It can ic imperatives of these institutions.24 Finally, become the basis for alliance to protect tra- recent work by social scientists has increas- ditional homelands and to promote conser- ingly questioned notions of indigenous vation models the respect their cultural val- knowledge as integrated systems of infor- ues. mation that can be known and incorporated by conservation policy makers. Like other In short, peoples’ attitudes towards conser- aspects of culture, indigenous knowledge is vation, based on historical experience with contested and changing. Furthermore, since conservation, will shape local cultural knowledge is embedded in practice, the debates surrounding conservation. By idea of applying indigenous environmental extension they will also shape peoples’ cul- knowledge to conservation issues that do tural values and conservation practice. not resonate with local practices is inherent- ly problematic.25 As Agrawal argues, unless Indigenous Environmental communities have significant authority over Knowledge and the Issue of the disposition of natural resources in their Capacity midst, indigenous environmental knowledge We felt that under new African is of little use to conservation interventions 26 Governments, all prospects for conservation targeting indigenous peoples. in nature would be ended. Max Nicholson, founding member of the WWF, explaining These complex issues are complicated by the interference of western conservation the fact that the participation of indigenous organisation in the internal affairs of Kenya peoples in community-based conservation and Tanzania during the 1960s (Bonner requires them to acquire skills, such as 1993: 64) accounting and grant-writing, which are not parts of their ‘traditional’ knowledge sys- In the discourses of community-based con- tems. This fundamental disconnect is clearly servation, indigenous communities are rep- illustrated in a WWF policy document, which resented as ideal conservation partners. simultaneously prescribes the “revitalisation

182 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

of cultural traditions,” “capacity building,” order to become more effective. and the “creation of alternatives to tradi- tional subsistence practices”.27 Community-based conservation is often con- ceptualised as a global project that builds These contradictory imperatives present two on the diverse cultural values and conserva- dangers. First, training usually involves tion practices of communities around the indoctrination. Not only are indigenous lead- world. Part of this project, therefore, is to ers given new types of skills, they are also discover and describe the relationship of immersed in the cultural culture to conservation in diverse local con- A fundamental dis- values that go along with texts so that they might be incorporated connect is clearly them. Second, conserva- into conservation interventions. A more illustrated in policy tionists frequently use fruitful perspective, I suggest, would be to documents that lack of community capac- conceptualise culture as a contested and simultaneously pre- ity as a reason not to historically contingent process, which is fun- involve local people in damentally shaped by global historical scribe the “revitalisa- protected area manage- processes. Conservation, including commu- tion of ment. In spite of these nity-based conservation, can then be con- cultural traditions” dangers, the issue of ceptualised as one of the many global his- but also “capacity community capacity is torical processes that influence cultural building” and the pragmatically important. debates in diverse local contexts. “creation of alterna- Even the Ute Mountain tives to traditional Ute, who would prefer to On one level, this perspective is less appeal- subsistence practices”. keep westerners out of ing than a straightforward cataloging of their business, cautiously indigenous environmental knowledge – engage experts to teach them the skills since it renders the task of conservation necessary to run their tribal park. Finally, policy makers much more complicated. the question of capacity is a two way street. However, it provides a more nuanced under- While western conservationists are usually standing of the local situations in which well trained to do conservation, they fre- community-based conservation will neces- quently lack the capacity for intercultural sarily unfold, thereby providing opportuni- communication necessary to work effective- ties to avoid the pitfalls experienced by pre- ly with indigenous communities vious approaches. This approach provides a guide for making informed guesses about Conclusion how historical and cultural variables might “The reformulation of norms is an essential- influence the outcomes of planned conser- ly political process. It is not merely an epis- vation interventions. More importantly, it temological exercise, nor is it the discovery has the potential to reveal how conservation of some self-evident truths” (Sheth, 1987: interventions might be reconceptualised in 163). response to different local contexts. For me, this approach begins with a series of ques- As I cautioned in the introduction in this tions: article, the variables presented here are not Have local peoples’ experience with “offi- a comprehensive paradigm for understand- cial conservation” to this point been posi- ing community-based conservation. Rather tive or negative? If they have been nega- they are offered as a tentative guideline for tive, is it possible to address their histori- future research, and hopefully suggest cal grievances in ways that might give some ways in which community-based con- them a more positive view of conserva- servation might be reconceptualised in tion?

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 183 History, culture and conservation

Does a specific group enjoy sovereign this often entails forcing simplicity onto very status and/or legal entitlement to man- complex situations, by working with narrow- age and conserve natural resources with- ly defined groups of people and/or defining in their traditional territory? In other culture as a coherent bundle of legible words, do they have the authority to traits. The bad news is that these types of translate their cultural values into conser- approaches frequently exacerbate the very vation practice. complexity they deny, by adding fuel to existing cultural struggles. The good news is How have historical processes trans- that by working to understand the specifics formed people’s access and control over of these complexities it may become possi- land and other natural resources? How ble to adopt more flexible and open-ended have these transformations in turn trans- approaches to conservation that may suc- formed their resource management prac- ceed in protecting biodiversity through ways tices? How have these transformations in that also benefit and empower local people. turn transformed their cultural values and environmental knowledge? Jim Igoe ([email protected]) is a mem- What interest groups exist within a par- ber of CEESP/CMWG and an Assistant Professor ticular community? How are their rela- of Anthropology at the University of Colorado at tionships influenced by access to Denver. His research focuses on community-based resources, ideas, and institutions from conservation and economic development, with the global system? Which of these groups special attention to conflicts between parks and has the loudest voice? How do they differ indigenous communities and the dynamics of on resource management and conserva- community-based indigenous NGOs. He recently tion issues? How do their interactions published Conservation and Globalisation: a Study influence their resource management and of NATIONAL parks and Indigenous Communities conservation practice? from East Africa to South Dakota. Jim is the How are interactions between these director of BRIDGE (Bridge for Indigenous groups of people expressed and organ- Development and Grassroots Empowerment) an ised – through traditional forms of social organisation working on conflicts between the organisation, tribal governments, NGOs, Oglala Sioux Tribe and the Badlands National Park or some combination of these? in South Dakota, and a Fellow of the Environmental Leadership Programme class of What kinds of resources, including skills 2003. and information, do local people have at their disposal to promote their cultural values and conservation practices? What References kinds of resources that they currently Agrawal, A, “Dismanting the divide between indigenous and lack could help them become more effec- scientific knowledge”, Development and Change, 26: 413- 439, 1997. tive at doing these things? Bonner, R., At the Hand of Man, Alfred Knopf, New York (NY), 1993. Borner, M., “The increasing isolation of Tarangire National Such an approach is obviously cumbersome Park”, Oryx 19: 91-96, 1985. and open-ended. As such it goes against Brockington, D., Fortress Conservation: The Preservation of the Mkomazi Game Reserve, Tanzania, James Currey, the grain of standard development practice, Oxford, 2002. which by extension is now part of communi- Burnham, P., Indian Country, God’s Country, Island Press, ty-based conservation. “Development” is a Washington, D.C., 2000. Catton, C., Inhabited Wilderness. University of New Mexico simplifying process. By defining a simple set Press, Albuquerque, 1997. of problems, it defines simple solutions, Chapin, M., Defending Kuna Yala. U.S.A.I.D. Biodiversity which can be implemented according to Support Programme, Washington, D.C., 2000. Colchester, M., “Indigenous People Fight Back”, Native Net, bureaucratic funding cycles. Unfortunately,

184 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

http://nativenet.uthsca.archive/nl/9307/0166.html. WWF., Indigenous and Traditional Peoples of the World and Crehan, K., Gramsci, Culture and Anthropology, University of Ecoregion Conservation, WWF International – Terralingua, California Press, Berkeley, 2002. Gland, Switzerland, 1997. Davis, S., Victims of the Miracle, Cambridge University Press, Zuluaga, G., J.I. Giraldo and M. Gimenez Larrarte, "Un ejem- Cambridge, 1977. plo de conservaci?n bio-cultural-el Parque Nacional Natural De Lacy, T, “The Uluru-Kakadu Model – Anangu Tjukurrpa”, Alto Fragua Indiwasi en Colombia", Policy Matters, no.12: Society and Natural Resources, 7: 479-498, 1994. 171-180, 2003. Hobart, M., “Introductions: The Growth of Ignorance?”, in M. Hobart (ed.), An Anthropological Critique of Development: Notes The Growth of Ignorance, 1-30, Routledge, London, 1993. 1 Crehan, 2002: 72. Igoe, J., Ethnicity, Civil Society, and Tanzania’s Pastoral NGO 2 Movement. Doctoral Thesis. Boston University, 2000. Crehan, 2002; Hobart, 1993; Agrawal, 1995. 3 Igoe, J., “National parks and human ecosystems”, in Chatty, Wallerstein, 1980; Wolf, 1982. 4 D. and M. Colchester (eds.) Conservation and Mobile West and Brechin, 1991; Keller and Turek, 1998; Indigenous Peoples, Berghan Press, 77-96, New York Neumann, 1998; Spence, 1999; Jacoby, 2001; Igoe, (NY), 2002. 2003. Igoe, J., Conservation and Globalisation, 5 Igoe, 2002; Igoe, 2003. Wadworth/Thompson, Belmont (California), 2003. 6 Burnham, 2000; Jacoby, 2001. Igoe, J. and D. Brockington, Pastoral Land Tenure and 7 Catton, 1997; De Lacy, 1994; Lawrence, 2000;Winer, Community Conservation, IIED, London, 1999. 2003; Zuluaga et al., 2003. Igoe, J. and T. Kelsall, “Introduction: Between a Rock and a 8 Davis, 1977; Nugent,1994. Hard Place”, in J. Igoe and T. Kelsall (eds.), African NGOs, 9 Niezen, 2003. Donors, and the State: Between a Rock and a Hard Place. 10 Igoe, 2003: Chapter 5. Durham, NC, Carolina Academic Press, in press. 11 URT, 1993;Shivji, 1998. Jacoby, K., Crimes Against Nature, University of California 12 Igoe, 2002;Neumann, 2003. Press, Berkeley, 2001. 13 Colchester, 1993;Turner, 1993. Keller, R. and Turek, M., American Indians and National 14 Keller and Turek, 1998; Spence 1999; Burnham 2000; Parks, University of Arizona Press, Tuscon, 1998. Jacoby, 2001. Lawrence, D., Kakadu, Melbourne University Press, 15 Igoe, 2003: 141-142. Melbourne, 2000. 16 Igoe, 2003:161-167. Leakey, R., “Interview: science, sentiment, and advocacy”, 17 Chapin, 2000. Yellowstone Science, 10 (3): 8-11, Summer 2003. 18 According to archival documents, attempts to create a Nabokov, P. and L. Loendorf, American Indians and tribal government for the Oglala Sioux in the 1940s led Yellowstone National Park: A Documentary Overview, to bitter divisions on the reservation. The decision to National Park Service, Yellowstone National Park, accept a tribal government passed by a handful of votes. Wyoming, 2003. A later motion to recall the tribal government was again Neumann, R., Imposing Wilderness, University of California defeated by a handful of votes. This split emerged again Press, Berkeley, 1998. in the mid-1970s, when a pro-government faction known Niezen, R., The Origins of Indigenism, University of California as the Goons fought violently with traditionalists who Press, Berkeley, 2003. had joined the American Indian movement. It was dur- Nugent, S., Big Mouth, Brown Trout Press, San Francisco, ing this period that the Oglala Sioux Tribal Government 1994. signed a Memorandum of Agreement with the Park Policy Matters, no.12: 171-180, 2003. Service. In the 1990s, traditionalists occupied the tribal Roe, D., J. Hutton, J. Elliot, M. Surachera, and K. Chitepo, offices. Many of these people are now involved in the “In Pursuit of Pro-Poor Conservation – Changing occupation of the South Unit of Badlands National Park. Narratives … or More?”, Policy Matters, 12: 87-91, 2003. The two districts closest to Badlands National Park, and Shivji, I, Not Yet Democracy: reforming land tenure in therefore most directly effected by it, are coincidently Tanzania. IIED, London, 1998. the areas that are most anti-government. Spence, M., Disposessing the Wilderness, Oxford University 19 Igoe and Kelsall, in press. Press, Oxford, 1999. 20 Chapin, 2000. Turner, T., “The role of indigenous peoples in the environ- 21 Igoe, 2000; Igoe, 2003. mental crisis”, Perspective in Biology and Medicine, 36 (3): 22 The Bureau of Indian Affairs is an agency of the United 526-545, 1993. States Department of the Interior. It overseas the opera- URT, Report of the Presidential Commission of Enquiry into tion of tribal governments and has a major role in the Land Matters, Ministry of Land, Housing, and Urban funding they receive. Development, Dar es Salaam, 1993. 23 Wallerstein, E., The Modern World System, vols. 1 & 2. Kathleen Pickering, personal communication, 2003. 24 Academic Press, New York, 1974. Pickering, Ross and Igoe, forthcoming. 25 West, P.C. and S.R. Brechin (eds.), Resident Peoples and Hobart, 1993. National Parks, University of Arizona Press, Tucson 26 Agrawal, 1997. (Arizona), 1991. 27 WWF, 1997: 29. Winer, N., “Co-management of protected areas, the oil and gas industry and indigenous empowerment—the experi- ence of Bolivia’s Kaa Iya del Gran Chaco, Policy Matters, no. 12: 181-191, 2003. Wolf, E., Europe and the People without History, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1982.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 185 History, culture and conservation Development dilemmas and administrative ambiguities— terracing and land use planning committees in North Pare, Tanzania Michael J. Sheridan

Summary. This article describes the technical, social, and moral contradictions embedded within a rela- tively successful soil and water conservation programme in rural Tanzania in order to explain why farmers’ participation was tinged with ambivalence, resentment, and resistance. The Tanzania Forestry Action Plan – North Pare project, funded by GTZ, worked throughout the 1990s to prevent soil erosion by encouraging the construction of terraces and the establishment of village-based land use planning committees. Farmers have indeed built many terraces, but their participation was reluctant at best. From the farmers’ point of view, the technical problems included delayed returns on a substantial labor investment and the destruc- tion of cash crops and indigenous terraces, but their misgivings about terracing lay more in social, political and moral relationships than in layers of soil. Terracing threatened the web of social relationships in land through which farmers borrow, rent, and hold land. Specifically, terracing tended to transfer rights in land from women to men and from younger men to older men. These threats led many farmers in North Pare to regard the terracing programme as immoral and therefore a threat to the productivity of the land. Land use planning committees were also full of contradictions and ambiguities. Development agency facilitators usually dominated the agenda of these institutions and prevented local needs and innovations from being communicated up the project hierarchy. A more serious problem was the committees’ ambiguous political status as advisory groups for village governments without any powers of sanction or control. This issue and many farmers’ sense of jealousy toward those in non-participating villages led many to consider the committees also rife with moral flaws. Development policy-making should not assume that the term ‘com- munity’ does not imply coherence, consensus, and harmony. This analysis suggests, instead, that a politi- cal and cultural analysis of the technical, social, and moral quandaries faced by resource users is needed to illuminate some of the pitfalls of the CBNRM approach. Yet, the devolution of resource management authority to community-level institutions remains one of the best options for ameliorating the contradic- tions of neo-liberal economic globalisation.

these policy acronyms because it connotes The goals, methods, actors, and institu- equality, agreement, and autonomy. Although the image of a participatory com- tional context of development planning munity wholeheartedly agreeing to manage changed globally in the last decades of the its own resources efficiently and equitably 20th century. The emphasis on centrally con- certainly holds great appeal for analysts as trolled projects for modernizing the postcolo- well as the rural poor, all too often such nial states shifted to a focus on participatory projects involve degrees of participation in development planning. This sort of “bottom- non-homogeneous and non-consensual com- up development” rests on the dictum that munities.4 There is a contradiction between efficient and equitable land management a development agency’s need to pursue its results when resource users become mandate and its desire to empower the rural resource managers in local ‘appropriator poor to set their own agenda. All too often, organisations’.1 This localised approach is the consequences of this contradiction are now known as either Community-Based conflict and ambiguity. This article describes 2 Conservation or Community-Based Natural the technical, social, and moral contradic- 3 Resource Management (CBNRM). The term tions embedded within a relatively successful “community” is the most important part of soil and water conservation (SWC) pro-

186 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

gramme in Tanzania in order to explain why to leave their plots fallow to recover after farmers’ participation is tinged with ambiva- several years of cropping.9 lence, resentment, and resistance.5 To prevent the further loss of topsoil, The Tanzania Forestry Action Plan - North TFAP encouraged North Pare farmers to Pare (hereafter TFAP) was a project fund- construct bench and fanya juu terraces10. ed and implemented by Germany’s GTZ A major problem with both types is that agency in the North Pare Mountains of construction inverts the soil profile by Mwanga District. The agency worked placing relatively infertile subsoil on top of throughout the 1990s to reverse a per- more fertile topsoil. This depresses yields ceived Malthusian crisis6 through on terraces for several years unless the afforestation, soil and water conservation farmer applies manure or mulch — both technologies, building local land manage- of which are in short supply in North Pare. ment institutions. The strategies for Grass and leguminous cover crops are achieving these objectives included the therefore necessary to feed livestock and formation of Land Use Planning increase the manure supply. In theory, Committees (hereafter LUPCs) in project increased soil fertility should eventually villages and the promotion of terracing. compensate farmers for the land area lost Understanding why many participants to the grass strips and vertical walls. Most have, at best, an ambivalent attitude North Pare farmers, however, focus on toward the project requires a political and shorter time horizons. As one woman cultural analysis of what administrators explained her misgivings in a public meet- often view as technical issues. Such an ing: anthropological approach can provide con- servation practitioners a blueprint for “We don’t want terraces because there is issues to consider, questions to ask, and no profit in it, and it makes lots of extra assumptions to avoid. By viewing commu- work to restore the soil’s fertility, so we nities, societies, and cultures as processes have given up terracing. You can’t ask us of differentiated economic, socio-political, to terrace a big area, because after we do and moral contestation (and ambiguity) it, we get no food from that land for sev- rather than consensus-based static objects, more effective and appropriate conservation programs may result.

The development dilemmas of ter- racing TFAP planners identified soil erosion as the major environmental problem in North Pare.7 Most of the soils in the steep mountains are moderately fertile and highly prone to erosion red sandy clay loams. Except for the rich loam in valley bottoms, the soil has low to medium lev- els of the major plant nutrients and is strongly acidic.8 Farmers grow coffee, bananas, beans, maize and sweet pota- toes, and with a median total farm size of Figure 1. Un-terraced fields with ‘trash line’ bunds, 0.78 hectares (1.9 acres), few can afford June 2004 (Courtesy Michael Sheridan)

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 187 History, culture and conservation

eral years, and where else can we go to building work groups. With these pressures grow food?” and incentives, North Pare farmers terraced approximately 40 hectares of land annually Terracing has high short-term labor costs, throughout the 1990s. Crop yields increased even after construction is complete. Given and many farmers shifted to higher-value that terracing two acres would, on average, crops on terraced land. take one person 66 eight-hour days,11 most farmers simply do not have the time and They did not, however, do this work without endurance the task requires. Furthermore, serious misgivings because terrace con- terracing is highly seasonal because it can struction threatened the existing economic, only be done after harvesting and before social, and moral order. At the core of the planting, so it coincides with the seasons of dilemma were ambiguities over the impor- peak labor demand (in September/October tance of terraced land, the status of perma- and January/February). nent crops, and the status of the terraces themselves. Many highland families rely To overcome these technical obstacles, more on their lowland plots for food than TFAP brought considerable political pressure the highland areas to be terraced, and this to bear on North Pare farmers. Most impor- drained the urgency out of tantly, the area’s Member of Parliament TFAP’s message. Men feared Terrace construc- that they would have to declared that he wanted all highlands farms tion threatened the terraced as quickly as possible. uproot coffee trees and Administrative officials often cited this infor- women worried that they existing economic, mal declaration and give it the force of law would have to uproot social, and by saying that terracing “is a government banana plants. Farmers got moral order order” (ni amri ya serikali). In local meet- little solace when they voiced ings these officials made it clear that the these worries in committee office tenure of village leaders was depend- meetings because agency and government ent on building terraces on their lands. extensionists, not farmers, made decisions Officials justify this coercion by manipulating about terrace construction, as this exchange the discourse of participatory development in a planning meeting indicates: espoused by TFAP. At one meeting that I attended, an administrative officer was Male farmer: I planted my coffee trees in a pressing village leaders to set a date for an zigzag pattern, so how will terraces affect agricultural extensionist to measure their them? I see that my coffee is already pro- farms (which would then formally commit ducing and giving me enough of a harvest. them to terracing before planting). This So do I have to cut them to build terraces made the village leaders very anxious, and and then plant coffee all over again? one village chairman said that few of them TFAP facilitator: We will bring agricultural had the resources or ability to build so experts. many terraces. The officer responded that “the government is facilitating agricultural This was a double-edged promise because development, even in difficult areas like [the although the experts’ involvement ensured chairman’s village], so the government is well-engineered terraces, the policy making you village leaders into facilitators increased the farmers’ insecurity. The farm- for your neighbors’ benefit.”12 While the ers of North Pare had seen more than four local government used the stick, TFAP decades of shifting land use policies, and offered the carrot. TFAP supplied tree they had little faith that the TFAP terracing seedlings and provided tools for terrace- campaign would be the last, as this quota-

188 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

tion suggests: always the same: “only if they are measured and approved by the experts.” Although “When I was in school, I was taught that most indigenous soil conservation structures there were four kinds of terraces. Since then are close to level, few have the precision the required kind of terrace has been chang- that agricultural extensionists demanded. ing, so we farmers are afraid that in ten or This single-minded technocratic approach to twenty years we will find that our work was wasted and we’ll have to build yet another kind of terrace.”

The authoritarian style of the Tanzanian government in the 1970s and 80s continues to shape current land use decisions because those decades of arbitrary policy-making and coercive implementation have entrenched distrust and skepticism deep in North Pare’s political culture.12 Agricultural extensionists and develop- ment agency facilitators often described their task as modernizing traditional agricultural practices, and they therefore rejected indigenous soil conservation measures. For example, the pre-colonial stone-lined terraces of Figure 2. Indigenous stone-lined terraces in North Pare, North Pare did not satisfy the experts: June 2004 (Courtesy Michael Sheridan)

The farmers in [village name withheld] are (supposedly) participatory development afraid of terraces because they think that if planning led to doubt and resentment. they bring an agricultural expert to their farm, this man is going to measure things The second problem with terracing in North and tell him to get rid of the indigenous ter- Pare was the social disorder that this sort of races that he got from his father, and is his agricultural intensification created. A web of inheritance. It’s better to refuse any involve- social relationships frames landholding in ment with those people and not risk losing North Pare, and terracing disturbed the sta- what you already have. These experts bility of this web. Pare farmers currently cat- should come to advise us how to improve egorise landholding into borrowed land, trib- the indigenous terraces rather than advocat- utary land, clan land, and government land, ing new ones. and the latter are usually un-arable areas. Borrowing land involves an informal agree- Given that TFAP had identified one of the ment to cultivate an annual crop for one or major constraints on North Pare’s agriculture two seasons. Most of these arrangements as the disappearance of traditional knowl- are made between women from different vil- edge,14 it is surprising that the agents of lages concerning small plots of beans, development were undermining indigenous maize, and sweet potatoes. Women will not techniques rather than building upon them. invest their labor in terracing a borrowed Whenever I heard the participants in plan- plot, and the women who lend land (or ning meetings ask if indigenous terraces ful- arrange the loan with a male kinsman) do filled TFAP requirements, the answer was not want to build terraces because this

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 189 History, culture and conservation

Women fear that if would force them to deny Pare was moral disorder. The potential loss they terrace the clan that land to their borrow- of permanent crops, skepticism about the land that they culti- ing friends in the future. longevity of policy, and the disruption of vate, their husbands Few farmers build terraces existing social relationships in land all pre- on tributary land for simi- vented the terraces from being recognised will capture the bene- lar reasons. Most of these as morally proper, a condition which many fits and leave them to relationships concern people in North Pare label ‘cool.’ For exam- increase production men, and the farmer can ple, farmers say that a plot of land acquired on less fertile land or negotiate to plant perma- by force or deception will only bear poor face food shortages nent crops such as coffee. harvests because of its lack of ‘coolness.’ Although annual payments Even a technical matter such as measuring of tribute (in beer, crops, and increasingly terraces has a moral dimension, because cash) theoretically secure all rights in land quantification disrupts for the tribute giver, the government’s pop- the moral order that Opposition to terrace con- ulist land policies – which enhanced the makes assets produc- struction… combined principle that current use confers land rights tive. When TFAP con- – has shrunk the social distance of these ducted a socioeco- profound doubt about the contracts to close kinsmen in the past few nomic survey in 1994, agro-eecological continu- decades. Even those with secure tribute researchers found that ity of individual farms, relationships do not want to build terraces many farmers refused the social continuity of on this land, however, because few to have their fields local relationships in landowners (many of whom are absentee surveyed because they land, and the moral con- city-dwellers) still allow tributary relation- believed that “things tinuity of society itself. ships to be inherited. A terrace-building trib- counted or measured ute payer would therefore get increased get damaged soon after.”16 The same cultur- short-term yields without long-term security. al logic applies to terraces and increases Although clan land ownership is relatively farmers’ doubts about the return on their secure in North Pare, terracing is still not labor investment. This is also why some easy because the division of labor by gender farmers say that the new terraces are not makes it unpopular with women. Women peaceful because they accentuate the social fear that if they terrace the clan land that differentiation that has already resulted from they cultivate, their husbands will capture decades of socio-economic change: the benefits and leave them to increase pro- duction on less fertile land or face food “These days the government and the donors shortages, as this quotation from an elderly are bringing war and rivalry to the land female farmer indicates: because they are making everyone build ter- races, and that’s just going to create divi- “If a woman builds terraces, what happens sions between those with labor and those to the land? She has to give the terraced without.” farm to a man, who will grow fodder, trees, or vegetables. Women with strength build Opposition to terrace construction was terraces and give them to their husbands. therefore not simply because of misunder- Men have more skill with cash crops.” standing (the reason cited by development agency extensionists), laziness and igno- Overall, then, planners’ efforts to enhance rance (the reasons cited by government offi- household food security threatened the cials), or North Pare’s labor shortage (the social relationships upon which it depends.15 reason often cited by area farmers).17 It combined profound doubt about the agro- The third problem with terracing in North ecological continuity of individual farms, the

190 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

social continuity of local relationships in unless a government official attended a land, and the moral continuity of society meeting, in which case increased formality itself. imposed communicative rules.21 At many meetings, participants divided themselves by The ambiguity of land use planning gender and the men’s side dominated the As TFAP has discovered, these are formida- discussion. The women often functioned like ble obstacles. In addition to providing direct the chorus in a Greek tragedy, by replying in material inputs, their strategy for imple- unison with clucks and murmurs to the male menting an unpopular programme was to leaders’ statements. create participatory institutions for local development planning. TFAP selected target Each meeting opened with welcoming state- villages and organised Land Use Planning ments by the committee chairman and a Committees at the village, ward, division, “three kilo clap” (a common political ritual in and district levels of these areas of the Tanzania and Kenya, in which participants North Pare highlands. I attended 13 meet- clap three times to open or close a meet- ings of Village LUPCs, two meetings of a ing). Once the meeting was convened, how- Divisional LUPC, and two meetings of the ever, TFAP facilitators set the agenda. They District LUPC in 1997 and 1998.18 did not do this by force of personality or because the village LUPC lacked issues to TFAP designed the LUPCs to be participatory discuss. TFAP facilitators dominated village institutions that could supplement and LUPC meetings because TFAP provided them enhance the planning and implementation with lists of criteria by which the project activities of the local government. Officially, evaluated its progress. All village LUPC the role of the committees was “to further meetings fed into bimonthly Divisional LUPC the identification of environment-related and quarterly District LUPC meetings, so problems with villagers, to work out solu- most village committees spent their time tions, and to supervise the implementation preparing for these meetings. TFAP pressed of activities accordingly.”19 Specifically, the the village LUPCs to quantify their activities LUPCs developed SWC work plans, resolved by reporting how many of meters of ter- resource conflicts, and proposed by-laws races were built in the village during a cal- concerning village land use.20 The develop- endar year, how many private tree nurseries ment agency’s demands for local participa- were established, and how many protection tion and quick results set up a contradictory markers were placed on riverbanks. The situation in which supposedly ‘empowered’ TFAP facilitators therefore functioned to filter local institutions found themselves power- out the villagers’ qualitative concerns (such less. The political flaws in these new institu- as a labor shortage, insecure land tenure, or tions increased the ambiguity of resource pest control), so that they could efficiently tenure in North Pare, and this creeping inse- fulfill their primary task of collecting quanti- curity undermined the project’s search for tative data. The villages rarely fulfilled proj- sustainable land use. ect expectations, so most committee meet- ings turned into long discussions of why, Each village committee was chaired by a who to blame, and how to present these respected elder (usually male) and generally failures to the Divisional and District com- consisted of five to eight men and women. mittees. Committee members found meet- TFAP facilitators and government extension- ings frustrating because they spent so much ists also attended meetings, and usually set time finding explanations for their inability to the agenda. Interactions among the commit- meet project expectations, which then gave 22 tee members were informal and friendly the meetings a negative tone. In several of the meetings that I attended, committee

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 191 History, culture and conservation

members resolved the frustrating process by simply asking the TFAP facilitators to stop trying to empower them and just tell them what to do.

The TFAP facilitators had no real authority, so they made full use of shame to goad the committees into action. Their most common exhortation technique played on a core value of North Pare culture — treating a guest with hospitality and grace. “What would you say,” the facilitators asked rhetor- ically, “if the Germans came and asked you to show them the terraces you had built, Figure 3. The author with a village Land Use and you had nothing to show?” Many meet- Planning Committee, May 1998 (Courtesy Michael ings culminated in resolutions to write to the Sheridan) village government and ask the village chair- man to write letters to farmers who had not man said “just write 3000 meters.” implemented the TFAP plan. None of these resolutions and letters had any real coercive The meeting participants told the facilitator power and were instead based on the subtle that they didn’t need a number, but that threat of public shame. Village LUPC meet- they wanted tools and fertiliser for the new ings closed with another “three-kilo clap” terraces. The facilitator responded by telling and everyone hurried off to other pressing them to form a cooperative labor group in tasks. order to receive tools. The men in the meet- ing agreed, and decided that the women at The top-down nature of bottom-up partici- the meeting would form such a group imme- patory planning became particularly appar- diately. As the meeting secretary wrote their ent when TFAP decided (in early 1998) to names on a list for the facilitator to present sidestep some weak village governments by to TFAP, the women remained silent and going directly to the hamlet (an administra- stiff because they obviously did not want to tive unit within a village) level for planning make this commitment, but were powerless to protest in public. meetings.23 In one hamlet meeting, the TFAP facilitator presented the members with Although TFAP wanted the village LUPCs to a form with blanks for how many meters of be active agents for increasing awareness of terrace they would build, the names of the environmental issues in their villages and for springs they would protect, and how many developing innovative solutions to these trees they would plant. He asked the meet- problems, the agency’s top-down techno- ing participants how many households there cratic practices effectively stifled the com- were in the hamlet and suggested that each mittees’ ability to voice local problems. At should construct 50 meters of terraces. The many of the meetings that I attended, com- line of women sitting on the grass (opposite mittee members presented innovative ideas a line of men on benches) had trouble visu- which facilitators either rejected outright or alizing what 50 meters meant, and after ten ignored. Many proposed new benefits for minutes of discussion the members decided project participants, such as improved live- that it was equivalent to two terraces per stock breeds, seedlings for flowering trees plot. The facilitator still needed a number to that would attract honeybees, traps for the write on the form, so the meeting debated area’s enormous rats, and colorful clothing several round numbers before the loudest

192 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

with the project logo as rewards for success- the LUPCs. For the few It was the political ful terracing. TFAP personnel rejected these villages with committed ambiguity of the Land ideas because they perceived them as leaders, this informal Use Planning unreasonable demands for which they had arrangement allowed vil- Committees that no budgetary allocation. When I described lage LUPCs to become systematically pre- these ideas to the German expatriates who moderately effective. In manage TFAP, they were dismayed to learn most villages, however, vented them from ful- that good ideas were not reaching them. village chairmen (which filling the goals set by The core problem was that many of the are unpaid positions) the Tanzania Forestry environmental problems and solutions raised were reluctant to Action Plan in the LUPCs were not, strictly speaking, become involved in yet directly related to TFAP’s mandate as a another time-consuming committee. When forestry and SWC project. Rejecting local government leaders were not active in con- ideas prevented “mission creep” and the servation activities, the village LUPCs creation of new tasks for busy agency staff, became trapped in the political quagmire of but it also quashed participation and led having an agenda without anyone to imple- committee members to ask one another, ment it.24 “We have no people, only the vil- “Why are we having meetings if we present lage chairman has people,” one village LUPC our recommendations and nothing hap- chairman told me. “We have no power to pens?” Many village LUPC members ana- compel people to attend or to do anything.” lyzed the ambiguities of participatory devel- To avoid such situations, committees strug- opment with remarkable candor and acuity, gled to arrange for the already over-commit- as this sample indicates: ted government officials to attend every conservation activity. They rarely succeeded. “The local government officers, from the District Commissioner down to the village The political ambiguity of the LUPCs was level, do exactly what TFAP wants them to clearly expressed in their inability to perform do because they all know the local govern- the basic political action of a Tanzanian insti- ment needs the money. But the project is tution. The essence of a superior position in “bottom up” in its approach, so it’s sup- the local hierarchy is the ability to summon posed to be doing what we farmers want to an underling to a meeting. The verb for this do, not just what the government wants. So action in Kiswahili, kuita, also means “to TFAP tries to get opinions from those with- name or identify,” and commonly finds its out the authority to give them while imple- political expression in formal letters from menting its plans through people who aren’t superiors to inferiors. Village LUPCs had few supposed to influence the process.” powers to summon, name, and identify, which meant that they could not fulfill their Although agency practices regularly prevent- function of helping village governments to ed genuine participation despite their policy regulate land use. Committee members commitment to “bottom-up planning,” it was often complained that they could not send the political ambiguity of the LUPCs that letters to invite leaders to meetings or to systematically prevented them from fulfilling notify farmers that they were violating land the goals that TFAP set for them. Village use regulations. Sending such a letter would LUPCs were formally advisory bodies for the have formalised the communication and put village government, but the tasks that TFAP the committee in a superior position to the assigned them required the authority of gov- village leadership. Most village committees ernment. TFAP tried to overcome this con- therefore did not compel village leaders to tradiction by inviting village chairs and Ward attend meetings and therefore had no Executive Officers into the membership of power to make decisions about rule-break-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 193 History, culture and conservation

ers without their presence. For example, in lage government. Only the Ward one village LUPC meeting the committee dis- Development Committee can give orders to cussed the boundary markers around pro- a village chairman. This is only a TFAP tected springs and riverbanks. The village meeting, it’s not about governance. LUPC secretary said that “everyone is pulling up the markers.” The TFAP facilitator asked The semi-official nature of the LUPCs also if she knew who was doing this. She said, intersected with the complexities of bor- “no, but the village government knows rowed and tributary land arrangements to them.” She told me later that she knew who produce enough bureaucratic red tape to had pulled the markers, but that she did not prevent terracing. The following field note have the authority to name names. from a village LUPC meeting demonstrates the obstacles for cooperation among inter- These political and geographic ambiguities dependent villages: ran through all levels of the LUPC system in “I asked what the major land use problems North Pare because environmental issues were in Bondeni village. They replied that regularly crossed village boundaries. Rivers the two major problems are labor shortage are particularly difficult resources to protect and the fact that many farmers in Bondeni because they often form those boundaries. come from outside of the village. Where do When a village LUPC on one side of a river these outside farmers come from, I asked. tries to implement the TFAP plan and the Every other village. So I asked if many of adjacent village has no LUPC, committee them come from Ngujini. Yes, they do. Do members find themselves in the odd posi- they build terraces here? No. But why don’t tion of protecting only half of a river. The they build terraces in Bondeni if both following exchange at a District LUPC Bondeni and Ngujini have LUPCs? “Ngujini demonstrates some of the political wrangling people don’t build terraces in Bondeni, they that resulted from ambiguous lines of only build them near their homes in Ngujini.” authority: The LUPC chairman said that they decided to deal with these “outside” farmers at their Village LUPC chairman: No one is showing first meeting. He said that they advised the up for riverbank protection activities. The village government to tell those people, “if river is the boundary between two divisions you don’t terrace these farms and conserve and many farmers are not interested in the the soil, you’ll lose your farm and we [the project. Many of the farmers in my village village government] will plant trees there.” and in the adjoining village have plots on But the Bondeni village government has no both sides of the river. authority over residents of another village, Ward Executive Officer: The problem is who so Bondeni has to get Ngujini to make these can call whom. Can our Divisional Secretary Ngujini farmers to build terraces in Bondeni. call the Secretary of another Division? Can The TFAP facilitator closed the discussion by one village call another? These are govern- saying that the people of Bondeni were not ment matters. setting a good enough example, and that Village LUPC chairman: So what do I do? they should terrace their own areas first, We are under the TFAP project, so how can then get the divisional government to I write a letter to another village if they resolve the issue. Afterwards one village have no committee? LUPC member said that it is absurd to force Ward Executive Officer: Then this issue must a farmer to terrace a plot when the adjacent go to the Ward Development Committee plot remains un-terraced.” TFAP intended and follow normal government channels to the advisory role of the LUPCs to be a deal with this other village. We must find strength, but it became a liability because the right person to write a letter to the vil- ecological problems are necessarily political

194 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

ones. agency was largely unaware of these prob- lems. Third, the new social institutions cre- The political ambiguity of the LUPCs made ated to implement these solutions were not many people evaluate them as morally genuinely participatory and usually lacked ambiguous. North Pare residents evaluate the political authority and moral legitimacy the morality of development interventions to effectively convince based on an egalitarian expectation that farmers to use SWC a political and cultural benefits and limitations should be distributed techniques. The result- analysis of the techni- equally, which should theoretically lead to a ing situation did com- cal, social, and moral state of conflict-free ‘coolness.’ But village pel some farmers to quandaries faced by LUPCs had the difficult task of regulating build terraces, but it land use within administrative units despite did not foster the resource users [is needed the awkward fact that the social relations of social harmony that to ] illuminate some of land use usually crossed administrative many in North Pare the pitfalls of the boundaries. This meant that LUPC strategies hold as fundamental to CBNRM approach.… of coercion, use of shame, and weak threats agricultural fertility, [yet]…the devolution of of legal action often led to jealousy and improved land use, resource resentment instead of compliance. For and authentic develop- management authority example, one farmer I know was growing ment. to community-llevel taro in a spring that her village LUPC want- institutions [remains] ed protected. When she asked TFAP facilita- This case study of the tors if she could replace the taro with a per- contradictions in com- one of the best options for manent crop that would inhibit erosion (such munity-based natural ameliorating the contra- as fodder grass or fruit trees), they refused. resource management dictions of neo-lliberal Her sense of injustice led her to perceive a suggests that a politi- economic globalisation. definite lack of ‘coolness’ in the protected cal and cultural analy- spring, so she believes that the spring is sis of the technical, social, and moral quan- bound to dry up. The ambiguities and con- daries faced by resource users can illumi- tradictions of the LUPCs therefore undercut nate some of the pitfalls of the CBNRM precisely the sort of locally legitimate politi- approach. This analytical framework is use- cal and ecological order that they were ful as a forensic tool for picking apart proj- required to create. ect failures, and does not provide a clear and straight path through the thickets of Conclusions contradiction and ambiguity that CBNRM Land Use Planning Committees were weak entails. Land rights, economic responsibili- in North Pare because the development ties, social processes, political contests, and agency that mandated them ignored local cultural values vary widely and harmonious political processes and cultural norms. The communities characterised by consensus efficacy of these new techniques and new and conformity are very hard to find – which institutions for community-based natural therefore suggests that successful CBNRM resource management suffered because may not be readily transferable. The devolu- TFAP’s technocratic management style pre- tion of resource management authority to vented communication of local needs, val- community-level institutions is, however, one ues, and expectations–the essence of grass- of the best options for ameliorating the con- roots participation. Second, terracing was a tradictions of neo-liberal economic globalisa- feasible but problematic solution to land tion. If more planners and administrators degradation because it brings technical, can avoid the conceptual assumptions of social, and moral problems for the farmers sameness and unity built into the category who build terraces, and the development of ‘community,’ a more technically effective,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 195 History, culture and conservation

socially informed, politically participatory, 5 This article is based on one year of ethnographic research in 1997 – 1998 for my dissertation at Boston University and morally legitimate version of CBNRM (Sheridan, 2001), with support from the Wenner-Gren could be constructed by identifying and Foundation for Anthropological Research and the anticipating the contradictions, conflicts, and Fulbright Programme. Two months of follow-up research in June and July 2004 allowed me to corroborate my ambiguities that exist in all communities. conclusions with North Pare farmers and former develop- ment agency staff. I thank the people of North Pare and Anthropology has been promoting the cul- the staff of the TFAP-North Pare project for their open- ness and generosity. ture concept as a way to make sense of 6 This degradation crisis is a system of assumptions that is human difference for over a century, and it not supported by archival and oral historical evidence. has been moderately successful at pushing See Gillson, Sheridan and Brockington, 2003. 7 The Traditional Irrigation Improvement Programme both scientific understanding and public poli- (TIP), funded by the Dutch agency SNV, is also active in cy away from the racism that characterised the North Pare highlands on SWC issues (Sheridan, 19th century analyses. This classical 2002). For the sake of brevity, however, I have limited my discussion in this article to TFAP activities. approach to culture was that it was homo- 8 Masuki and Bakuti, 1994. geneous, collective, cohesive, intrinsic, geo- 9 Glückert, 1994. Many areas show direct evidence of graphically bounded, and an essential trait severe erosion. Vegetation that once stabilised riverbeds is now gone, and the water flows over boulders and of a community. This was a useful approach bedrock. Nearly all ridgelines completely lack layers of in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, but humus and topsoil, and these layers’ gravel remains atop an exposed layer of subsoil. In the most severely eroded such a definition is clearly obsolete in a rap- areas, eucalyptus grows without any soil at all because it idly globalizing world. Many anthropologists can drill its roots into the crumbling gneiss that remains. are therefore redefining the discipline’s key- 10 Bench terraces require farmers to convert a sloping plot into a series of step-like strips of land. The wall of each word as a heterogeneous, contested, open- terrace is stabilised with a strip of a fast-growing grass ended, flexible, and power-driven economic, which also provides fodder for livestock. To make fanya political, and ideological process.25 juu terraces, farmers dig a shallow trench perpendicular to the fall line of the hillside and throw the soil on the Conservation practitioners can benefit from uphill side of the trenches to form ridges. After several this academic reorientation by using the years, rain washes the soil from the back of the terraces to the grass-covered ridges, and the terraces level them- concepts of contestation and ambiguity in selves as long as the farmer maintains the trenches’ the economic, socio-political, and ideologi- uphill walls. cal-moral domains of ‘culture’ to redefine 11 Humann-Bellin, 1996: 35. 12 Other administration officials were less subtle. Many their own keywords of ‘community,’ ‘develop- farmers told me that they had attended meetings in ment,’ and ‘management.’ which officials threatened to take away their land if they refused to build terraces (and reallocate it to someone who would). Michael J. Sheridan 13 Sheridan 2004. 14 TFAP, 1993. ([email protected]) is Assistant 15 There was a similar situation in the Usambara Mountains Professor in Anthropology at the University of of Tanzania in the 1950s (Feierman, 1990: 181). The Vermont in Burlington. He worked as a Peace colonial government’s demand for terraces under the Usambara Scheme led to widespread protest, passive Corps Volunteer in Kenya in 1988-1990, and resistance, and anticolonial activism. Usambara farmers received his Ph.D. in anthropology from Boston opposed soil and water conservation because terrace- University in 2001. His research on the material building threatened to deny land to the poor and ulti- mately create a landless class. Much like the scenario in and symbolic aspects of African land manage- contemporary North Pare, women feared that building ment focuses on the colonial and postcolonial terraces amounted to giving land to men for cash crop production. management of sacred forests and indigenous 16 Glückert, 1994: 9. irrigation systems. 17 One researcher, Zainab Semgalawe, has identified the social and economic variables that encourage North Pare farmers to adopt soil and water conservation techniques Notes (Semgalawe, 1998). She argues that the area’s labor 1 Esman and Uphoff, 1984; Ostrom, 1990. shortage has a negligible effect on the adoption of SWC 2 Western et al., 1994. techniques, and that the major determinants are the 3 Brosius et al., 1998. head of household’s education level and participation in 4 Little, 1994; Peters, 1996. development activities. Most of my informants, however,

196 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

cited labor shortage as a critical limitation on terrace “Representing environments in flux: Case studies from construction. East Africa”, Area 35 (4): 371-389, 2003. 18 I have withheld the names of the participating villages Glückert, W. Michael, “Report on a socio-economic survey and divisions in order to protect my informants from conducted February-April 1994”, TFAP-North Pare, political repercussions. Mwanga, Tanzania, 1994. Copy in possession of the 19 TFAP, 2003. author. 20 Engleberg and Mwanvi, 1997. In theory, the village Humann-Bellin, J., “Backstopping / training on list manage- LUPCs discussed environmental issues amongst them- ment, survey analysis and design of an impact monitoring selves and used a three-dimensional model of their vil- system”, TFAP-North Pare, Mwanga, Tanzania, 1996. Copy lage to plan what they should do and where. Despite in possession of the author. TFAP’s rhetorical allegiance to participatory and “bottom- Keesing, Roger, “Theories of culture revisited”, in Assessing up” planning, however, in practice the committees Cultural Anthropology, Robert Borofsky, ed., pp. 310-312. worked to fulfill goals predetermined by TFAP, while the New York: McGraw-Hill. village models were used only when senior TFAP staff Little, Peter, “The link between local participation and visited. improved conservation: A review of issues and experi- 21 For example, meeting participants switched from the ences”, In Natural Connections: Perspectives in local language to Kiswahili during meetings because the Community-based Conservation, David Western, R. latter is the “language of the government.” When a vil- Michael Wright, and Shirley C. Strum (eds.), pp. 347-372, lage chairman was present, village LUPC chairs deferred Island Press, Washington DC, 1994. to their higher authority and language use became more Masuki, K. F. G. and J. M. Bakuti, “Soil fertility assessment structured with honorifics and formal turn-taking. for five villages in North Pare Mountains, Mwanga District, 22 One man capped a long discussion about his commit- Kilimanjaro Region”, Site Evaluation Report S 25, tee’s failure to inspire other villagers to set up private Tanzania National Soil Service, TFAP-North Pare, Mwanga, tree nurseries (for which there was no market because Tanzania 1994. Copy in possession of the author. TFAP gave seedlings away for free), “I see that what Ostrom, Elinor, Governing the Commons: The Evolution of we’re really doing is finding something to write in the Institutions of Collective Action, Cambridge University blank on the project form, so why does it matter why Press, Cambridge (UK), 1990. there aren’t any more nurseries?” Peters, Pauline, “’Who’s local here?’ The politics of participa- 23 After a TFAP facilitator had explained the new approach tion in development”, Cultural Survival Quarterly, 20 (3): for encouraging more localised planning during one 22-25, 1996. meeting that I attended, the village chairman immedi- Semgalawe, Zainab Mbaga, “Household adoption behavior ately thanked the facilitator and explained that he would and agricultural sustainability in the northeastern moun- develop plans and distribute them to the hamlets. tains of Tanzania: The case of soil conservation in the 24 If a village LUPC wanted to keep villagers from cultivat- North Pare and West Usambara Mountains”, Ph.D. disser- ing in water sources and on riverbanks, TFAP told them tation, Wageningen Agricultural University, 1998. to report the offenders to the local court. The lawbreak- Sheridan, Michael J., “The environmental consequences of ers paid the ridiculously low fine of Tsh 500 (which was independence and socialism in North a significant sum in 1984, when the conservation by- Pare, Tanzania, 1961-88”, Journal of African History, laws were enacted, but has not kept pace with the 45(1):81-102. devaluation of the Tanzanian shilling), and then file Sheridan, Michael J., “Cooling the land: The political ecology countersuits on the grounds that only administrative offi- of the North Pare Mountains, cers can file charges in court and that the village LUPC is Tanzania”, Ph.D. dissertation, Boston University, 2001. not a government institution. The usual result was that Sheridan, Michael J., “‘An irrigation intake is like a uterus’: the village LUPC dropped the suits or compensated the Culture and agriculture in offenders for their time in court. precolonial North Pare, Tanzania”, American Anthropologist 25 See, for example, Keesing, 1994 and Brumann, 1999. 104 (1): 79-92, 2002. TFAP (Tanzania Forestry Action Plan – North Pare), “Tanzania Forestry Action Plan — North References Pare”, Project brochure, TFAP-North Pare, Mwanga, Brosius, J. Peter, Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing, and Charles Tanzania, 1993. Copy in Zerner, “Representing communities: Histories and politics possession of the author. of community-based natural resource management”, TFAP (Tanzania Forestry Action Plan – North Pare), TFAP- Society and Natural Resources, 11: 157-168, 1998. North Pare web site, Brumann, Christoph, “Writing for culture: Why a successful http://www.gtz.de/themen/projekt.asp?PN=9821737&spr= concept should not be discarded”, Current Anthropology 2&land=Tanzania, accessed Jan. 24, 2003. 40:S1-S27, 1999. Western, David, R. Michael Wright, and Shirley C. Strum, Engleberg, Walter, and Yosse Mwanvi, “TFAP-North Pare eds., Natural Connections: Perspectives in Community- internal evaluation final report”, TFAP-North Pare, based Conservation, Islands Press, Washington DC, 1994. Mwanga, Tanzania, 1997. Copy in possession of the author. Esman, Milton J., and Norman T. Uphoff, Local Organisations: Intermediaries in Rural Development, Cornell University Press, Ithaca (New York), 1984. Feierman, Stephen, Peasant Intellectuals: Anthropology and History in Tanzania, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison (Wisconsin), 1990. Gillson, Lindsey, Michael Sheridan, and Dan Brockington,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 197 History, culture and conservation

The Shompen of Great Nicobar Island (India)— between “development” and disappearance

Suresh Babu and Denys P. Leighton

Summary. The Shompen are an indigenous people of Great Nicobar Island, India, inhabiting a bios- phere reserve. They number perhaps 250 individuals and face formidable social and environmental chal- lenges. Encroachments by non-tribal people, invasive species and poaching are among factors leading to habitat destruction, species loss and observable ecosystem disruption in the reserve and on the island. The Indian government is committed to safeguarding the livelihoods and cultural identities of indigenous peoples and to “developing” tribal societies in step with the rest of the nation. Officials, however, typically see the “protection” of indigenous peoples and the preservation of natural environments as separate prob- lems. They have paid some attention to the idea of community conservation, but a dilemma that appears to arise in the case of the Shompen is how to enlist or elicit the participation in conservation of people whose valuation of natural resources and the environment is “primitive” and non-monetary. This paper provides an overview of the recent environmental history in connection with the human history of Great Nicobar and examines policies and recommendations applying to protected environments and tribal popu- lations in India. It adopts a social ecology approach, indicating how tribal and non-tribal populations on Great Nicobar play different economic roles and have different stakes in ecosystem services. The paper argues that regulatory authorities, scien- tists and other external observers must take local knowledge systems more seriously. First, our understanding of the island ecosystems can be enriched through engagement with indige- nous knowledge, as local people can provide key insights into the dynamics of the environ- ment they inhabit. Second, without understand- ing how the local people value their environ- ment it will be difficult to reach an agreement on conservation objectives between them and external parties.

The Shompen tribal people of Great Nicobar Island are today at a crossroads of tradition and modernity. Occupying the southernmost island (1045 sq. km. in area) of the Andaman-Nicobar archipela- go (ANI), more than a thousand kilome- ters from mainland India and 150 kilome- ters from Sumatra in Indonesia, the Shompen are recognised by the Indian government as a Scheduled Tribe and a Figure 1. Map of Great Nicobar Island showing the Primitive Tribal Group. The Shompen are tribal settlements and protected areas.

198 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

mainly through land reservations, since the 1950s. The Shompen population is larger than it was thirty years ago but the Shompen represent a shrinking segment of the total population of Great Nicobar (see Figure 3). Their way of life is certainly endangered. Rapid increase in the island’s non-indigenous human population, unsus- tainable agricultural and commercial activi- ties bordering the biosphere reserve, and sometimes impinging upon it, and illegal activities, such as poaching, by non-tribal Figure 2. View of Great Nicobar Biosphere people have contributed to habitat destruc- Reserve from Mt. Thullier. (Courtesy Suresh tion, species loss and other observable Babu) ecosystem instability on Great Nicobar.3 afforded specific constitutional and adminis- Government policies with respect to pro- trative protections not only because they tected areas in ANI and elsewhere in India are “scheduled” but because the state incorporate some of the principles regards them as attached to a “protected” advanced in environmental policy circles, by physical environment. About eighty-five ecologists and by advocates of indigenous percent of Great Nicobar was designated as peoples. Yet, policy-makers have privileged Great Nicobar Biosphere Reserve (GNBR) in the idea of national (social) development— 1989 by India”s Ministry of Environment and the removal of social inequalities—over and Forests, in accord with the UNESCO preservation of cultural diversity or environ- Man and Biosphere Programme (MAB). MAB mental conservation. Upon India’s inde- specifically states that one function of bios- pendence, there existed a consensus that a phere reserves is to “ensure the traditional crucial function of the state was to coordi- 1 [human] resource use patterns.” In estab- nate efforts to lift up “backward” social lishing the GNBR the Indian government groups, those suffering legacies of discrimi- has recognised the global significance of nation and deprivation. The Constitution of Great Nicobar”s ecosystems and has sig- the Republic of India in 1950 thus recog- naled a commitment to preserving human nised not only Scheduled Castes but also micro-cultures being eroded by modernity. more than six hundred Scheduled Tribes in need of “development”. In 1979 the gov- Indeed, the crisis facing the Shompen is not to be down- played, given the recent history of the region. The Great Andamanese, one of six remain- ing tribal societies inhabiting the ANI, numbered only twenty- eight individuals in the 1991 official census, reduced from 625 in 1901.2 The Jarawas of the Andamans are another threatened population, despite having been given protection, Figure 3. Graph showing the growth of populations of ANI. Note that the populations are in log scale.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 199 History, culture and conservation

“Tribals should ernment identified a sub-cate- authorities have also learned that ecological be allowed to gory of seventy-five Primitive stability of protected areas depends in develop according Tribal Groups, including the some cases on anthropogenic activities. For to their own Shompen, requiring special instance, the experience of the Bharatpur 4 genius” and attention. The Nehruvian Bird Sanctuary, a flagship conservation Panchasheel— Prime Minister experiment of the 1960s, revealed that the development Jawaharlal Nehru”s “five (artificial) wetlands that attracted dozens of “should be under- virtues” or guiding principles species of birds became choked with taken without of tribal policy— announced in weeds, leading to significant loss of ecologi- disturbing tribal 1952 that “Tribals should be cal functions, when the grazing of cattle social and cul- allowed to develop according was prohibited in the sanctuary.6 tural institu- to their own genius” tions.” and that development Kuhou and Katpui were a Shompen couple that I had a “should be undertaken chance to interact with closely while I was involved in the without disturbing tribal social and ecological surveys of the GNBR on the West Coast. Kuhou cultural institutions.” used to work on the coconut plantations in the Nicobarese vil- lage of Kopenheat for a man called Chintaan, and he also Such progressive statements, how- worked occasionally at Pulokunji for Chintaan”s brother. ever, sit uncomfortably next to the Kuhou still hunted in traditional Shompen fashion. On several rhetoric—and the actual practice—of occasions he had eaten with us in our temporary camps. I Indian development. Observers both remember the toddy that he offered us the evening before within and outside India have we left for Campbell Bay. I visited him again early in 2001 at attacked the various Planning Pulokunji. He seemed surprised to see me there. There were Commissions, the (supposedly) over seven people in that village: Chintaan’s brother, Kuhou, powerful and politically insulated Katpui and her two children, and her sister and sister’s child. bureaucracy and other elite agencies When I visited Great Nicobar in November of that year, I of social planning. Indeed, some learned that all of the people of Pulokunji had died after have thrown into question the very drinking from a bottle that had washed up on the shore. A notions of national development and lot of flotsam washes up on the west coast during that sea- modernity that expressed the ethos son. They probably thought it was liquor. All of them soon of the Nehruvian state.5 Nehru him- died, with the exception of two boys, aged eight and twelve, self pronounced hydroelectric dams who survived alone for twelve days. The nearest habitation the “temples of modern India”, and was Kopenheat (twenty kilometers away) and they could not many development objectives from have crossed the two rivers without a hodi. A naval vessel the 1950s were pursued without found the dead bodies and brought the two living children to proper consideration for environ- Campbell Bay. The boys have been resettled to a Nicobarese mental impact, while some conser- village, Chingham. Pulokunji, which Boden Kloss had men- vation measures, such as the tioned in his narrative a hundred years earlier, had been famous Project Tiger, were under- wiped out. taken with little regard for social impacts. In contrast, some policy-makers today have accepted the idea that “natural” There has been little serious challenge to environments are indeed cultural land- the idea that indigenous (“tribal”) people scapes. Indian officials and politicians have have a strong ethical claim to remain in or been moved to this realisation by political near the landscapes they have inhabited for realities; there are political prices to be paid generations, and apart from which they for barring local human communities from would lose their livelihoods and their cultur- designated protected areas. Conservation al distinctiveness. At the same time, the

200 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

emphasis of Indian tribal policy until quite However, for local communities to be actual recently has been on “mainstreaming” pop- players in conservation and management, ulations and combating “backwardness”, on the criteria of “participation” need to be bringing tribal people into conformity with understood by all parties whose participa- national standards of economic participa- tion is being solicited by authorities who tion, diet, health, housing, access to safe have until now regarded themselves as water and electricity, education, and so environmental managers. Where the experi- forth. This goal has been articulated ential gap is not wide between managers through the language of national “develop- and regulatory officials, and the differential- ment” in a manner that is difficult to recon- ly empowered members of those communi- cile with accepted conservation principles ties, the principles and goals of manage- and that often contradicts the govern- ment can be contested and consensus ment”s own stated ideal of preserving cul- achieved. Where the gap between world- tural diversity. Such policy views is wide, however, there is little basis Where the gap contradictions are especial- for negotiation, and environmental manage- between worldviews ly problematic in cases like ment consists mainly of external agents is wide, however, that of Great Nicobar. This defining both problems and solutions.7 there is little basis paper provides an overview While conservationists advocate participato- for negotiation, and of the recent environmental ry and democratic management strategies, history of Great Nicobar environmental many nevertheless assume that it is both and notes ecological prob- ethical and practical for members of indige- management con- lems and complications of nous and other isolated populations to be sists mainly of development identified by brought around—gradually—to the view- external agents natural scientists, social sci- point of modernity. defining both prob- entists and other experts. lems and solutions It examines policies and The cultural landscape of Great recommendations applying Nicobar to protected areas and tribal populations. Great Nicobar is largely covered by tropical One of the ironies highlighted here is that rainforest and has five perennial rivers. The the physical isolation of the Shompen, com- GNBR encloses two national parks, pared to many other tribal peoples in India, Galathea National Park (225 sq. km) in the means that “protection” of Great Nicobar south of the island and Campbell Bay has consisted mainly of measures taken by National Park (520 sq. km) in the north. central and state governments to control Great Nicobar displays high levels of external influences (e.g., immigration, endemism and extraordinary diversity at resource exploitation, invasive species, pol- species and community levels. Studies of lution). This same isolation, however, species interaction in ecosystem processes means that there exists at present only a and of mechanisms of species coexistence narrow basis for communication and negoti- on Great Nicobar are still at a rudimentary ation between Great Nicobar tribal people level. Fifty years ago there were no large and other stakeholders in the protected mammals on the island other than humans. area, including the national state. Today, however, cattle forage at the edges of the rain forest and help pave the way for Community management is the current invasive plants. Ironically, the nutrient con- mantra of environmental policy, and there tent of the island’s soils is generally poor: are indications of the promise of communi- plant detritus is rapidly broken down ty-conserved areas and community man- through microbial activity and nutrients are aged areas in India, as elsewhere. delivered to above-ground biomass, rather

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 201 History, culture and conservation

than being fixed in plant root systems and Since the 1980s they have soil.8 Great Nicobar”s lushly “fertile” attended schools at Campbell The Shompen appearance and its “infertility” with respect Bay and at Pulobhabi, the economy is liter- to many intentionally introduced plant largest tribal village on the ally a subset of species have complicated issues of tribal west coast. Some make use the ecosystem of primary health facilities at protection, immigrant settlement and eco- they inhabit. nomic development in recent decades. Campbell Bay.

The indigenous inhabitants of Great Nicobar The Shompen inhabit primarily the interior are the Shompen and the Nicobarese. The of Great Nicobar and an area near the ANI (Protection of Aboriginal Tribes) northeast coast and they do not live else- Regulation of 1956 recognised their exclu- where in ANI.10 They cultivate tacca (a sive right of settlement on Great Nicobar. tuber), aroids, yams and sometimes Indeed, there were no permanent non-trib- bananas. A traditional staple is pandanus al residents of the island until the late fruit, which the Shompen gather and 1960s, when the government permitted process into “flour”. Like the Nicobarese, limited additional settlement for strategic reasons involving Table 1. Major plant resources of Shompen. territorial claims by Indonesia. The Nicobarese of today are Plant species Use numerous also on neighboring Pandanus leram Dietary staple, ‘bread fruit tree’. islands and they outnumber Tacca leontopetaloides Tuber is important source of food. the Shompen on Great Nicobar Callophyllum inophyllum Timber used in boat-making. by approximately three to one, although a century ago it was Ficus brevicuspis Inner bark used for making clothes and the Shompen who were the bark used in thatching huts. larger group on the island.9 Pinanga manii Flooring for huts and spear shafts. Nicobarese have interacted for Bentickia nicobarica Flooring; young meristems eaten. decades with non-tribal popula- Nypa fruticans Hut thatching and woven wall mats. tions for economic and other purposes and the government Canarium euphyllum Incense and mosquito repellent; edible gum. does not count them among the Primitive Tribal Groups. Morinda spp. Leaves and bark used to treat ailments Nicobarese are mainly fisher of stomach. folk but they also cultivate Sterculia spp. (3 species) Timber used in making dugouts (hodis); leaves of one species used in treatment coconut and areca in “planta- of stomach ailments. tions” sometimes including sev- eral thousand trees. Nicobarese Artocarpus chama Timber for huts and hodis. are settled along the west Ardisia oxyphylla Roots used as medicine. coast of the island and many of Garcinia nervosa Edible fruits. them periodically visit the only township on the island, Dioscorea glabra Tubers eaten and seasonally cultivated. Campbell Bay, to collect rations Sandoricum koetjape Roots are used in medicine, fruits eaten. provided by the government, Corymborckins veratrifolia Roots have uses in traditional medicine. including rice. They trade gath- ered or cultivated produce in Calamus palustris and C. Principal sources of rattan in Great andamanicus Nicobar. the Campbell Bay market for additional rice and other items. Hibiscus tiliaceous Inner bark used as twine: e.g., used in fastening spearheads to spear shafts.

202 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

the Shompen are increasingly giving up been discontinued, although sand mining pandanus fruit for polished rice, although continues in several coastal areas. Sand the latter is of inferior nutritional value. mining and consequent coastal erosion They are excellent workers with iron and have been identified as a threat to a make their own daus (machete-like instru- remarkable but non-endemic species, ments fashioned from iron slabs) and Dermochelys coriacea, the Giant spearheads. Despite their recent and grow- Leatherback Turtle. Great Nicobar contains ing dependence on “imports”, the Shompen major nesting sites of these and four other have sustained themselves through wise species of turtles. But coastal erosion may use of natural resources. (For some plant be less dangerous to the turtles than other products used by the Shompen today, see threats. According to one recent estimate, Table 1) Their economy is literally a subset perhaps seventy percent of Giant of the ecosystem they inhabit. Leatherback eggs and hatchlings in ANI fall victim to feral dogs.11 Some species The Shompen depend on the Nicobar wild endemic to Great Nicobar have seen visible pig as a food source, supplemented by the declines over the past few decades. One of occasional salt-water crocodile, python, these is the Nicobar Megapode, Megapodus monitor lizard or sea turtle. The Shompen freycinet nicobariensis, a flightless bird that hamlets closer to non-tribal habitation have builds large colonial mounds on the ground; reported acute shortage of wild pigs. The eggs and young birds make easy prey for 1972 Wildlife Protection Act prohibits non- feral dogs and cats. These birds have van- tribals from hunting wild pigs, but poaching ished altogether from the eastern coast of by outsiders is clearly jeopardizing the food Great Nicobar (closest to the modern settle- ways of the tribal population. Nutritional ments) and they have become rare in all deficiency correlates with disease suscepti- parts of the island. bility. The erosion of the traditional Shompen dietary pattern and food culture The most visible alterations of the island’s is well under way. The substitution of rice ecosystems have happened over the past for pandanus is especially marked among thirty years due to ill-planned land use by the tribals living closest to the immigrant settlers from mainland India.12 The govern- settlements. Settlers and other entrepre- ment settled a group of 337 ex-servicemen neurial outsiders tap the Shompen for rat- and their families on the eastern coast of tan, bamboo, honey, lemons, bananas, Great Nicobar in 1969. Initially, 1,499.65 coconuts, areca and other forest produce; sq. ha. of forest were clear-felled for these the Shompen exchange these (often settlers. The official allotment of land for through the Nicobarese) for rice, cloth, each family was eleven acres.13 Traders, liquor, tobacco, salt and metal for daus. shopkeepers and service providers have joined these settlers. Only some settlers Disruption of Great Nicobar ecosys- had direct experience in farming, but even tems among these many came from areas of Deforestation and reforestation, extractive India, like Punjab, whose climate and soil industry and settled agriculture have not conditions are very different from those of generally been so damaging to Great Great Nicobar, and their agricultural prac- Nicobar ecosystems as they have been to tices were accordingly inappropriate. Some other parts of the ANI, as most of the sur- settlers have increased their land holdings face and coastline of Great Nicobar has by encroaching on forested land. To say been made off limits to external entrepre- that settler farming has been unsuccessful neurs. Timber harvesting and mining have on Great Nicobar would be an understate-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 203 History, culture and conservation

ment. Introduced food crops fall prey to myriad pests, thanks to the rainforest’s diversity of insects. Most of the paddy fields made by the settlers are today either cov- ered with weeds or waterlogged and saline.

Mainland India is spending (by conserva- tive estimate) tens of millions of rupees annually to control the spread of invasive species, whereas the island ecosystems that are most vulnerable to such disasters have been largely taken for granted. Ships arrive in Great Nicobar from mainland Figure 4. Agricultural area covered by weeds. India without any quarantine, bringing (Courtesy Suresh Babu) alien species along with grains, vegeta- invasive species (see Table 2).14 Clearings bles, poultry, livestock and other imports. made in the forest in recent decades Even twenty-five years ago scientists had offered multiple niche opportunities to noted the impact of invasives on Great invasive species; the invasives have spread Nicobar. Recent surveys undertaken by our extensively and made the soil unsuitable team at the University of Delhi have iden- for agriculture. Though the nutrients in tified forty-six exotic plant species on the the soil do not support agriculture after a island, of which twelve are well known few cycles of cropping, they are enough to sustain enormous weed populations. Table 2. Table of major invasive species in Great Globally known terrestrial invasives such Nicobar Island. as Chromolaena, Mikania and Ageratina Species Spread and kind of impact have covered clear felled areas on the Chromolaena Has spread along open areas in the island (See Figure 4). odorata forest close to human habitation. Lantana camara Few clumps have been noted at Because they outnumber the tribal people 28-km point on East-West road. of Great Nicobar by a factor of at least seven, and because tribals have been Ageratina spp. Weed with a creeping habit, cover- ing most open fields. granted distinct rights and immunities (e.g., from provisions of wildlife protection Merremia peltata Covers large patches close to streams. acts), the settlers represent a separate political interest and they are able to make Ischimum rugosum Spreads over fallow land. their needs known to government. The Cyperus rotundus Occupies marshy land cleared and government undoubtedly spends much abandoned. more money in supporting these settlers Mikania micrantha Found around abandoned than the settlers—and the tribal popula- encroachments and forest edges. tion—contribute to the national econo- Dogs Numbering approximately 2100: a my.15 Commercial fishing has not been menace to sea turtles, Megapodes very profitable for local residents, although and wild pigs, as they have taken processing and storage facilities exist on a to pack hunting. number of islands. (The waters surround- Cats Threat to Megapodes and other ing Car Nicobar have been over fished. ground birds, they are present in Some environmentalists have pointed to numbers matching those of dogs. unsustainable hunting of seas turtles by Cattle Large number of cattle feed in the Nicobarese and have suggested that, in forest, destroying ground flora.

204 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

the cases of gravely threatened species, this as encouragement.17 laws prohibiting wildlife exploitation by non-tribals apply to tribal populations as It would be wrong to characterise Great well.)16 As recently as the late-1990s Nicobar as either an ecological or a social many officials and politicians considered disaster. Yet there are clear and present the expansion of tourism in ANI to be nei- dangers apparent to the external observ- ther developmentally desirable nor eco- er. Ecological studies and biodiversity nomically feasible, but pressure has been assessments have not proceeded far building to open ANI to “high value, low enough for experts to define clear conser- impact” luxury tourism and eco-tourism. vation priorities for the island. Nor has The Prime Minister himself chaired a 2003 there been any systematic attempt to meeting of the Island Development learn about the tribal peoples” under- Authority (constituted by the Planning standing of their environment. In the Commission) at which the future of absence of ethno-ecological or social ecol- tourism in ANI was a main topic of discus- ogy studies, even purely “external” eco- sion, and business interests have taken logical management of Great Nicobar can- not be effective; nor is it con- Jhau Nallah is the only existing Shompen village on the coast of ceivable that community man- Great Nicobar. There is no historical evidence of other Shompen agement can begin without coastal villages; the coast seems for a long time to have been conservation authorities” the Nicobarese domain. Jhau Nallah therefore represents a varia- appreciation of local knowledge tion in the Shompen lifestyle. The village leader is Agyon, who systems. Recent environmental succeeded his still living but elderly “stepfather”, Kachua. (Agyon policies and administrative con- does not remember his biological parents and came to live in ventions include progressive Jhau Nallah as a child.) This group apparently consists of five to and participation-enhancing eight “villagers”, with only one woman, Kachua”s wife, who may features. However, statements be over eighty years old and who usually stays inside her hut. about the roles of local, espe- Agyon has a leadership qualification uncommon among cially tribal people in environ- Shompen: he can speak some Hindi. He is also familiar with cur- mental conservation continue rency and he once received medical treatment in Campbell Bay to reveal tensions between for several months. Agyon left and returned to his people volun- ideals of development and pro- tarily. He has two hodis and is a skilled member of his communi- tection of cultural diversity. ty, but what are his actual prospects? There are no mates for him in his village. Shompen women in neighboring Laful and Environmental policy and Trinket are jealously guarded. An important problem facing the tribal policy Shompen today is the sex ratio. Agyon usually spends his days doing small jobs around the village and waiting for the govern- Like their colonial predeces- ment rations to come, or he actually goes to town to fetch them. sors, Indian government offi- He is as dependent on these rations as the others in his village. cials today habitually refer to Is there a connection between the frequent illnesses in Agyon”s tribal peoples” village and dietary change—or change in the Shompen lifestyle “backwardness”.18 A “Draft generally? Isolated populations succumb easily to diseases har- National Policy on Tribals” cir- boured by the societies they come in contact with, but there are culated this year by the also diseases that follow changes in lifestyle. Whatever the con- Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MTA, nection between Shompen health and changing diet, Agyon and created in 1999) emphasises his people will be waiting for rations... Is it right to pretend that the poverty and deprivation of we are not changing the Shompen and to believe that we are let- many of the country’s tribal ting them develop “according to their own genius”? people. While populations of Scheduled Tribes generally are

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 205 History, culture and conservation

increasing, those of Primitive Tribal wisdom is a national resource, not to be Groups are stagnant or declining (PTG”s ignored or depleted, and that it can be currently make up less than half of one extracted and understood in isolation percent of the national population.) Taken from its socio-cultural context. The draft as a segment of the national population, remarks on the roles played by traditional tribal people are less literate, less well medicine in the adaptability and survival nourished, more diseased, more vulnera- of PTG”s but also notes that tribal peoples ble to displacement, and they have small- suffer inordinately from preventable dis- er incomes and/or less property than the eases. In language reminiscent of Nehru- non-tribal population. era planning documents, the draft exhorts the country to “eradicate endemic dis- MTA views illiteracy and lack of formal eases on a war footing.” education as key signs of backwardness. The 2004 draft national policy states that The MTA draft discusses forest villages as formal education is “the key to all-round sites of tribal development and cultural human development” and implies that preservation. Tribal peoples over the extension of formal education to tribal years have been forced out of their home people is complementary to preserving territories or have otherwise been alienat- and promoting their cultural heritage. ed from the land. Protection of forest MTA acknowledges “that Scheduled Tribes environments and recognition of tribal in general are repositories of indigenous groups’ customary rights with respect to knowledge and wisdom in certain forests is crucial, as is their participation aspects.” The word repository is signifi- in forest management. The state is to cant: it connotes a resource or treasure play a role via Tribal Development from which not only tribal peoples but Cooperative Corporations in regulating the also the nation and the world can benefit. collection and sale of forest produce. MTA identifies not only poverty and lack Provision to tribal villagers of amenities of infrastructure as explanations for tribal like safe drinking water and educational peoples” low literacy but also their lack of and health care facilities “on par with rev- attachment to ideals of formal education. enue villages” (i.e., villages in which taxes The latter is supposed to be due to the are collected and public money spent) tribals’ “alienation from society” and the should be given high priority. Public distri- “irrelevance”, to them, of dominant edu- bution of food and establishment of grain cational models. It is therefore important banks are appropriate means of address- that teaching be conducted in the tribals’ ing the “food problems” faced by many mother tongue “at least up to the primary forest villagers. While emphasizing tribal level”. While “meta skill upgradation” may peoples’ “wise” use of resources like land, be crucial, curricula are to incorporate the draft national policy also makes criti- aspects of traditional culture. This educa- cal claims about their agricultural prac- tional ideal is coupled in the draft national tices. “Shifting cultivation”, whose tech- policy with preserving “traditional wis- nologies include the digging stick and the dom”, which includes enthno- sickle, is “hazardous to the environment” medicine/botany, meteorological knowl- and supports tribal cultivators for only edge, water harvesting, and natural about four months of the year. Shifting resource use and cultivation. The draft agriculture, the draft asserts, has not national policy notes the need to “transfer engendered among tribals any “emotional such knowledge to non-tribal areas.” The attachment to the land as an asset or implication, once again, is that indigenous property needing care and attention” and

206 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

“Tribals merely believe in harvesting crops servation measures. It concludes by reit- without putting in efforts or investments.” erating the importance of preserving the The draft highlights the need to imbue cultural distinctiveness of tribal groups tribal people with a sense of ownership of while noting that the tribals suffer from the land and to “sensitise tribals about cultural isolation. It states that tribals’ alternative economic strategies so that “geographical isolation shall be minimised they can come out of shifting cultivation.” through development of roads, transport It adds that legal and institutional and means of communication... “ arrangements are needed to “protect their Assimilation in many senses is taken as a (i.e., tribals’) intellectual property rights” prerequisite of tribal development. so as to prevent the value of their labour and ingenuity from being appropriated by The 2004 draft national policy on tribals “corporate and other agencies”. The MTA shows the impress of proposals circulating clearly perceives tribal peoples’ culturally among development economists, environ- rooted “lack of attachment” to private mentalists, human rights activists and property as both sign and cause of their advocates of indigenous peoples. Even as backwardness. a statement of general principles or ideals, however, it is difficult to see how The MTA asserts the need to strengthen the draft policy can be beneficially applied the powers of Tribal Advisory Councils to the Great Nicobar scenario. For and to install tribal affairs administrators instance, how is preservation of tribals’ who have “adequate knowledge, experi- cultural distinctiveness to be reconciled ence and a sense of appreciation for tribal with encouraging means of communica- problems.”19 Study of tribal administration tion and travel between tribal areas and and research on all aspects of tribal soci- the outside world? In the case of the eties and cultures are to be promoted Jarawas in the Andamans, for whom through existing Tribal Research Institutes exposure to modernity has been nothing and establishment of “a national-level short of catastrophic, the Shekhar Singh research institution”. Above all, a “partici- Commission appointed by the Indian patory approach” to tribal development Supreme Court recommended that all log- should be adopted, involving, where pos- ging cease on Little Andaman Island and sible, non-governmental organisations and other islands containing tribal reserves voluntary agencies that “act as catalysts and that the Andaman Trunk Road be in reaching benefits of Government pro- closed to traffic on South and Middle grammes and policies to the grass-root Andaman. The Sekhar Singh Report was level.” No mention is made of encouraging accepted by the Supreme Court on May 7, tribal peoples’ participation in the process 2002.20 The Court took into consideration of “research” or in conceptualising the the fact that the forests of the Andamans goals to be achieved. The draft asserts were being rapidly depleted and that the the need to “preserve and promote... tra- trunk road was facilitating outsiders” ditional knowledge and wisdom,” to “dis- exploitation of the Jarawas. seminate” it and “transfer” it to non-tribal areas; to “validate identified tribal reme- Like other isolated tribal populations, the dies” and to “encourage, document and Shompen have been susceptible to patent tribals’ traditional medicines”. pathogens for which they lack natural Nowhere does the draft propose incorpo- immunity, and as recently as the 1990s rating indigenous ways of knowing into numbers of them have fallen victim to social development or environmental con- epidemic diseases. Many indigenous peo-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 207 History, culture and conservation

ple in ANI (not only the Shompen) are and other north eastern states—regions addicted to tobacco and alcohol. There is where general decadal rates of population no conclusive evidence that government growth 1991-2001 have ranged from distribution of rice, milk powder and soap twenty to more than sixty percent.) Has to the Shompen is improving their health Shompen resource use actually failed to and it is clearly undermining traditional foster their “emotional attachment to the food cultivation practices. We should also land” and instead encouraged environ- consider whether the MTA’s assertions mental degradation? Given the failures of about the destructiveness of shifting culti- settler agriculture and other modern eco- vation are merited in the case of the nomic activity on Great Nicobar, it appears Shompen, and whether the hunter-gath- rather that non-tribal people have some- ering mode of existence is generally thing to learn from Shompen resource destructive to the environment and management. wasteful. (The draft policy statements concerning environmental degradation Towards an ecosystem assess- appear to have in view Manipur, Nagaland ment of Great Nicobar State “protection” of the Shompen cannot forestall some kind of engagement with modernity. The question is about how, on what and whose terms, this engagement is to be managed. The Nehruvian Panchasheel of tribal policy stated that tribal development should be measured not in terms of money spent but in terms of the demonstrated well-being of tribal peoples. In pursuit of a Management Action Plan for the GNBR, the Ministry of Environment and Forests in 2001-2002 earmarked Rs. 18,500,000 ($ 410,000) for “protection, habitat improvement, socio- economic activities, and eco-development activities and awareness generation.”21 Ten times this amount would not neces- sarily be money well spent if it is not properly targeted. Development planning must rest on comprehensive ecological analysis, and the latter must take into account issues of human participation and social “location” in ecosystems and the differential stakes of people in “ecosystem services”.

The Shompen are dependent on forest, rivers and sea for food, water, shelter, fiber, cooking fuel and other bio-produce. Figure 5. Ihak and Shompen boys, Laful The Nicobarese depend more heavily than village. (Courtesy Suresh Babu) the Shompen on the sea. The ecosystem services on which recent settlers depend

208 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

are limited to fresh water supply. While replace the traditional livelihoods of the well being of the entire population of indigenous people. Great Nicobar is dependent upon the Jobs are means of eco- If global pricing and health of the environment, settlers exer- nomic specialisation external criteria of valu- cise more direct or indirect influence than and this kind of assimi- ation overwhelm local do the tribal populations on policy-making lation of tribal people is use values, then indige- and administration. Settlers receive state likely to erode tradi- nous peoples will have aid not only in the form of utilities and tional values and insti- incentive to exploit education and health facilities, but in form tutions in a manner species that are in of price supports, transport subsidies and detrimental to both cul- rebates. Their dietary resource base is tural identity and envi- demand on the world narrow and external; little of what they ronmental conserva- market... consume is produced locally, so the level tion. As Michel Pimbert of state subsidies (e.g., for food trans- observes, “The integration of rural com- port) directly correlates to their standard munities and local institutions into larger, of living. The Nicobarese, and to some more complex, urban-centered and global extent the Shompen, are becoming systems often stifles whatever capacity increasingly dependent on state aid in the for decision-making the local community form of food distribution. As subsistence- might have had and renders its traditional level producers, with whom outsiders are institutions obsolete.”22 New social hierar- in fact prohibited from trading, the chies result from new economic patterns, Shompen do not benefit from price sup- and rapid social and political changes ports. often lead to adverse environmental impacts. How will tribal people fit into economic development scenarios for Great Nicobar? Agribusiness and pharmaceutical enter- Will their economic participation or non- prises have promoted bio-prospecting as participation be a matter of their individ- a means of “protecting” indigenous peo- ual and collective decisions, or will others ples and the environments they inhabit. decide for them? Few Indian officials and Authorities who mediate between com- policy-makers have advocated economic mercial interests and vulnerable environ- development of Primitive Tribal Groups ments and populations sometimes adopt through direct exposure to national and the arguments of the bio-prospectors by world markets. Even proposals for con- emphasizing the invaluable potential ben- trolled engagement of tribal peoples with efits of biodiversity preservation.23 As the wider markets (e.g., saying goes, the rain forest may hold the How will tribal people fit through tribal devel- cure for cancer. Yet it is precisely such into economic develop- opment corporations “objective”, external assessments that and cooperative ment scenarios for Great help rationalise exploitation of indigenous societies) should in people. Economic valuation is posited as a Nicobar? Will their eco- fact be considered precondition of tribal assimilation into nomic participation or with great caution. national societies and the wider world. non-pparticipation be a “Jobs”, even if The logic of this attitude seems to be that matter of their individ- designed around indigenous people can protect themselves ual and collective deci- familiar skills and better if they are aware of the “true” (i.e., sions, or will others existing resource economic) value of the environment and decide for them? uses, cannot even the skills with which they manage local approximately resources. But if global pricing and exter-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 209 History, culture and conservation

nal criteria of valuation overwhelm local thousands of years. The Shompen and use values, then indigenous peoples will other tribal societies were “developing” have incentive to exploit species that are long before modern societies had any real in demand, for brief or longer spans of impact on them. “Sustainable develop- time, on the world market. ment” of the population of Great Nicobar Overexploitation of market-preferred may not be an oxymoron if development species might consequently trigger losses is more closely defined by the value sys- of species interacting with them, while tems and cultural practices of the other local flora and fauna—those not val- Shompen. ued by the global market—might multiply to levels that cause environmental asym- Suresh Babu ([email protected]) is metries and disrupt ecosystem processes. Senior Research Fellow at the School of Changes in ethnobiological preferences Environmental Studies, University of Delhi. He have environmental impacts that are diffi- has been actively engaged in studies of ecosys- cult to predict or counteract. For this rea- tem dynamics and biodiversity of the Great son it is crucial to appreciate local knowl- Nicobar Biosphere Reserve since 1999. (He is edge systems and resource uses, not only the sole author of the text boxes in the article). for their economic value to us or even to Denys P. Leighton ([email protected]) local people themselves but for their ines- is Visiting Fellow in the Department of History, timable conservation value. University of Delhi. He is interested in environ- mental history in India in relation to nationalist Conservation authorities in India and else- discourses and development planning. The where are often asserting the principles of authors gratefully acknowledge for suggestions, decentralised decision-making out of advice and cooperation, Professor Kanchan respect for indigenous peoples’ rights and Chopra, Institute of Economic Growth, Delhi; “native wisdom”. Yet in pronouncements Professor C. R. Babu, School of Environmental such as the Ministry of Tribal Affairs draft Studies, University of Delhi; the Ministry of policy discussed here it is difficult to Environment and Forests, Government of India; ignore tones of calculated public relations and the Department of Tribal Affairs, Andaman rhetoric and condescension. Celebratory and Nicobar Administration. references to native wisdom are uncon- vincing if policy makers and conservation officials fail to make serious efforts to solicit indigenous peoples’ opinions. An Selected references Andrews, Harry V., Vasumathi Sankaran (eds.), important reason for taking local knowl- Sustainable Management of Protected Areas in the edge seriously is that external observers Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Andaman and Nicobar cannot understand ecosystem processes Islands Environmental Trust, Indian Institute of Public Administration, and Flora and Fauna International, and biodiversity dynamics without under- New Delhi, 2002. standing the roles played by indigenous Babu, S., S. Sharma, A. Love and C. R. Babu, “Niche people in maintaining their “natural” envi- opportunity: a new paradigm in invasion ecology”, paper delivered to the Centenary Journal Seminar of ronments. Indigenous knowledge needs the Bombay Natural History Society, 14-16 November to be incorporated into conservation 2003. strategies. Environmental assessments Balakrishnan, N. P., “Great Nicobar Biosphere Reserve”, in Singh, N. P. and K. P. Singh (eds.), Floristic Diversity should always involve social and Conservation Strategies in India. Volume V: In assessments.24 Conservation strategies Situ and Ex Situ Conservation, Botanical Survey of India, 2495-2537, Kolkata, 2002. for Great Nicobar should involve the direct Boden Kloss, C., In the Andamans and Nicobars. The participation of those whose resource Narrative of a Cruise in the Schooner “Terrapin”, with uses have shaped the island for possibly Notices of the Islands, Their Fauna, Ethnology, Etc., Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1994 [orig.

210 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

1903]. 10 His dubious assumptions about ethnology and Census of India 2001. Series-1. Provisional Population “racial” classification aside, C. Boden Kloss provides Totals, Registrar General and Census Commissioner, useful descriptions of Great Nicobar and its inhabi- New Delhi. tants. Some of his observations, made in 1901, Gadgil, M., “Of Geese and Grass”, in Gadgil, Ecological about social practices and settlement patterns of the Journeys. The Science and Politics of Conservation in Shompen illuminate the present-day situation (Boden India, Permanent Black, 19-21, New Delhi, 2001. Kloss, 1994). Imperial Gazetteer of India. Provincial Series: Andaman 11 There is broad agreement that dogs were introduced and Nicobar Islands, Asian Educational Series, New to the ANI by the British in the 1850s, though the Delhi, 1994 [orig. 1909]. precise time of their arrival on Great Nicobar can Johnson, N., B. Jonsson, “Measures for Conservation of only be conjectured. Sekhsaria, 2003. Biodiversity and Sustainable Use of its Components” 12 Balakrishnan, 2002. (Chap. 13.3) in: Global Biodiversity Assessment, UNEP, 13 Balakrishnan, 2002. 1995. 14 Details reported in Babu et al., 2003: initial report of Lewis, M., Inventing Global Ecology. Tracking the results of ongoing ecological surveys. Biodiversity Ideal in India, 1945-1997, Orient 15 The Gross Domestic Product of ANI increased ten- Longman, New Delhi, 2003. fold between 1980 and 1996/97. Commercial Millenium Ecosystem Assessment. [Report of] The forestry, however, has been cut back drastically since Second Responses Working Group Meeting, May 19- the late 1990s, and agricultural productivity is appar- 23, 2003, Frankfurt/Main, Germany. ently declining. The islands are more than ever Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Draft National Policy on Tribals, dependent on food imports. Transport of goods and January 2004 [tribal.nic.in/indexl.html]. people to ANI is subsidised by the government. Nambath, S., “Forget history, think fun?”, The Hindu 16 Andrews and Sankaran, 2002. Sunday Magazine, March 7, 2004, online edition: 17 Promoters of “global level tourism” in ANI complain [www.hindu.com/mag/2004/03/07/sto- about the large amount of protected interior and ries/2004030700410700.htm]. coastline area because “the places that can be devel- Pimbert, M., “Reclaiming diversity and sustainability in oped are at a premium.” (Nambath, 2004). community-based conservation”, Policy Matters, 12, 18 See note 4 above. 76-86, 2003. 19 Tribal affairs officers answer to the MTA and to the Reddy, A. K. N., “Technology, Development and the state governor (in the case of ANI, the Lieutenant Environment: An Analytical Framework”, in Guha, R. Governor appointed by the central government). (ed.), Social Ecology, Oxford University Press, 321-45, Tribal Advisory Councils are constituted by elected New Delhi, 1994. local government members and they advise the state Sekhsaria, P., “Ecological Treasures... Unlimited” (from governors and local representatives of the ministries The Hindu Magazine, July 7, 2002), in Sekhsaria, P., (e.g., Tribal Affairs, Environment and Forests). Troubled Islands, Kalpavriksh/LEAD-India, 56-59, 20 Both the report and the Supreme Court order are Pune, 2003. printed in Sekhsaria, 2003 (pp. 73-86). Sivaramakrishnan, K., “Nationalisms and the writing of 21 environmental histories”, Seminar, 522, February 2003 Reported in Andrews and Sankaran, 2002. 22 [www.india-seminar.com/2003/522/522%20k.%sivara- Pimbert, 2003. 23 makrishnan.htm]. For discussion of potential benefits and abuses of bio-prospecting, see Johnson and Jonsson, 1995. Notes 24 See report of the Conference of the Parties to Conventions on Biological Diversity at its fifth meet- 1 Balakrishnan, 2002. ing, Nairobi, Kenya, May 15-26, 2000. Principle 1 of 2 Figures cited in Andrews and Sankaran, 2002. the recommended Ecosystem Approach to biodiversi- 3 Linked to human settlement is the phenomenon of ty protection: “The objectives of management of invasive species: see Figure 5 and discussion in text land, water and living resources are a matter of soci- below. etal choice.” 4 “Primitive Tribal Groups are Scheduled Tribes known for their declining or stagnant population, low levels of literacy, pre-agricultural technology, primarily belonging to the hunting and gathering stage, and extreme backwardness.” (Ministry of Tribal Affairs, 2004). 5 Lewis, 2003; Sivararamakrishnan, 2003; and litera- ture reviewed therein. 6 The sanctuary had been the pet project of Salim Ali of the Bombay Natural History Society and enjoyed the support of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi. See Gadgil, 2001; Lewis, 2003. 7 See Pimbert, 2003, for a thoughtful discussion of “participation” in community-based conservation. 8 Balakrishnan, 2002. 9 Andrews and Sankaran, 2002.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 211 History, culture and conservation

A Layered Homeland: History, Culture and Visions of Development Susan DeLisle

Summary. Authority over resource management and development has historically been viewed as a state responsibility. However, many indigenous peoples and local communities have practiced community based management systems “legitimised” as part of their own culture and history. Development theory recognis- es the importance of such systems but state initiatives have tended to privilege their own objectives in place of community interests and practices. In Ardoch (Ontario Canada), different culture groups have col- lided and evolved over several generations, each developing a sense of attachment to place based on their own cultures and interpretations of history which are at once contradictory and shared making it a layered homeland. Yet, while cultural difference sometimes results in a conflicting narrative at the local level, when faced with an external threat, solidarity between these different culture groups can also emerge. At the hamlet of Ardoch, a 1979 state initiative to manage and develop wild rice collided with a long standing community based management system with roots in its indigenous cultural heritage. While this conflict was overtly about access and control of wild rice, it was also about different attitudes toward the role of communities in resource management decisions and the implications this has for resource use and conservation, community and economic development, and cultural identity and survival. In the end, local community management was able to continue under official provincial authority. However, no benefit that could have resulted from cooperation was achieved. This conflict demonstrates that when states make management decisions without consultation with communities they risk damaging environmental, economic, and cultural linkages. They also risk loss of access to traditional knowledge, damaging human and cultural capital, and generating considerable hostility, which undermines potential opportunities achieved through more cooperative approaches.

munities are often more conscious of socio- Historically in western conceptual environmental intercon- nections than are the thought, and in legislation arising from this …a wild rice harvest- state agencies that perspective, authority and control of ing license to a pri- assume responsibility for resource management and development regional and resource vate harvester drew have been viewed as a state responsibility. development initiatives.1 If together local resi- However, all over the world, indigenous state approaches seek to dents into an peoples and local communities have prac- draw on local knowledge alliance of culture ticed long standing community based man- and expertise, and to for- groups in opposition agement systems based in culture and his- mulate development plans to this state initia- tory that implicitly assume locally based in cooperation with local authority and control. There is an inherent tive and set in partners, benefits can be potential for conflict between these two sys- motion a conflict maximised. Historically, tems, but also a potential for cooperation that would not find however, state initiatives and mutual strengthening. resolution for four have failed to involve local years… communities, and have Current resource development theory has tended to privilege their recognised the importance of community own objectives in place of community inter- based management systems and that com-

212 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

ests and practices. ples. This simple event drew together local residents into an alliance of culture groups In 1979, at the hamlet of Ardoch (Ontario, in opposition to this state initiative, set in Canada), a state initiative to manage and motion a conflict that would not find reso- develop a particular resource (wild lution for four years, and would completely rice/Manomin) collided with a long stand- fail to meet the state objectives of ing community based management system resource and economic development it had with roots in the cultural heritage of the sought to achieve. area. It began when the Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources (OMNR) issued a wild This conflict touched on a number of rice harvesting license to a private har- themes: divergent concepts around what vester without consulting with local peo- constituted development; different values associated with the conser- Map 1. Mississauga Land Cessions and the Contemporary Algonquin vation and management of Claim Area (Courtesy Huitema, 2000) wild rice; conflicting per- spectives on the effects of wild rice development on the local economy; and diverging ideas about com- munity and indigenous rights to local resources.

The residents of Ardoch were (and are) a communi- ty of different culture groups living as neighbours. In communities like Ardoch, where different culture groups have collided2 and then evolved over several generations, each group can develop a sense of attach- ment to place based on their own culture and their own interpretations of histo- ry that are at once contra- dictory and shared making it a homeland layered with meaning – a layered home- land.3 Thus, at a local level differences in cultural her- itage sometimes play them- selves out in a conflicting narrative. Yet, when faced with an external threat, the Source: Huitema, M., 2000, "Land of which the savages stood in no mutual history of struggle particular need": Dispossessing the Algonquins of South-Eastern for survival can provide a Ontario of their Lands, 1760-1930, Queen's University M.A. basis for solidarity between (Geography)

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 213 History, culture and conservation

these different culture groups. through which a person was deemed eligi- ble for special consideration. ‘Indigenous rights’ and who quali- fies Non-status indigenous peoples are either In Canadian law indigenous rights are individuals who have lost status through a based on British Common Law which number of revisions to the ‘Indian Act’, or states that “the Aboriginal Peoples of they are descendents of those who were Canada should retain, under English law, never formally recognised through the those property rights they possessed prior treaty making process. Non-status indige- to colonisation that have not been express- nous persons were excluded from any spe- ly extinguished by specific legislation cial right held by Status Indians. Rather, and/or for which compensation has not they were considered to be ‘local’ peoples along with other non-indigenous residents been paid”.4 This position was directly despite their considerable differences in per- applied in North America through the spectives and expectations. In effect, non- Royal Proclamation (1763) which reiterated 5 this position and provided that the pur- status Indians became white by definition chase of indigenous lands was to be and their ownership of any ‘special right’ undertaken by state agents exclusive. which may have flowed from their indige- Once the federal government had treated nous heritage and original occupation of the for enough lands to consolidate its inter- land was considered to have been extin- ests, the Canadian state was established guished. through the British North America Act (BNA) 1867. Through this act the federal The post-WWII years dramatically altered government took responsibility for Indians the social climate in Canada leading to a and lands reserved for Indians while critical reinterpretation of social policy, pro- provincial governments were given respon- viding a climate for the reconceptualisation sibilities for natural resources. Further clar- of indigenous policy. In this time frame, the ification through the 1889 St. Catherine’s Calder case (1973), comprehensive claims Milling court decision granted ownership of policy (1973), and the repatriation of the all ceded lands to the provincial govern- Constitution (1984) changed the legal posi- ments. This made any interest in resources tion of indigenous peoples and reopened outside of reserve lands extremely difficult the debate surrounding indigenous rights in 6 to pursue. Canada. However, at the time of the Mud Lake conflict (1979-1982) non-status indige- Status Indians are those who are recog- nous peoples were denied recognition of nised as ‘Indians’ under the Canadian any special right, while status Indians had Constitution. While the history of inclusion little recognition of rights to lands outside of is somewhat complicated, status was pri- reserve lands. marily achieved through the treaty making process. Once a treaty had been signed, Settlement of the lower Ottawa the state took the position that any prior valley & development of the Ardoch right of ownership had been forfeited in community exchange for small areas of land reserved The historical record shows evidence that for indigenous use (reserve lands), and Algonquin peoples inhabited both sides of certain rights defined within the Treaty and the Ottawa valley in the 1600s. By the various Indian Acts. By the end of the 1700s they were frequenting the Lake of 1800s, Indian status, not indigenous her- Two Mountains in Quebec to undertake itage, came to be seen as the means business with the then colonial administra-

214 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

tion during the summer and would return to tively dispossessed them from their lands. their hunting grounds in various parts of the Ottawa watershed in late summer.7 During Many Algonquin peoples fled the territory. this timeframe, Mississauga peoples However, evidence shows that scattered expanded south from their homelands groups remained in the region. At the start northeast of Lake Huron and were living in of the 1900s Algonquin peoples (specifically the region north of Kingston Ontario (south the Whiteduck family) lived in and around of the Ardoch region) at the time of the loy- the area now known as Ardoch. Both settler alist settlement in the late 1700s.8 The and indigenous peoples made use of hunt- exact nature of the boundaries between the ing and trapping, leading to competition for Mississauga and Algonquin nations during increasingly scarce resources. Because set- this time are not known, however relation- tlers were recognised as legitimate inhabi- ships surely existed between members of tants of the area, indigenous inhabitants these groups and it is likely that the bound- were pushed to the margins for survival, aries were fairly porous.9 The historical and forced into adaptive strategies.13 record consistently defines the Algonquin territory as lands whose waters flow into Local oral history acknowledges the planting the Ottawa River on both sides of the river, of the wild rice at Mud Lake some time and there is ongoing evidence demonstrat- around the 1900s by a female ancestor of ing that Algonquin peoples continued to reside in the region. However, despite ongo- ing claims by Algonquin a female ancestor of peoples, the Crown the Algonquin com- chose to engage in a munity planted wild treaty process with the rice at Mud Lake some Mississauga to lands on time around the the north shore of the 1900s… stewardship Ottawa River and to was handed down exclude claims by within the family… Algonquin peoples 10 and became part of the (Figure 1). community heritage Settlement activity Figure 1. Wild Rice growing at Mud Lake, of living on and with began in the region sur- Ontario. (Courtesy Susan DeLisle) the land. rounding Ardoch Ontario in the 1840s.11 The the current non-status Algonquin communi- crown, having considered indigenous inter- ty. Stewardship of the wild rice was handed ests extinguished, granted European settlers down through the Whiteduck family to the title to lands in the region free of charge current steward, Harold Perry. By 1979, the under the condition that certain settlement wild rice growing in Mud Lake at Ardoch requirements were met (e.g. land clearance was part of the community heritage of living and the construction of dwellings). on and with the land. It was harvested Algonquin peoples found themselves faced annually by Algonquin residents from the with an influx of non-indigenous settlers, area along with their Alderville Mississauga backed by the crown, taking possession of relatives, and by some of their non-indige- lands regardless of Algonquin occupation.12 nous neighbours. Out of the areas indige- The progressive evolution of this process nous cultural heritage, the local inhabitants’ marginalised Algonquin Peoples and effec- relationship with the wild rice had evolved

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 215 History, culture and conservation

into a community based manage- ment system, and a community resource. 14

Indigenous Peoples rela- tionship with wild rice/Manomin Wild rice is known to indigenous peoples as Manomin – the “gift of the Creator”. Being easily stored, Manomin was known historically as an invaluable commodity for trade, and a critical food in times of scarcity.15 Contemporary Manomin use has a role in main- taining a link to the history and culture of its indigenous users. Figure 2. Wild Rice plants in August - these plants need a few Harvesting is a ritualised activity more weeks to ripen. (Courtesy Susan DeLisle) learned, taught, and practiced in and other animal users, as well as for the culturally specified ways.16 Children harvest 18 in lakes seeded by their grandparents and regeneration of the plant for the future. In great grandparents; this way, there is an implicit recognition of themselves - the indigenous users - as It is an implicit under- they learn how to har- vest and process members of an ecological community. It standing that a portion also implies respect for Manomin and its of the seed will be Manomin from their elders; and they con- contribution to the well being of the whole allowed to fall into the tinue to share in the ecological environment. water, or be sowed on the communal practice of water, for fish and other protecting, nurturing The 1970s saw a movement to open up animal users, as well as and harvesting the tracts set aside for indigenous people to for the regeneration of plant. As Thurston non-indigenous commercial operations. At the plant for the future. states, “for traditional Ardoch Ontario, this movement precipitated harvesters, ricing is a a four year struggle by the local community kind of spiritual holiday, a time for families to protect what was seen as a local resource. This conflict took place between and friends to come together.17 two major groups: a community action group vs. the Ontario Ministry of Natural In Aboriginal communities, Manomin is sub- Resources (OMNR) and Lanark Wild Rice ject to a system of Aboriginal management. (LWR). The community action group was This process includes a ‘steward’ who moni- formed through an alliance of a number of tors the crop and decides when it is ready different parties: the non-status Algonquin to harvest. The steward also decides who residents of Ardoch headed by the Perry should be invited to participate in the har- family, their status Mississauga relatives vest so that all community needs are met. from a nearby Mississauga reserve, non- The quality of rice beds are considered and, indigenous permanent and seasonal resi- if poor, are left to rest in order to replenish. dents, and a number of regional representa- It is an implicit understanding that a portion tives (i.e. the local conservation authority, of the seed will be allowed to fall into the two regional municipal councils, the local water, or be sowed on the water, for fish

216 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

hunter and angler association, and the fed- a hearing under the WRHA 1960 which was eral and provincial member of parliament). held in July of 1980. The hearing was attended by large numbers of community The 1979-82 Mud Lake wild rice members. Presentations were given by com- confrontation munity members detailing the planting of the wild rice by a community ancestor, In 1979, a license to harvest wild rice at reseeding initiatives by the Perry family to Mud Lake in Ardoch Ontario was granted to maintain the crop over time, their concerns LWR by the Ontario Ministry of Natural regarding the amount taken by commercial Resources (OMNR). This brought provincial harvesters, the potential effect on the long policy objectives to develop a viable wild term conservation of the wild rice bed, and rice industry squarely into conflict with a potential related effects on the local econo- long-standing local traditional authority and my. They also expressed their belief that management system. Evidence suggests commercial harvesting was contradictory to that the community had no knowledge of the principles of wild rice harvesting. They the Wild Rice Harvesting Act (WRHA) 1960 spoke to the needs of the fish, the birds, which required users to make application to and the regeneration of the crop. Finally the OMNR for a harvesting permit. Rather, a they argued that the wild rice belonged to long-term local authority structure was in the Perry family and should be left to the place. The Perry family had always func- local community. tioned as the recognised stewards of the wild rice. This local authority structure gov- LWR detailed their experience with wild rice erned wild rice use and management and harvesting indicating that, in their experi- had done so for several generations. In ence, commercial harvesting did not repre- addition, primary evidence suggests that sent a threat to the long term viability of local area OMNR staff were unaware of, or wild rice beds. LWR also proposed sharing considered extraneous, the long time com- the wild rice harvest on a percentage basis munity practice that was in place.19 Thus, a with the local community, and proposed local system of authority and management building a processing plant existed in parallel to provincial structures, in the area producing local Due to the commu- with both parties presumably unaware of area jobs. nity’s non-vviolent the other. The Mud Lake conflict represents a collision of these two systems. protest LWR was After consideration of the unable to gain hearing report the Deputy The conflict came to light when a local (non- access to the lake Minister of the OMNR indigenous) resident discovered a commer- before the end of the decided not to issue a cial harvester harvesting wild rice on Mud harvesting season. license to LWR for the 1980 Lake and tried to make a citizens arrest. The harvesting season. This As a result, the com- operator produced the OMNR issued har- prevented a commercial munity succeeded vesting license granting him harvesting privi- harvest in the 1980 season. in preventing leges. Community members contacted the Mr. Perry harvested a small another season of local OMNR office in protest and a large amount of rice in order to commercial harvest- number of residents attended a meeting reseed areas which he felt called to address the issue. Following local ing. had been damaged by the objections, the local OMNR office decided previous year’s commercial harvest. not to issue a harvesting license for the fol- lowing year. In response to the 1980 decision LWR met with the Minister of Natural Resources in In response to this decision, LWR requested November of that year and the previous

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 217 History, culture and conservation

decision was overturned. The local office islated mandate to manage wild rice through was ordered to issue a harvesting license to the WRHA1960. They argued that they were LWR for the following harvest season. The the only agency having the necessary local community was not notified of this expertise to make appropriate management decision. When Mr. Perry went to apply for decisions. Finally, they maintained an his personal use harvesting permit in absolute position that commercial harvesting must take place; that the sale of wild rice September 1981 he was notified that the was a priority; and that this would benefit lake had been segmented and that he would the community through money spent main- have access to a portion of the wild rice taining the industry, as well as the develop- crop only. ment of local jobs.

Mr. Perry submitted a letter of protest indi- LWR engaged in a detailed discussion of sci- cating that he would use any means – politi- entific methods, results found in paddy wild cal, public and legal- in order to protect the rice experimentation, and pointed to Ojibwa wild rice from exploitation. The community communities that were engaged in commer- took an adamant stand against commercial cial harvesting elsewhere. In response to harvesting and prepared to block the com- community arguments regarding the poten- mercial harvester from reaching the lake. tial conservation risks associated with com- They engaged in a media blitz through mercial harvesting, LRW argued that the which they provided documentation of their wild rice bed was too thick and was choking position. itself out. They argued that more effective harvesting would improve the quality of the On Aug 30th 1981 community members set wild rice bed. Finally they reiterated a com- up road blocks and took up positions to mitment to share the harvest with the local block access to Mud Lake. LWR was given community, again on a percentage basis, support by the OMNR and by the regional and proposed building a processing plant Ontario Provincial Police (OPP), who indicat- that would produce local economic develop- ed that because LWR had a valid license to ment. harvest; it was their duty to uphold that right and to protect LWR from harassment. In response, community members once Due to the community’s non-violent protest again put forth their position. They vehe- LWR was unable to gain access to the lake mently opposed commercial harvesting of any kind, including opposition to the sale of before the end of the harvesting season. As wild rice which went against their cultural a result, the community succeeded in pre- relationship with it. They argued that that venting another season of commercial har- their traditional knowledge, hard won vesting. through years of relationship, demonstrated a commitment to conservation expressed A second hearing was held under the WRHA through their reseeding efforts in response 1960 on November 30th and December 1st, to years when the wild rice was threatened 1981. At this time, the terminology of the or weakened. They further argued that their dispute shifted heavily towards a dialogue of long term relationship with the wild rice scientific management, economic develop- established them as the only party who ment, and Ministry control. Community legit- could justifiably claim a right to benefit from imacy came under heavy attack, and the the harvest. In contrast, they argued that traditional knowledge held by Mr. Perry was the OMNR had no legitimacy to manage the described as lacking a scientific methodolo- wild rice because they had no history, and gy, and as being intuitive, naïve and unso- no relationship with it, and criticised the phisticated. The OMNR declared that all OMNR for failing to assess the effect of the resources belonged to the province through 1979 harvest, thereby challenging their com- the Constitution Act 1867, and stated its leg- mitment to conservation of the resource.

218 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

to study development poten- tial. In April 1982, a further significant concession was made involving limited com- mercial harvesting for seed only, on 30% of the lake, if the commercial license was granted to IMSet only, and the remainder of the lake was reserved for local access and control. It was argued that LWR should seed lakes for its own use rather than taking advantage of the hard work of others.

In July 1982 the OMNR informed the local community Figure 3. Dancers at the celebratory Pow Wow following the that their organisation, IMSet unveiling of a plaque commemorating community opposition to would be considered for a commercial harvesting of the Mud Lake wild rice at the 25 year commercial license to harvest ‘Manomin Victory Celebration’ - August 21, 2004. (Courtesy Susan on 30% of the lake allocated DeLisle) for commercial harvesting. They further noted that the remainder of Furthermore, in response to statements the lake would be reserved for community regarding economic development, they dis- use but that harvesters would be required to cussed their local economy based on the sign a book and pay a $1. fee to harvest. abundance of wildlife in the region and stat- However, the decision maintained the ed their concerns regarding the potential absolute authority over the wild rice by damage to their local economy should com- mercial harvesting prove detrimental. They OMNR and did not allow for harvest quotas argued that financial benefit is not restricted and decisions to be made by the local com- to the sale of resources, but is part of the munity. The OMNR failed to recognise the benefit that comes from the interrelationship community’s right to manage the wild rice between the local economy and the conser- through their generations-long relationship vation of resources. They also expressed and traditional management practice – a concern that financial profit was the primary position which failed to acknowledge com- motivation of any commercial enterprise, munity conservation concerns. suggesting that LWR had little incentive to place a priority on conservation, and that In the community’s response they rejected the local community stood to lose culturally the OMNR’s decision and informed the and economically if the wild rice bed was destroyed. OMNR that they would continue to exercise their indigenous right to control and use the However, in an effort to address the con- wild rice at Mud Lake. They detailed the cerns expressed by the OMNR regarding community’s efforts to accommodate the effective use and management of the concerns of the OMNR, as well as the failure resource, the community proposed a com- of the OMNR to do the same in exchange. munity organisation under the title IMSet They challenged the OMNR indicating that (the Indian, Métis and Settler Wild Rice they (the OMNR) “do not have a legitimate Association) to keep harvesting records and right to the wild rice at Mud Lake and can-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 219 History, culture and conservation

not arbitrarily declare that it has a responsi- bility and right to determine its use”. They indicated that they would “passively resist any force which attempts to diminish our members rights to peacefully harvest wild rice on any part of Mud Lake”… and that they were “dedicated to a strengthened union between native and rural people to ensure that their rights to this particular resource and the accompanying cultural val- ues and traditions are not surrendered”.20

In August 1982 another meeting was called where a final resolution was reached, pre- empting yet another harvesting season con- Figure 4. Allen Roy, Bob Lovelace and Harold Perry - flict. This agreement stipulated that the three of the original defenders of the Mud Lake Wild community would apply for a harvesting Rice. (Courtesy Susan DeLisle) license (thereby preserving the authority structure of the OMNR), and in exchange, Indigenous community perspec- the OMNR would withdraw from manage- tives ment decisions on Mud Lake (thereby main- taining the community’s functional authori- Mr. Perry and the Algonquin non-status ty). Both agreed that the issue of jurisdic- community were primarily focused on tion was disputed and would be left for their family and cultural relationship with another time. the wild rice. They felt that the rice was a a final resolution pre- part of their identities and their very served the authority While the community beings. They felt that the rice belonged to structure of the OMNR action alliance did them, and that they had a responsibility present a common while maintaining the to continue to protect it. They also challenge to the community’s functional expressly declared that they were the OMNR’s objectives only ones with the knowledge to properly authority... the parties during this struggle, manage the wild rice based on their long agreed that the issue of they did not do so experience, and noted that it was their jurisdiction was disputed without cultural differ- duty, out of respect for their ancestors, and would be left for ences in position. The and on behalf of their children to contin- another time different values ue to do so. They also had concerns that expressed in the fol- the values of use and sharing providing lowing statements show the significant dif- for the long term survival of the crop and ferences in cultural perspective, representing respect for other users – birds/fish/others a significant potential to incur conflict – would continue. They utterly opposed among different segments of local society management by the OMNR. from time to time. However, faced with an Status Mississauga positions focused on external threat, the mutual history of strug- their long term history of harvesting at gle for survival provided a basis for solidarity Mud Lake, a confirmation of the Perry between these different culture groups in family as the recognised stewards, and order to protect the long standing manage- the significant cultural importance and ment and use of a locally significant protocol in the process of harvesting. resource. They expressed the importance for con- tinuing the traditional practice in the tra-

220 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

ditional manner in order to pass on their Perspectives of the government repre- heritage to their children, and argued that sentatives harvesting was a matter of indigenous Mr. McEwen (MPP) and Mr. VanKoughnet right, and that wild rice belonged to its (MP) both expressed concern with the indigenous users. A further point of sig- lack of local consultation, and with the nificance was that wild rice was never cost of fighting the community (e.g. the harvested for sale, and that both harvest- standoff and hearings) vs. the $1 cost of ing and sharing of wild rice was to be the harvesting license issued to LWR. Mr. undertaken in culturally specified ways. VanKoughnet also expressed that the rice should be left for the local community Non-indigenous community per- since they had planted and nurtured it. spectives Mr. Gorham (Conservative Candidate) felt The non-indigenous Ardoch Residents that access should be granted to the were primarily concerned with the lack of Perry family and local residents. He felt consultation with and respect for local that commercial harvesters should seed people. They also felt deeply that the wild new sites to accommodate their needs. rice was tied up with the economic well- He also expressed that the Perry family being of the region, and thus played a had 100 years of management experience role in the lives of everyone in the region, on Mud Lake and had proven their ability whether they harvested rice or not. They to conserve and manage the wild rice. He felt that the benefits of the wild rice also expressed that the local community belonged to the local people and should had the greatest interest in maintaining not be risked. They did however approve its survival. of seeding other lakes for other users, Bill Flieler (local Reeve) expressed that including LWR. the OMNR/community relationship used As with other local residents, the to be good, but deteriorated when the Association of Hunters & Anglers local office was moved to another area, expressed concern regarding the potential and that the wild rice dispute was only effects on harvestable species if the rice the most recent example of their indiffer- crop was threatened. They had no specif- ence to local interests. He supported the ic opposition to OMNR control so long as Perry family’s indigenous rights to the local access was protected, and wild rice, and felt that they should retain expressed that community and waterfowl their authority over the crop because of interests should take priority, followed by their history of establishing and maintain- commercial needs. They were not averse ing the wild rice for generations. to commercial harvesting but felt that new beds should be seeded for the pur- Clearly, the perspectives expressed by the pose. different members of the community are sig- The Mississippi Conservation Authority nificant. Indigenous representatives are pri- noted their involvement in conservation marily concerned with maintaining the Perry and reseeding initiatives of the wild rice family’s authority and the cultural protocol over time. They felt strongly that the wild associated with the harvest whereas non- rice on Mud Lake should be left for tradi- indigenous representatives are more con- tional and domestic users, and that no cerned with local consultation and the con- commercial harvesting should be permit- tinuation of local access - though some do ted on this site. express their belief that the Perry family’s involvement with the wild rice should be

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 221 History, culture and conservation

recognised as a right of long time use. local environments, local economies, and However, while differences existed between local cultural realities. It represented policy the various groups constituting this commu- and implementation strategies that ignored nity, commonality and cooperation were local values, interests, access to, and achieved and presented as community state- authority over locally significant resources. ments, especially regarding the need for community involvement in decision-making, The community of Ardoch and the wild rice the belief that the Perry family should retain in Mud Lake was a significant site of mean- their right to harvest due to their history of ing for the Algonquin residents. However, it seeding and maintenance of the wild rice was also a site of meaning to its local non- crop, and their concern regarding protection native inhabitants who had migrated to the of the wild rice and their local economy. area and worked to build a life in this new environment. These over- Communities are rarely uniform and may be lapping meanings were because the provincial comprised of significantly different value based on a history that government failed to systems held with equal vigor. Likewise, was at once conflicting, state agents also have assumptions and val- and shared. The sudden consult the local com- ues that influence their perspectives. It is presence of outsiders rep- munity, and because critical that consultation be broad enough to resenting a threat to their they thoroughly clarify different perspectives, and meaningful sense of a hard won local lacked any desire to enough to ensure communities are active autonomy drew forth a engage with commu- agents in shaping their environments. In this sense of unity in adversity nity perspectives in way, the power of local will can be har- which had not been artic- an open manner, the nessed to make development plans mean- ulated to any great potential benefits that ingful, productive, and successful. Failing to degree prior to this con- may have been possi- do so means failing to accomplish these flict. aims. ble through coopera- As much as this conflict tion and alliance were Conclusions was about access and never achieved. The evolution of events in the provincial control of a particular context suddenly took form on Mud Lake resource, this conflict was far more about through the OMNR’s initiatives to further different attitudes regarding the role of com- wild rice production in Ontario. This initiative munities in resource management decisions came squarely into conflict with a local reali- and the implications this has for resource ty which had evolved over several genera- use and conservation, community and eco- tions producing a sense of attachment– nomic development, cultural identity, and informed by different cultural perspectives - cultural survival. For instance, this conflict to a significant local resource. It was this demonstrated that when a state government sudden collision between local and provincial makes decisions based on policy objectives realities that lead to the 1979-82 Mud Lake without consultation with local communities, wild rice confrontation. it runs the risk of damaging environmental, economic, and cultural linkages. This conflict demonstrates how regional poli- Furthermore, it risks losing access to tradi- cy objectives have historically taken shape– tional knowledge and practices, damaging without local participation or any meaningful human and cultural capital, and generating recognition of local peoples’ attachment and considerable lack of cooperation and even commitment to their environment. This lack outright conflict. of involvement with local contexts failed to take account of the relationship between This study generates a number of further

222 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

questions. Could the province have used its Algonquin First Nation & Allies, Kingston, 1998. (DCI) Dene Cultural Institute, “Traditional ecological knowl- resources to expand and enhance the value edge and environmental assessment”, in Miller, J. and B. of wild rice in the region? Could the commu- Tessman (eds.), Consuming Canada: Readings in nity have benefited from an open alliance of Environmental History, Copp Clark Ltd.:340-365, Toronto, 1995. all parties? Could additional community rev- Huitema, M., “Land of which the savages stood in no partic- enues have be generated by rethinking the ular need”: Dispossessing the Algonquins of South-Eastern provincial development strategy? Could Ontario of their Lands, 1760-1930, Queen’s University M.A. (Geography), 2000. provincial residents as a whole have benefit- Jenness, D., Indians of Canada, 7th Ed., University of Toronto ed from seeding initiatives to increase the Press, Toronto, 1977. availability of wild rice? The answers to (KWS) Kingston Whig Standard “Tradition and efficiency square off on the shores of Mud Lake” by Ralph Willsey, these various questions are most likely yes. page 6, August 22, 1981. Unfortunately, because the provincial gov- Lovelace, R., Letter to Alan Pope from Robert Lovelace, July 7, 1982, Archives of Ontario, RG 1-8 file Indians: Wild ernment failed to consult the local communi- Rice, 1982. ty, and because they thoroughly lacked any Moodie, D. W., “Manomin: Historical - Geographical desire to engage with community perspec- Perspectives on the Ojibwa Production of Wild Rice”, in Abel, K. & J. Friesen (eds.), Aboriginal Resource Use in tives in an open manner, the potential bene- Canada: Historical and Legal Aspects, University of fits that may have been possible through Manitoba Press, Winnipeg, 1991 cooperation and alliance were never Osborne, B. and M. Ripmeester, “Kingston, Bedford, Grape Island, Alnwick: The Odyssey of the Kingston achieved. Mississaugas”, Historic Kingston, 43:83-111, 1995. Ratkoff-Rojnoff, C., Spiritual, Social, Economic & Cultural Importance of Wild Rice, unpublished paper, 1 April, 1980 Susan DeLisle ([email protected]) works Richardson, B., People of Terra Nullius: Betrayal & Rebirth in with communities, organisations, and govern- Aboriginal Canada, Douglas & McIntyre, Toronto, 1993 ments to facilitate community development and Surtees, R. J., “Land Cessions, 1763-1830” in Rogers, E. and D. Smith (eds.), Aboriginal Ontario, Dundurn Press: 92- self-determination, community-based property 121, Toronto, 1994. rights, participation in decision-making processes Thurston, H., “The Rush to Rice”, Equinox, n. XI, 62:24-32, 1992. and the advancement of gender-based develop- Trigger, B. G. and G. M. Day, “Southern Algonquian ment. She is based with the International Middlemen: Algonquin, Nipissing, and Ottawa, 1550-1780” Mountains Consultancy in Sydenham, Ontario, in Rogers, E. and D. Smith (eds.), Aboriginal Ontario: Historical Perspectives on the First Nations Canada (www.fuller-imc.com). Notes 1 Berneshawi, 1997; Artibise and Stelter, 1995; DCI, 1995; References Cizek, 1993. Artibise, A. and G. Stelter, “Conservation Planning and Urban 2 Collision connotes the arrival of Europeans in the home- Planning: The Canadian Commission of Conservation in lands of the indigenous peoples and the often less than Historical Perspective”, in Miller, J. and B. Tessman (eds.), harmonious nature of initial periods of transition and Consuming Canada: Readings in Environmental History, adaptation as each group came to terms with the pres- Copp Clark Ltd, 152-169, Toronto, 1995. ence and effects of the other. Ash, M. (ed), Aboriginal and Treaty Rights in Canada: Essays 3 DeLisle, 2001. on Law, Equality, and Respect for Difference, UBC Press, 4 Asch, 1984. Vancouver, 1997. 5 DeLisle, 1998. Berneshawi, S., “Resource Management and the Mi’kmaq 6 Brock, 2000. Nation”, Canadian Journal of Native Studies, XVII (1):115- 7 Trigger and Day, 1994. 148, 1997. 8 Osborne and Ripmeester, 1995. Brock, K. L., “One Step Forward… Accommodating Aboriginal 9 Huitema, 2000. Rights in Canada, Queen’s University, School of Policy 10 Huitema, 2000. Studies Working Paper 5, August, 2000. 11 Huitema, 2000. Cizek, P. “Guardians of Manomin: Aboriginal Self-manage- 12 Huitema, 2000. ment of Wild Rice Harvesting”, Alternatives, 19(3):29-32, 13 Huitema, 2000. 1993. 14 DeLisle, 2001. DeLisle, S., Coming out of the shadows: Asserting identity 15 and authority in a layered homeland: The 1979-82 Mud Jenness, 1977. 16 Lake wild rice confrontation, Queen’s University M.A. Ratkoff-Rojnoff, 1980. 17 (Geography), 2001. Thurston, 1992:27. DeLisle, S., White by Definition: status, identity and 18 Richardson, 1993; Moodie, 1991. Aboriginal rights, A paper prepared for The Ardoch 19 KWS, Aug.22, 1981. 20 Lovelace, 1982.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 223 History, culture and conservation

Social science research as a tool for conservation— the case of Kayan Mentarang National Park (Indonesia)

Cristina Eghenter

Summary. Has research conducted in connection with social, economic and environmental issues been used to design better policies? And have the lessons been critically evaluated and used to plan new, more appropriate strategies? Has social science research played a role in promoting and protecting the social, cultural, and economic interests of forest-dependent people? The experience of the Culture and Conservation research program, a research endeavor that lasted seven years in the interior of East Kalimantan (Indonesian Borneo), becomes a rare window from which to examine real and ideal contribu- tions of social science research towards the achievement of environmental sustainability and social justice. It also allows us to examine both failures and successes that have shaped the challenging partnership between conservation managers and social scientists. This paper takes a look at how, and to what extent research can be used as an analytical tool in conservation management, and its results can influence poli- cies to make management of natural resources and protected areas more equitable and more effective. The research results of the Culture and Conservation programme showed that local communities offer the best chance for the sustainable management of the Kayan Mentarang conservation area, and that their traditional institutions, if effectively supported and recognised, can contribute to deterring or minimizing the risk of encroachment by outside parties. On the basis of this and other considerations, Kayan Mentarang was the first national park in Indonesia to be granted official collaborative management status in April 2002.

promoting and protecting the social, cultur- At a time when global environmental and social changes happen at an unprecedented pace, the issue of sustainable management of natural resources has emerged as a criti- cal one. The concern is about how to pro- tect and sustainably manage natural resources to achieve social equity and guar- antee future global security. For this, it is important to learn from past practices to inform and develop better policies.

Social scientists have claimed a special role for themselves in conducting research on the connections between culture, the social environment, and conservation1. But has research conducted in connection with social, economic and environmental issues Figure 1. Women returning home from the produced useful results? Have lessons been fields in Krayan Hulu. By being the prime collec- critically evaluated and used to plan new, tors of vegetables and other edible plants, more appropriate strategies? Has social sci- women contribute greatly to sustainability and ence research been able to play a role in livelihood. (Courtesy Cristina Eghenter).

224 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

al, and economic interests of forest-depend- land tenure and natural resource manage- ent people? ment. Field studies were focused on three main themes: linguistics and oral litera- The experience of the Culture and ture; land tenure and traditional legal sys- Conservation research programme2, a tems; and regional history of societies and research endeavor that lasted seven years the forest. These were carried out by in the interior of Indonesian Borneo, 1991- about thirty scholars and students, most 1997, is a rare window from which to exam- of whom were Indonesian, who spent ine real and ideal contributions of social sci- three to six months in the field. Recruiting ence research towards the achievement of and training intentionally targeted Dayak environmental sustainability and social jus- researchers from communities in and tice. It also allows us to examine both fail- around the Kayan Mentarang area. They ures and successes that have shaped the were expected to have an interest in both challenging partnership between conserva- investigating local cultures and enhancing tion managers and social scientists.3 communities’ awareness of social and environmental issues. The Culture & Conservation pro- gramme and Kayan Mentarang The Kayan Mentarang conservation area, National Park in the far interior of East Kalimantan, is the largest protected area of rainforest in The “Culture and Conservation,” research Borneo and one of the largest in programme (C&C Program) was born of Southeast Asia. About half of the reserve the collaboration between the Ford consists of species-rich dipterocarp low- Foundation and WWF Indonesia in order land and hill forest while mountain forest to: “document and support traditional ranges up to Kayan Mentarang’s highest rights of tenure and local resource man- mountain at 2,000 m. Forty percent of the agement... and contribute to the cultural park has an elevation above 1,000 m. The history and the forest ecology of the area is considered to be one of the world’s region.” The project was implemented in 10 biodiversity hotspots, which contain a conjunction with efforts to develop the disproportionately high level of species management plan for the Kayan diversity in a relatively small area. Kayan Mentarang conservation area (then a Mentarang National Park has also been 4 Nature Reserve) by WWF Indonesia. The identified as one of the Global 200 biologi- C&C programme focused research on the cally outstanding ecoregions that best rep- interconnection between society and the resent the world’s biodiversity. natural environment in and around Kayan Mentarang in order to better understand The history of the natural landscape of the modalities of interaction of the com- the park is deeply intertwined with the munities with the forest around them. The history of its people. Extensive archaeo- main assumption was that traditional logical remains in the area are witness to knowledge (social, ethno-botanical, eco- a long history of human settlement. logical, and cultural) would help the plan- Nowadays, about 21,000 Dayak people ning and management of the nature live in or near the conservation area, reserve, and would allow the elaboration depending on swidden agriculture, wet of community-based conservation strate- rice farming, hunting, fishing, collecting gies. The success of nature conservation and trading of forest products to fulfill was seen as depending upon the preser- their subsistence and other needs. The vation of indigenous cultures and, mostly, conservation area was gazetted in 1980 as the maintenance of traditional practices of

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 225 History, culture and conservation

a strict nature reserve (cagar alam) and The research stressed team work and col- designated as a National Park in 1996. laboration among the researchers. The main objectives were to encourage exchange and The research approach cross-checking of information among The C&C programme based its methodologi- researchers, reinforce the awareness of the cal approach on social science research degree of interconnectedness of the techniques and the fieldwork experience of research topics investigated, and build team the anthropological tradition. Most of the spirit. Evaluation sessions on the progress data were collected during two- to three- made in the research were also based on month periods in the field and, often, the participation and input from all the team repeated visits to the same communities members. C&C’s culture-sensitive over a period of time. This was especially researchers and the remarkably open and feasible for locally recruited researchers. hospitable local communities also helped The strategy rested on a shared long-term create a special bonding. Researchers and commitment to the object and place of our communities established and maintained study and on our belief that research can long-term relations of empathy and genuine provide deeper and more thorough insights collaboration that remained a salient feature into local traditions, history, and practices. of the C&C field experience along the years The research perspective emphasised the in and around the Kayan Mentarang area.5 study of both present and past activities in The research experience of C&C was not, order to compare events at different points however, narrowly restricted to the use of in time and find patterns in the ways in traditional social science methods. It was which people had exploited resources and under this programme that the first experi- responded to changing social, economic, ments with community sketch maps took and environmental circumstances over time. place, which later developed into the com- The historical contextualisation of people- munity mapping program, a trademark of forest interactions was expected to shed the Kayan Mentarang conservation area. light on circumstances and events that These maps recorded local people’s knowl- might have important impact on future deci- edge and decisions about land and resource sions for the management of the conserva- use, as well as their claims to those tion area and the development of the sur- resources. rounding region. Assessing the value of a research and train- Formal training in interview techniques, sur- ing programme like C&C calls for more than veys, and ethno-historical methods was pro- a long list of remarkable products, achieve- vided to project participants. Intense group ments, and initiatives carried out under its discussions were devoted to learning how to auspices. The interconnectedness of the pri- develop a research plan, identify key orities of the research agenda with those of research questions, and envision the com- the conservation area requires that the plexity of the possible linkages between research output be evaluated in terms of its events or practices and their economic, cul- contribution toward the achievement of the tural, social, environmental, and historical national park management objectives. It is circumstances. In addition, rapid demo- important to discern what themes and graphic and socio-economic surveys were issues have emerged most forcefully from carried out to collect essential baseline data the reports, and what they tell us about to better assess the overall context of the local management and practices, environ- communities in and around the park. mental knowledge, and people-forest inter- actions. It is also necessary to assess

226 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

whether the social science research that has tion of government officials in the Bulungan been conducted under the auspices of C&C district (Kabupaten) and the Ministry of has improved our understanding of the local Forestry. The role of traditional institutions, context and secured useful results for the presently reflected in institutions like the national park. customary council (lembaga adat) and the customary chief (kepala adat), is key to Research that makes a difference! understanding the communities’ views of The rights and the way they deliberate on issues research of forest management as well as social results first responsibilities. The prominent role of cus- established tomary institutions in the management of that the forest resources supported the claim that communities these institutions can become the privileged in the interlocutors in planning for the manage- national ment of the conservation area. park area are still “tra- Several researchers described aspects of ditional what is usually referred to as an “indige- communi- nous management system,” or the ability of ties” local people to use, alter, regulate, and (masyarakat restore land and other natural resources in adat), large- their environment. Adding to the growing ly regulated literature on the environmentally sustainable by custom- function of shifting cultivation in tropical ary law in forests under stable conditions,7 their the conduct research provides important evidence that of their daily local people’s agricultural practices are not affairs and intrinsically destructive of the environment but rather draw on knowledge and under- Figure 2. A woman training the man- standing of its micro-dynamics. The wide younger women about making clay agement of range of forest plants and crop varieties pots. Clay pots used to be the tradi- natural used by local communities also suggests a tional cooking pots in the interior of resources. high degree of biodiversity that has been Borneo until they were replaced by This was an managed and intentionally maintained for aluminium rice cookers (Long Jelet, essential centuries. As we would expect in all com- sub-district of Pujungan, East point with munities, there are episodes of non-adher- Kalimantan, Indonesia). (Courtesy regard to ence to traditional rules, yet the overall con- Cristina Eghenter). the long- term man- formity of behavior indicates a high degree agement goal of the area and the need to of social cohesion and the community’s vital involve local communities in conservation. It dependence on the forest for its well-being. also justified the efforts to seek official recognition for communities’ claims on tradi- The definitive archaeological and historical tional land and resources from the district evidence of the long presence of Dayak government and the Ministry of Forestry. people in the Kayan Mentarang area are a The extensive documentation on land powerful reminder that these peoples’ prac- tenure systems and regulations for the tices and interactions with the forest also exploitation of forest resources helped bring have a long history. And the recognition of the issue of customary rights to the atten- the local people’s dependence on forest

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 227 History, culture and conservation

resources and their economic needs is evi- with the Ministry of Forestry for the recogni- dence of their entitlements to the area. The tion of indigenous people’s rights to manage research results of the C&C programme the park and its resources. The data from were used to have the status of the nature the Culture and Conservation research pro- reserve changed to that of national park gramme and the community mapping pro- (taman nasional). While in a nature reserve gramme provided the main evidence that all human settlements are in principle the conservation area was first and fore- excluded and human activities are illegal, in most a tanah adat, historically and continu- a national park “tradi- ously claimed and managed by the commu- New economic opportu- tional use” of natural nities. Moreover, it proved that local com- nities have caused resources by local resi- munities had the experience and knowledge adjustments in patterns dents is permitted. An to manage the forest sustainably. The of exploitation of natu- evaluation team sent efforts of the communities, the customary ral resources… [which] by the Ministry of leaders, and WWF to obtain a community- contradicts stale formu- Forestry in 1994 based management for the park had been lations and stereotypi- endorsed the WWF inexhaustible yet the kind of policy that cal views of timeless, Indonesia recommen- would allow the communities of the Kayan backward indigenous dation for the change Mentarang National Park to become man- people… [yet] economic of status, which agers of their own forest seemed still so far became official in away, almost unattainable. and social changes have 1996. New economic not destroyed tradition- opportunities have Fundamental social and political changes al management prac- caused changes and occurred in Indonesia in 1998-1999. As part tices adjustments in pat- of the reform movement that was triggered terns of exploitation of by the new political climate, a new Forestry natural resources in certain areas of the law was issued (UU No 41/1999) and the park. This realisation is important in that it law on decentralisation and regional autono- contradicts stale formulations and stereotyp- my was promulgated (UU No 22/1999). ical views of timeless, backward indigenous Both legislations open new possibilities for people still entertained by some govern- both conservation policy and the rights of ment officials, urban residents, and roman- indigenous communities. Under these cir- tic environmentalists. At the same time, cumstances, new models economic and social changes have not of national park manage- In April 2002, the destroyed traditional management practices ment could be designed to Ministry of which remain largely in place. This supports accommodate the aspira- Forestry issued a the argument that the communities them- tions of indigenous people decree sanctioning selves could prove to be the best chance for and engage the new dis- the collaborative the sustainable management of the Kayan tricts. management for the Mentarang conservation area, and their Kayan Mentarang institutions, if effectively supported and In April 2002, the Ministry National Park, a recognised, could contribute to deterring or of Forestry issued a decree first in Indonesia [ minimizing the risk of encroachment by out- sanctioning the collabora- side parties. tive management for the …] in many ways Kayan Mentarang National responding to the When the introduction for the edited vol- Park, a first in Indonesia. findings of the ume Culture and Conservation was written Accordingly, policies con- Culture and in the summer of 1998, the WWF Kayan cerning the management Conservation Mentarang was still in the midst of lobbying of the conservation area research program

228 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

will be decided cials, research findings also brought to light by a Policy the complexities of the social, environmen- Board (DPK), tal, political, and historical context of the which includes Kayan Mentarang conservation area. Dayak representatives village communities are increasingly hetero- of the Central geneous in their ethnic and socio-profession- Government al composition. Yet, limited access to infor- (Agency for mation, the resilience of stereotyped views, Forest and preference for quick results might Protection and encourage park managers to regard forest- Nature dwelling communities as homogeneous enti- Conservation), ties in relatively uncomplicated situations, representatives and to adopt common solutions for the con- of the Provincial servation area. Although more difficult and Figure 3. Artistic traditions like and District gov- time consuming, acknowledging the com- wood carving have undergone a ernments, and plexity and diversity of the social and eco- revival as expressions of Dayak representatives nomic context is necessary. Conservation ethnic identity after decentrali- of the local managers would need to take these com- sation and regional autonomy communities plexities into consideration and design flexi- law have come into effect and through FoMMA ble and locally appropriate measures of con- democratic reform has begun in (Alliance of the servation. This is a challenging task but Indonesia (Long Berini, sub-dis- Indigenous would ultimately enhance the project’s sus- trict of Pujungan, East People of the tainability and effectiveness in the long Kalimantan, Indonesia) Kayan term. (Courtesy Cristina Eghenter). Mentarang National Park). Several of the C&C reports focusing on his- In many ways, this innovative management tory point to the reality of overlapping terri- model responds to an important recommen- torial claims caused by long histories of dation based on the findings of the Culture migrations, and by the policies of population and Conservation research program: sus- resettlement and tainability of any conservation programme is regrouping implement- Conservation managers contingent on the degree to which complex- ed by the government need to respond to the ity and diversity of the social and economic in the 1970s. The complexity and diversi- context are recognised, and flexible and results of community ty of the social context, locally appropriate measures of conservation mapping also under- and design flexible and are adopted. The unique circumstances of scored the need to take locally appropriate into consideration his- the Kayan Mentarang National Park are the measures of conserva- historical and cultural heritage of the Dayak torical factors before finalizing territorial tion. This is a challeng- people who have been living and managing ing but absolutely nec- the forest for centuries. maps and settling boundary issues essary task Challenges to conservation between old and new settlements. Similarly, the initial focus on the managers interactions between people and forest While the output of C&C’s research activities inside the conservation area proved too nar- served the conservation management objec- row when research findings indicated the tives of the Kayan Mentarang National Park increasing number of ex-residents of the and helped raise the level of support for the park area who have moved back, and the park by local people and government offi- significant (and often exploitative) impact of

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 229 History, culture and conservation

outsiders coming into the conservation area researchers to immediately focus on key for the purpose of collecting forest products questions of interest to the research. The and resisting rulings by their hosts’ custom- familiarity with members of their community ary council. Discriminations that rock the can also increase acceptance of research social fabric of the village communities do and informants’ goodwill, and promote sup- not, however, always originate from the out- port within the community. Employing local side. The customary law is the law of the researchers has, however, some drawbacks, aristocratic category that has maintained of which we need to be aware. Sillitoe economic and social supremacy, unchal- points to epistemological concerns, such as lenged until very recently, in Kenyah and the elimination of the “distance” of the Kayan communities. New developments, researcher, one of the basic tenets of tradi- education, and the Christian faith are erod- tional fieldwork. He also argues that subjec- ing the old privileges of the higher strata tive factors such as “losing face” can con- and providing more opportunities for educat- strain the effectiveness of the role of ed and enterprising individuals to climb to researchers in their own communities. Along power. similar lines, it is important to note that local researchers face another set of challenges, Local social researchers: strength- precisely by being “insiders” and thus social- ening “ownership” in the research ly positioned in their own communities. In endeavor the C&C experience, the example of ethno- historical research more than any other The C&C efforts to hire and train local brought the issue of self-censorship to light. researchers proved correct in the sense that The information on particular events would it stimulated interest in local cultures and not be recorded nor discussed because it provided young and “educated” Dayak with might have exposed the “darker” side of the an opportunity to know more about their community or stirred emotions about tragic, own history and cultural heritage. The expe- past events still alive in the collective memo- rience also exposed the need to expand ry. Several attempts at discussing ways to training sessions with special workshops for separate the issues of researching from writ- improving written communication and style ing and returning results only partially man- that would enable Dayak researchers to aged to convince some of the staff that their adjust their contributions to national and work as researchers did not necessarily international standards. C&C research activi- undermine their social position as members ties that initially saw a mix of foreign, of that community. Moreover, their own Indonesian, and Dayak researchers became informants were also concerned about sto- towards the end of the programme the ries that might reflect unfavorably on other monopoly of local social scientists, native to communities. They sometimes chose not to the communities that they were now study- tell the entire story and share their knowl- ing. What were the advantages and short- edge. comings of this strategy? The role of social research and Sillitoe8 asserts that employing nationals from the region of the project can prove inter-disciplinarity in conservation cost and time efficient, as they would be The brief evaluation of the usefulness of the able to conduct the research more quickly. outcome of the C&C programme allows for a This is also an important (and attractive) re-interpretation of statements contained in consideration for project planners and man- the original WWF proposal in light of what agers. The facility with the language and the actually happened. While there is little doubt lack of cultural shock allow the local that C&C helped train researchers, con- tributed to improving our knowledge of the

230 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

ment in the past can easily turn into the opposite, yet equally simplistic position — if unsupported by hard evidence — of praising local residents as the natural managers of biodiversity.

How should a research programme fit into this framework? Must it set out to prove that local people are good managers of the envi- ronment or, rather, turn such a premise into a working hypothesis that could or could not be borne out in the final results? What les- sons can be drawn from the C&C experi- ence? Research can and should be effective- ly used as a means to critically question and Figure 4. Indigenous people in Krayan Hulu. test key assumptions implicit in the project’s their continuous presence in the territory, knowl- objectives. Reflecting on epistemological edge of the forest and customary regulations for issues, Dove maintains that social sciences the sustainable use of natural resources qualify are in a position to address questions that them as best managers for the conservation area. transcend discipline boundaries by prob- (Courtesy Cristina Eghenter). lematising other fields.10 In this case, ques- cultural and environmental history of the tioning premises or unproven assumptions region, generated local interest in research made in the field of biodiversity conservation and support for the Kayan Mentarang con- and sustainable development is a task that servation area, and documented forms of research programs like C&C can and must local resource management, it remains undertake. Such assumptions may have aris- unclear whether C&C enabled conservation en because of political reasons or financial managers to design better management considerations, or they may be ideas taken strategies. The uncertainty has less to do for granted and reproduced within the com- with the quality of the data collected than mon discourse prevalent in conservation cir- with current thinking in many conservation cles. According to Ingerson, for example, organisations. Wells convincingly argued the view that traditional knowledge and that several “unproven and optimistic practices of people in a conservation area assumptions” are often made in Integrated are keys to the sustainable management of Conservation and Development Projects with that area might have been encouraged by regard to biodiversity conservation and sus- anthropologists and advocates themselves, tainable economic development, despite the who have made use of romanticised notions fact that results have for the most part fall- of forest peoples as defenders of the envi- en short of expectations.9 Similarly, there ronment to prompt governments and inter- seems to exist a sequence of causally relat- national foundations to fund projects for the ed assumptions on the “presumed” key role participation of people in protected-area of local people in sustainable management management.11 of protected areas: Indigenous people are good conservationists, hence they would Although the C&C programme did not initial- make good managers of the conservation ly set out to test the validity of certain area, and hence it is important to study premises in the WWF proposal, successive them. In these terms, the protected-area developments encouraged reflection on how management’s prevailing position of blaming this and future research programs could local residents for destroying the environ- best fulfill this purpose. Most importantly,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 231 History, culture and conservation

the results of C&C research preclude making C&C research team was often alone in trying simplistic and sweeping statements in sup- to define the research objectives of subse- port of regarding local communities as the quent phases and formulate hypotheses, best possible conservationists. While there is with both their field data and conservation strong evidence of the existence of forms of area’s priorities in mind. indigenous forest management and tradi- tional regulation of resource use, there is The mutual dependence of people and also evidence of overexploitation of protect- forests in this part of the interior of ed species, motivated by the desire to make Kalimantan require that conservation efforts economic profits in a be based on the recognition of the impor- Ambiguities concern- competitive situation. tance of the human as well as natural com- ing the criteria and ponents of the environment. From the point modalities of research C&C’s research did not of view of a research program, this trans- in the context of a take place without diffi- lates into the need for an interdisciplinary conservation and culties. Moreover, ambi- approach, whereby issues are investigated development project guities concerning the cri- from a multiplicity of perspectives and pro- became even more teria and modalities of mote a tighter coordination of research com- research in the context of ponents. Sillitoe13 contends that “interdisci- apparent when local a conservation and devel- plinary work will be central to methodologi- communities raised opment project have aris- cal advances in this development research”. questions concerning en throughout the three If we wish to obtain results that are relevant the practical relevance phases of C&C. These to the project, the research design must be of the results with became even more based on a strong multi-disciplinary and regard to their imme- apparent when local com- inter-disciplinary perspective. Topics need diate needs munities raised occasional not be guided by traditional disciplinary dis- questions concerning the tinctions, but rather, investigated in ways value of research activities and the practical that explicitly address the concerns of the relevance of the results with regard to their project. immediate needs.12 Difficulties point to a deficient mode of collaboration between C&C exhibited a clear inter-disciplinary aspi- research (C&C) and project (WWF) staff, ration and evolved by pursuing interconnect- who failed to develop a common language ed topics and themes about the complex and framework of reference. While anthro- mosaic of peoples and environment in the pologists and other researchers working in interior of Kalimantan. It identified topics for conservation and development projects must further inter-disciplinary research and built ask themselves whether and how social sci- on these possibilities within the limits of its ence research can contribute to conserva- strong social science denominator. A better tion, conservation and park management coordination with the biology conservation specialists also need to think about why and side would have promoted the integration of how they need to make use of social science more biological and ecological input in the research in order to better meet the needs research plan. It is precisely truly inter-disci- of a national park and the people in it. Since plinary research that would secure the holis- the planning phase, the C&C experience tic approach that is so often claimed by the lacked the concerted efforts that would have social sciences and the discipline of anthro- resulted in clear objectives for collaboration pology in particular. The integration of and reciprocal expectations. After the initial results from various perspectives, like lin- focus on documenting the social, historical, guistics and geology, or ethno-botany and economic, and ecological context of the history, can further our understanding of communities in the conservation area, the local communities as part of their natural,

232 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

social, historical environment and make sure Interior of Borneo. Unravelling past and present interac- tions of people and forests, CIFOR, UNESCO, Ford that strategies of conservation and sustain- Foundation and WWF Indonesia, Bogor (Indonesia), 2003. able development acknowledge these con- Headland, T., “Revisionism in Ecological Anthropology”, nections. Current Anthropology, 38 (4): 605-630, 1997. Ingerson, A.E., “Comment on T. Headland’s ‘Revisionism in Ecological Anthropology’”, Current Anthropology, 38 (4): 615-616, 1997. Cristina Eghenter ([email protected]) is King, V.T., “Anthropology, Development and Borneo: A Senior Advisor for Conservation Enterprise Problematic Relationship”, Paper delivered at the Borneo Research Council, Seventh International Conference, Development and Sustainable Forest Management Universiti Malaysia Sabah, 15-18 July, 2002. with WWF Indonesia. Since 1997, she is also Peluso, N., “Whose Woods Are These? Counter-mapping Advisor for Community Empowerment and Forest Territories in Kalimantan, Indonesia”, Antipode, 27 (4): 383-406, 1995. Economic Development with the Kayan Persoon G., and D van Est, “Co-Management of Natural Mentarang Project. Cristina is a member of Resources: The Concept and Aspects of Implementation”, CEESP/CMWG. Paper delivered at the IIAS/NIAS workshop on Co-man- agement of Natural Resources in Asia: a Comparative Perspective, 16-18 September, Cabagan, Isabela References (Philippines), 1998. Chartier, D., and Sellato, B., «Les savoir-faire traditionnels Sellato, B., Forest Resources and People in Bulungan. sont-ils au service de la conservation de la nature ou au Elements for a History of Settlement, Trade, and Social Dynamics in Borneo, 1880-2000, Center for International service des ONG internationales d’environnement? », in E. Forestry Research (CIFOR), Bogor, Indonesia, 2001. Rodary (ed), Dynamiques sociales et environnement, Sillitoe, P., “The Development of Indigenous Knowledge”, Karthala, Paris, 2002. Current Anthropology, 39 (2): 223-252, 1998. Colfer, C., Shifting Cultivators of Indonesia: Marauders or Sirait, M. et al., “Mapping Customary Land in East managers of the forest? (with R.G. Dudley, and in collabo- Kalimantan, Indonesia: A Tool for Forest Management”, ration with H. Hadikusumah, Rusydi, N. Sakuntaladewi Ambio, 23 (7): 411-417, 1994. dan Amblani), Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), Sponsel, L., Headland, T., and R. Bailey (eds), Tropical Community Forestry Case Study Series, No 6, Rome, Deforestation: The Human Dimension, Columbia University 1993. Press, New York, 1996. Conklin, B., and Graham, L., “The Shifting Middle Ground: Wells, M., “Biodiversity Conservation and Local Development Amazonian Indians and Eco-Politics”, American Aspirations: New priorities for the 1990s”, in C.A. Peerings Anthropologist, 97 (4): 695-710, 1995. et al. (eds.), Biodiversity Conservation. Amsterdam: Conklin, H., Hanunoo Agriculture, United Nations, Rome, Kluwer Academic Publishers: pp. 319-333, 1995. 1957. Zerner, C., “Through a Green Lens: The Construction of Dove, M., “Foresters’ Beliefs About Farmers: A Priority for Customary Environmental Law and Community in Social Science Research in Social Forestry” Agroforestry Indonesia’s Maluku Islands”, Law and Society Review, 28 Systems, 17: 13-41, 1992. (5): 1079-1121, 1994. Dove, M., Swidden Agriculture in Indonesia: The subsistence strategies of the Kalimantan Kantu, Mouton, Berlin, 1985 Notes Dove, M., and D. Kammen, “The Epistemology of Sustainable 1 Headland 1997; Sponsel, Headland, and Bailey 1996; Resource Use: Managing Forest Products, Swiddens, and Sellato 2001. High-Yielding Variety Crops”, Human Organisation, 56 (1): 2 This paper is based on a more extensive description of 91-101, 1997. the Culture and Conservation Research Programme which Dove, M. and Tri Nugroho, Review of “Culture and was written as the introduction (by Cristina Eghenter and Conservation” 1991-1994, A Sub-project Funded by the Bernard Sellato) to an edited volume: Eghenter, Sellato Ford Foundation, World Wide Fund for Nature, Kayan and Devung, 2003. Support for this publication from Mentarang Nature Reserve Project in Kalimantan, CIFOR, Ford Foundation, UNESCO and WWF Indonesia is Indonesia, 1994. gratefully acknowledged. Eghenter, C., “What is Tana Ulen Good For? Considerations 3 See also Chartier and Sellato 2002; Dove 1992; Eghenter on Indigenous Forest Management, Conservation, and 2000a; Persoon and van Est 1998; Zerner 1994; King Research in the Interior of Indonesian Borneo”, Human 2002 on the difficulties and challenges of research in Ecology, 28 (3): 331-357, 2000a. connection with a conservation agenda. Eghenter, C., Mapping Peoples’ Forests: The role of mapping 4 For further specifics on C&C project proposals, see list in in planning community-based management of conserva- the edited volume, Eghenter, Sellato and Devung, 2003. tion in Indonesia, Biodiversity Support Program, 5 Washington DC, 2000b. Dove and Nugroho 1994. 7 Eghenter, C., “Research Strategies, Conservation Objectives, On shifting cultivation see also Dove 1988; Colfer 1993; and Community Participation: The Third Phase of the Conklin 1957. 8 Culture and Conservation Program, Kayan Mentarang Sillitoe, 1998:235. Project- WWF I”, in King, V.T. (ed), Rural Development 9 Wells 1995: 322-323. and Social Science Research: Cases from Borneo, Borneo 10 Dove and Kammen 1997: 99. Research Council Proceedings Series, 6: 35-45, 11 Ingerson 1997; Conklin and Graham, 1995. Williamsburg (VA), 1999. 12 Eghenter, 1999. Eghenter, C., Sellato, B. and G.S. Devung (eds), Social 13 Sillitoe, 1998: 231. Science Research and Conservation Management in the

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 233 History, culture and conservation Can traditions of tolerance help minimise conflict? An exploration of cultural factors supporting human- wildlife coexistence Francine Madden

Summary. Modern conservation strategies and programs that further wildlife conservation, including those that seek to mitigate human-wildlife conflict, have generally ignored indigenous and traditional cul- tural characteristics that can foster tolerance and coexistence between humans and wildlife. In many cul- tures and communities around the world, traditional knowledge and beliefs recognise spiritual and materi- al benefits from wildlife, thereby fostering tolerance of the costs that wildlife sometimes imposes. While some human beliefs and needs conflict with the needs and lives of wildlife, there is much to learn from traditional, indigenous and minority cultures whose beliefs and lifestyles foster not only tolerance but in some cases beneficial coexistence of people and wildlife. This article explores several illustrative cases of tolerance and coexistence. It argues that conservation initiatives should assess and build on cultural val- ues of coexistence and tolerance. By incorporating supportive cultural values and beliefs, conservation ini- tiatives can address the complex challenges of human-wildlife conflict more effectively, and can contribute to the vitality of indigenous and traditional cultures.

The previously neglected issue of human- The narrow, conflict-oriented view of human-wildlife interaction reflects a more wildlife conflict is increasingly recognised as general tendency whereby we conservation- a growing problem for conservation. Calls to ists too often view people exclusively as address this problem are summarised in obstacles rather than untapped assets for Recommendation 20, Preventing and conservation. But human-wildlife conflict is Mitigating Human-Wildlife Conflicts devel- not a neatly defined variable, which is either oped at the Vth IUCN World Parks Congress present or absent. Rather, conflict is just (Durban, South Africa 2003). Existing part of a spectrum that stretches from vio- responses to the problem usually are nar- lent, constant problems to a relatively rowly focused on conflict (e.g., diagnosis of peaceful, even mutually supportive coexis- the problem and prescription of remedies) tence. The opposite of conflict is not the and comparatively neglect a broader social absence of conflict, but harmonious, even and cultural analysis. Human-wildlife conflict mutually supportive coexistence in which is identified as an issue when, for example, humans play a posi- a tiger kills someone’s cow, a baboon raids tive role. someone’s crops, or an elephant tramples The opposite of conflict is someone’s home killing the person inside not the absence of conflict, In most “conflict and/or when a person or community retali- but harmonious, even scenarios”, there is ates by killing wildlife it perceives to be a mutually supportive coexis- an element of coex- potential or real threat to its person, its istence that is often tence in which humans property or its livelihood. Such aspects of underappreciated play a positive role. these problems are real and serious, but and “deserves fuller they are only part of the full picture. They investigation for lessons on good manage- overlooked, for instance, elements of ment of local wildlife”.1 By examining the human-wildlife tolerance and coexistence apparent problems associated with human- that also exist, although are less dramatic wildlife interactions, one might easily per- and visible, and can be incorporated into ceive a situation as purely conflictual; strategies and programs designed to miti- whereas, in reality, people may feel signifi- gate or prevent conflict.

234 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

cant degrees of tolerance toward wildlife, or genetic makeup and behavior of wildlife even perceive benefits from its presence. To species. understand a conservation challenge involv- ing conflict, and to define strategies for mit- Cultural Lessons of Tolerance igating conflict, we need to analyze these Some of the most fundamental values of distinct variables associated with coexis- some cultures support tolerance of wildlife. tence alongside those associated with con- “Nature has been the foundation of all flict. In this way, conservationists can identi- human cultures…and any healthy society of fy specific ways of working in cooperation the future will need to incorporate ways and with local people toward common goals as means of linking people with the natural part of an overall conservation strategy. world.”2 Many cultures hold a “holistic world view with people as a part of the environ- Culture is a significant contributor to both ment, rather than distinct from it, with an coexistence and conflict. Cultural attitudes ideology of “respect for living things, partic- and culturally shaped behavior toward ularly animal species.”3 “Indigenous and tra- wildlife contribute to the level of tolerance ditional peoples frequently view themselves that people feel and demonstrate towards as guardians and stewards of nature,” and intrusion, predation, and destruction caused often understand their knowledge of biodi- by wildlife. It also affects the degree to versity and of resource management as which people react with punitive behavior “emanating from a spiritual base.”4 against wildlife, protected areas and valu- able habitats, or resist policies or officials Some cultures view good and evil as neces- with relevant responsibilities. While people’s sary complements, in contrast to the rigid beliefs and behavior are sometimes per- either-or dualism that characterises some ceived as an “obstacle” to conservation, a aspects of Western thought. In other words, more complete understanding embraces good exists side by side with evil, and people not as an outside threat, but as an therefore when bad things happen, it is internal variable with characteristics that understood that this is simply the way the can not only exacerbate but also minimise world works.5 Hardship is tolerated as a conflict. If we examine the conservation complement to good fortune; they are equation from the perspective that people halves of a whole system and together, a offer opportunities and strengths, not just complete way of life. In a sense this prem- threats or weaknesses, we may discover ise serves as a cultural insurance, helping rich, complex, pro-conservation cultural people to accept misfortune when it comes. roots that can contribute to effective wildlife Sometimes that misfortune comes in the conservation initiatives. form of wildlife raiding crops, killing live- stock, or attacking a person. Standing The nature of these roots will vary widely, alone, such a belief system is obviously not but they all may help, at least in part, to adequate to address today’s human-wildlife rebuild tolerance where it has been eroded conflict situations. Nor should passivity with because of government intervention, poorly respect to retaliation serve as an excuse to conceived and managed conservation pro- ignore the costs of conflict. Such beliefs and grams, or exclusion from management or values can, however, help members of a ownership of resources. As conservationists community maintain patience and flexibility and as humanists who care about conserva- and accept some level of costs associated tion, we should attend to the diverse pat- with maintaining wildlife populations. terns of culture and behavior of people who live with wildlife, as much as to the diverse This is not to claim that every traditional,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 235 History, culture and conservation

indigenous, or non-Western culture invari- tigers, rhinos, elephants and other wildlife ably tolerates wildlife. Even those that do species promoting the belief that wildlife have limits to their tolerance for economic have a sacred function in reflecting the uni- and personal loss. Some cultures maintain fied world of people, animals and gods. In beliefs about the management of nature another example, Hindu farmers may find and its resources that may be incompatible spiritual consolation for material losses due with today’s shrinking resource base. Thus, to elephants’ incursions into fields through “traditional conservation beliefs…are not their belief in the elephant-headed god ready made prescriptions for today’s Ganesh, a friendly, beloved god who has world.”6 However, it is a mistake to assume the power to impart or do away with suc- that the presence or absence of active tradi- cess, eliminate or set up obstacles, satisfy tional conservation strategies equates with the presence or absence of cultural tolerance. It is also a mistake to design every conservation strategy on the assumption that cul- tural beliefs involve a separa- tion or antipathy between people and wildlife. In fact, some situations will offer opportunities to tap into cul- tural values that support con- servation.

Stories and other cultural Figure 1. In the floodplain of Waza Logone elephant herds (some- creations often serve as cul- times composed of hundreds of animals) are known to devastate tural “teaching aids,” croplands and take human lives in their migration patterns. The local embodying religious and cul- residents have hardly any means to defend themselves, as the law tural lessons about the rules, forbids them to harm the elephants in any way. (Courtesy Grazia beliefs, practices and values Borrini-Feyerabend) of a community. Many such stories teach respect for and a strong rela- or disregard wishes, and is considered the tionship with nature. Religious systems god of literacy.8 incorporate associations with animals that build respect for wildlife. The values such Elephants in Asia: material costs and stories and systems impart may encourage spiritual benefits tolerance to wildlife interaction. One of the most formidable instigators of human-wildlife conflict in Asia and Africa, For instance, the Hindu epic, Ramayana, elephants cause hundreds of deaths each teaches in a colorful and dramatic way why year and untold economic losses to crops people should respect monkeys, as they are and property in their raids. Understandably, proven faithful servants of the gods and an retaliation against these animals is increas- ally to the people. Thus a taboo that was ing where damages add up and little is established against hunting of monkeys still done by governments whose laws prohibit exists in many areas in Southeast Asia people from acting in self-defense, yet fail today7. Similarly, in Buddhist tradition, tem- to offer alternative means to effectively mit- ples are often filled with artistic replicas of igate and prevent human-elephant conflict.

236 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

The conflict needs to be addressed or it will planting cycle and the certainty of a har- continue to escalate. Yet, in contrast to vest. The birds’ arrival is determined by cli- Western societies that have completely matic qualities that signify much more accu- eradicated entire species that were much rately than a set calendar the change of less intrusive and destructive than ele- seasons and the best time to initiate various phants, many Asian cultures, even bearing agricultural practices. Four particular species the burden of high levels of personal and have been determined by the Kelabit to be economic threat and devastation, still man- the most reliable timing indicators for their age to demonstrate a high level of tolerance needs. The birds’ arrival also gives some to the pachyderms’ frequent raids. peace of mind to farmers, who live in an uncertain world marked by frequent On this point, Arun Venkataraman attributes famines. Interestingly, when the Kelabit much of the success of wildlife conservation were convinced one season to alter the type in a heavily populated India to the peoples’ of rice they would plant so as to improve cultural belief in and propensity for coexis- crop yields, their new rice crop grew tence. Of the situation near Bhadra Wildlife superbly, but could not be harvested before Sanctuary (Project Tiger Reserve) in the migratory birds arrived, and thus their Karnataka, he writes that “when crop raid- crops were lost to the birds. Instead of ing [by elephants] occurred, it was well tol- blaming and retaliating against the birds for erated by local communities who were their devastating and costly crop-raiding, largely caste Hindu cultivators. When asked the Kelabit people saw this event as an about the problem, local inhabitants were omen from the birds about the importance under unanimous opinion that elephants of using rice types that matured and could had an equal right to their lands.”9 He adds be harvested in a timely fashion.11 that pad marks from elephants in cultivated Conceivably, an alternative world view might fields were actually venerated and ele- have resulted in the community investing in phants’ visits were considered good omens. toxic chemicals to rid themselves of these destructive birds. Birds in Borneo: pests or resources? In Borneo, the most powerful god of the Shona reverence for wildlife Iban people is a sun-bird god called In another example, a small community of Singalang Burong. Singalang Burong some- Shona people living in the Kagora region of times appears before humans as a rural Zimbabwe exemplifies how traditional Brahminy kite. “As just another bird, the cultural beliefs promote coexistence Brahminy kite angers villagers by stealing between humans and wildlife. The Shona chickens, but when it assumes its identity ethic includes a respect for and a moral atti- as bird-god the Brahminy kite takes on tude toward nature, as well as restraint in much greater significance as the bringer of resource exploitation. Building on this ethic, omens of war” and thus its presence is the Shona have totems which are all con- treated with respect that extends well nected to wild animals. In Shona society a beyond tolerance.10 person has a special connection with a totem animal. The totem animal is not killed Nearby in the highlands, the people of the or eaten and thus species like leopards, Kelabit tribe interpret crop raiding by the lions, python, hyena, wild pig, and porcu- many migratory bird species in a much pines are protected and revered by those broader way than simply as a nuisance. In who have them as their totem animals. fact, the birds’ migratory behavior is an Further, baboons are tolerated more in appreciated omen to people about the rice- Kagora than in many other areas in Africa,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 237 History, culture and conservation

as they are considered messengers of a the detriment of wildlife, including the sub- famous founder chief known as the mhun- division and sale of critical wildlife habitat.15 doro. “Their lairs are often very close to The prohibition of occasional consumption homes and there is a lot of interaction. If of wildlife in emergencies or hard times has someone’s crops are constantly destroyed also reportedly contributed to a decline in by these animals, that person is taken to be Maasai economic well-being.16 flouting local rules. Some say land without baboons is not worth living in, mainly The wildlife of protected areas still largely because their presence is a sure sign that (60-85%) depends on dispersal areas out- dangerous animals like the leopard, which is side the parks,17 which inevitably brings fond of baboon flesh, is absent.”12 them in contact with pastoralists and their herds. Maasai feel keenly the inequity in Maasai displacement by parks: from treatment whereby the Maasai’s cattle are “second cattle” to the “government’s banned from the park, while the “govern- cattle” ment’s cattle,” as the Maasai now refer to It is widely recognised that a pastoralist wildlife, are allowed outside it. This combi- lifestyle is often more compatible with con- nation of conservation policies that interfere servation and prevention of human-wildlife with traditional practices of coexistence has conflict than is a sedentary, agricultural increased resentment of, and reduced coop- mode of livelihood. While the Maasai, tran- eration with, governmental conservation shumant pastoralists of East Africa, tradi- policies. The sum result is a simultaneous tionally endured some livestock depredation decline in the Maasai’s economic well-being, by wild predators, generally these herders autonomy and ability to maintain their dis- coexisted with wildlife without any major tinctive culture, an increase in resentment conflicts, until formalised development and of and conflict with conservation initiatives conservation initiatives took root in the and authorities, and a rise in mutually region.13 Historically, the Maasai’s livestock harmful conflict between the Maasai and and local wildlife followed similar seasonal wildlife. routes in East Africa and coexisted relatively peacefully side by side. “Many Maasai elders Haisla spiritual value of wildlife: shap- claim that wildlife traditionally was used as ing government conservation policy ‘second cattle,’” but only during times of The greater Kitlope ecosystem on the north extreme drought when their own herds coast of British Columbia is a critical home- were severely depleted; thus “reliance on land to grizzly bears and black bears. This is second cattle helps to explain the traditional also the heartland of the Haisla Nation, Maasai tolerance toward wildlife.”14 where the grizzly bear is considered an ani- mal of great spiritual power. Their tradition Over the last several decades, however, the strictly forbids killing a grizzly bear, except establishment of national parks and protect- in self-defense or for food. Alarmed in the ed areas excluded the Maasai from access last decade that both bear populations were to traditional water resources and prevented in serious decline (thought to be because of them from following traditional nomadic trophy hunting), in 1994 the Haisla took it migratory routes, especially during the dry upon themselves to ban all hunting of any season. This is one factor in the shift of bears in Kitlope until populations recovered some Maasai from pastoralist to settled sufficiently. Working with conservationists, agricultural lifestyles that has increased the the Haisla people took this initiative on and potential for conflicts with wildlife, and fos- then asked others to join the moratorium. tered an increase in intensive land use to As a result, the British Columbia govern-

238 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

ment announced a one-year ban on grizzly tices and beliefs that can support coexis- bear hunting, essentially canceling the 1994 tence with wildlife suggests a number of ini- bear hunt in Kitlope. Longer term restric- tial conclusions. tions on bear hunting were subsequently put into place with resulting improved bear First, in some societies, culturally transmit- populations in the region.18 ted knowledge and beliefs shape behavior to prevent damages and constrain people This example of an indigenous community’s from excessive retaliation when wildlife reverence for and tolerance of one of the cause economic loss or inflict physical harm. most dangerous mammals in North America The Kelabit of Borneo know that they can is an excellent example of human-wildlife time farming decisions according to the coexistence. Realizing that the root of this arrival of certain migratory birds. The coexistence is imbedded in cultural beliefs Maasai pastoralists of East Africa historically and attitudes, we see the power of cultural have relied on wild animals, their “second tolerance in determining the success of con- cattle,” for sustenance servation and the prevention of human- when times are hard. Ecological knowledge wildlife conflict. This belief about an inter- Shona people in Zimbabwe enables people to gain twining of nature and culture is not unique are more tolerant of the material benefits that to the Haisla. Many traditional and local cul- presence of baboons offset crop-rraiding, tures maintain beneficial beliefs about their because they indicate that livestock predation relationship with nature and wildlife, and leopards are unlikely to be and other costs they thus demonstrate tolerance and even rever- nearby. Thus, ecological suffer from wildlife knowledge enables people ence for wildlife. Within this relationship is a and reduce the incen- dependence on wildlife. If the Haisla no to gain material benefits longer had grizzly bears, they would lose that offset crop-raiding, tive for retaliation. their very real, tangible connection to this livestock predation and spiritual power. This intense awareness, other costs they suffer from wildlife and rooted in tradition, makes the Haisla more reduce the incentive for retaliation. willing to tolerate its presence and occasion- al disturbance. Equally important in these examples are reli- gious and spiritual beliefs about animals. For Patterns of Tolerance certain peoples in Borneo, migratory birds The selection of cases discussed above is are associated with divinity and bring anecdotal and intended to illustrate the omens. For many Hindus, monkeys are potential that culture holds as a resource. associated with loyalty to the gods and are considered a friend of the people. For the These cases, however, are representative of Haisla people of British Columbia, the grizzly a wider body of examples, including the bear has great spiritual importance. Farmers Tuareg and elephants in the Sahel,19 the near the Bhadra wildlife sanctuary in India Maldharis and the lions of Gir in Gujarat, revere elephant pad marks left in their India,20 Buddhists and tigers in Asia21 and fields. Despite the occasional costs, these others. More exhaustive and systematic people gain spiritual and religious rewards analysis of a larger number of cases is from wildlife encouraging them to tolerate needed to assess the linkages between cul- harm due to wildlife and refrain from retalia- tural beliefs and practices of tolerance, con- tion. text-specific level of human-wildlife coexis- tence and their local and global relevance These tangible and intangible rewards stem- for conservation. In the meantime, anecdot- ming from knowledge and belief are valu- al evidence from a wide diversity of prac- able for conservation. The spiritual rewards,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 239 History, culture and conservation

for instance, are no less valid, rational or always be part of the assessment that pre- important than the motivations of the back- cedes the development of a conservation packer who treks into thinly populated terri- strategy or project by local, national or tory to commune with nature. An ecotourist international institutions. Similarly, environ- actively spends economic resources in order mental assessments for development proj- to visit and observe wildlife at distant sites; ects should include attention to human- a villager may endure higher economic loss- wildlife interactions, including the existence es as a side effect of sharing living space of cultural features that support coexistence. with the wildlife that he or she reveres. In In such assessments, cultural beliefs, knowl- every case, these values offer critical sup- edge and practices that support coexistence port for conservation and must be assessed should be catalogued and built upon in any strategy for conserva- among opportunities, just … cultural beliefs, tion. as those that contribute knowledge and prac- to conflict should be iden- tices that support coex- Despite the occasional In some cases the holders tified as threats.22 istence should be cata- costs, people gain of traditional beliefs and Importantly, the assess- logued among oppor- spiritual and reli- knowledge can build upon ment should identify fac- tunities, just as those gious rewards from them to mitigate conflict tors that have supported that contribute to con- wildlife, encouraging within the larger political coexistence and discour- flict should be identi- them to tolerate harm or legal system, as in the aged conflict even in situ- fied as threats… due to wildlife and example of the Haisla, ations where there is no refrain from retalia- who persuaded the gov- apparent conflict. Such factors will be of tion ernment of British great value in understanding conflict issues Columbia to enact a mora- more generally, as well as locally, if condi- torium on hunting of grizzlies. In contrast, tions change such that human-wildlife ten- when cultural values relating to wildlife are sion increases. ignored, the best-intentioned plans for development or for conservation may inter- Second, following such an assessment, local fere with traditional patterns of human- traditions and practices contributing to coex- wildlife coexistence and cause an increase in istence should be integrated into policies conflict both between humans and wildlife and programs to address human-wildlife and between humans over wildlife, as in the conflict specifically, and wildlife conservation case of the Maasai pastoralists of East and sustainable development more general- Africa. ly. Projects and policies should be designed to both minimise conflict and retaliation and Recommendations support, rather than interfere with, traditions Further research on cultural patterns of tol- of coexistence. Even where cultural and erance and conflict is needed. It should ana- spiritual beliefs foster tolerance for wildlife, lyze and compare situations involving both that tolerance is easily eroded when conser- coexistence and conflict, as well as situa- vation initiatives fail to reflect local values tions in which coexistence has been and voices. Embracing cultural characteris- replaced by conflict and vice versa, in order tics of tolerance has additional advantages. to understand the contributing factors and It enables the conservationist to be a sup- design appropriate conservation strategies. portive partner with the community rather In the meantime, however, some practical than dealing with local people as if they are implications for conservationists are clear primarily obstacles to conservation. It helps without further research. to integrate perpetuation of nature and cul- ture so that nature conservation and the First, a review of cultural factors should maintenance and vitality of a culture can be

240 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

mutually supportive. Mayell, H., “Satellites Reveal How Rare Elephants Survive Desert”, National Geographic News, September 27, 2002. McNeely, J.A. and P. S. Wachtel, Soul of the Tiger, Traditions of tolerance and coexistence do Doubleday, New York, 1988. not guarantee that people will refrain from Posey, D.A., “Introduction: Culture and Nature – The Inextricable Link,” in Posey, D.A. (ed.), Cultural and retaliating against wildlife that impose eco- Spiritual Values of Biodiversity, United Nations nomic, personal or social costs. Yet, certain Environment Programme/Intermediate Technology beliefs and practices facilitate a level of tol- Publications, 1-18, London, 1999. Quammen, David, Monster of God, W. W. Norton and erance of conflict that would be absent with- Company, New York and London, 2003. out those beliefs or with a different set of Saberwal, V. K., J. P. Gibbs, R. Chellam, and A. J. T. beliefs that instill a sense of domination over Johnsingh, “Lion-Human Conflict in the Gir Forest, India”, Conservation Biology, 8(2): 501-507, 1994. or separation from nature or irreverence for Venkataraman, A., “Incorporating Traditional Coexistence wildlife. Such a difference in cultural per- Propensities into Management of Wildlife Habitats in India”, Current Science, 79(11): 1531-1535, 2000. spective could be the deciding factor in Western, David, “Ecosystem Conservation and Rural some specific situations, tipping the balance Development: The Case of Amboseli”, in Western, David as to whether or not a person decides to kill and R. Michael Wright (eds.) and Shirley C. Strum (assoc. ed.), Natural Connections, Island Press, 15-52, a snow leopard, tiger or elephant, for exam- Washington, DC, 1994. ple. Does the individual kill the predator just Western, David and R. Michael Wright, “The Background to because it is out there? Or is the person Community-Based Conservation”, in Western, David and R. Michael Wright (eds.) and Shirley C. Strum (assoc. ed.), only driven to such an action because the Natural Connections, Island Press, 1-12, Washington, DC, predator might kill a livestock animal? Or 1994. rather does he or she refrain from retaliation World Commission on Protected Areas (WCPA) World Parks Congress V, “Recommendation 20, Preventing and until one livestock animal has been killed? Mitigating Human-Wildlife Conflicts,” URL: Or until many livestock have been killed? http://www.iucn.org/themes/wcpa/wpc2003/pdfs/out- These shades of difference in action and puts/recommendations/approved/english/html/r20.htm reaction define the level of human tolerance Notes for wildlife, a factor that can significantly 1 IUCN, 1997. contribute to the survival of endangered 2 McNeely and Wachtel, 1988. species in the course of the next century. 3 Chatty and Colchester, 2002; see also, McNeely and Wachtel, 1988; Western and Wright, 1994. 4 Posey, 1999. Francine Madden 5 McNeely and Wachtel, 1988. ([email protected]) is the Chair of a 6 Western and Wright, 1994. 7 McNeely and Wachtel, 1998. Human-Wildlife Conflict Initiative promoted by 8 McNeely and Wachtel, 1998. IUCN/CEESP/TILCEPA to bring together a diverse, 9 Venkataraman, 2000. global collaboration of individuals and institutions 10 McNeely and Wachtel, 1988. 11 McNeely and Wachtel, 1988. in support of local efforts to prevent and mitigate 12 IUCN, 1997. human-wildlife conflict (HWC). Francine is a mem- 13 Igoe, 2002; IUCN, 1997; Western, 1994. ber of CEESP/SLWG and TILCEPA. 14 Western, 1994. 15 Chatty and Colchester, 2002; IUCN, 1997. 16 Chatty and Colchester, 2002. References 17 IUCN, 1997. Chatty, D. and M. Colchester (eds.), Conservation and Mobile 18 Margolis, 1997. Indigenous Peoples, Berghahn Books, United Kingdom, 19 Mayell, 2002. 2002. 20 Quammen, 2003; Saberwal et al., 1994. Igoe, J., “National Parks and Human Ecosystems”, in Chatty, 21 McNeely and Wachtel, 1998. Dawn and Marcus Colchester (eds.), Conservation and 22 Along these lines Venkataraman (2000) argues that con- Mobile Indigenous Peoples, Berghahn Books, 77-95, servation planning and wildlife management in India United Kingdom, 2002. should incorporate traditional practices of tolerance and IUCN Inter-Commission Task Force on Indigenous Peoples, coexistence, which have already contributed to conserva- Indigenous Peoples and Sustainability: Cases and Actions, tion successes, a recommendation that International Books, Utrecht, Netherlands, 1997. Margolis, K., “Bears in the Greater Kitlope Ecosystem”, in Schoonmaker, P. K., B. von Hagen, and E. C. Wolf (eds.), The Rain Forests of Home: Profile of a North American Bioregion, Island Press, 89-91, Washington, DC, 1997.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 241 History, culture and conservation Les contrats sociaux traditionnels (dina) et le transfert de gestion des ressources naturelles renouvelable (GELOSE)— une alliance clé pour la conservation et le développement durable à Madagascar

Claudine Ramiarison et Tiana Eva Razafindrakoto

Résumé : A Madagascar, la gestion communautaire des ressources naturelles a une très longue histoire. Aujourd’hui, peut-elle encore s’avérer efficace en matière de conservation ? Les rapports traditionnels entre les communautés locales et leur environnement naturel montrent qu’elles ont bien un rôle à jouer dans la préservation des écosystèmes. Par exemple, les populations respectent, préservent et valorisent certains milieux naturels ou écosystèmes comme les terrains tabous ou les lieux sacrés. L’observation de ces règles coutumières est régie par le dina, un contrat social local.

La mise en œuvre de la politique de décentralisation à Madagascar a fait l’objet d’une loi sur la gestion locale des ressources naturelles dont l’application motive beaucoup les communautés locales. Forme de gestion contractuelle entre l’Etat et les communautés locales, la Gestion Locale Sécurisée permet aux communautés d’avoir des droits sur les écosystèmes dont elles sont gestionnaires. L’efficacité de la conservation dans ces sites dépend du degré de leur implication, ce qui suppose une appropriation et une adaptation aux réalités régionales et locales, fortement marquées par la culture traditionnelle. Ce transfert de gestion des ressources naturelles renouvelables et l’organisation des populations locales dans le cadre du processus de négociation avec les techniciens pour la délimitation et l’aménagement des ressources à gérer constituent des acquis importants. Les communautés ont démontré qu’elles peuvent réguler elles- mêmes la gestion et la conservation des écosystèmes et des ressources à travers des contrats sociaux enracinés dans la culture locale.

Ces contrats sociaux ne peuvent pas garantir en soi une gestion durable. Mais ils constituent de mesures précieuses, qui permettent d’améliorer les systèmes de conservation tout en respectant les coutumes et besoins locaux. Il est cependant nécessaire d’y associer les outils de régulation modernes, si l’on veut atteindre l’objectif fixé de mettre en place les six millions d’hectares d’aires protégées à Madagascar.

de conscience de la valeur de la biodiver- Les résultats mitigés de la gestion centra- sité, et compte tenu du fort taux d’endé- misme de sa faune et de sa flore, lisée des ressources naturelles à Madagascar a adopté sa stratégie nationale Madagascar sont attribués souvent à des de la conservation de la nature en 1984, pratiques comme les feux de brousse et la dans le but de renforcer la conservation des culture sur brûlis (tavy), à la forte crois- espèces dans les Aires Protégées. En 1995, sance démographique du pays et à la pau- Madagascar disposait de trois catégories vreté. Par ailleurs, une insécurité foncière d’aires protégées réparties en Parcs généralisée, le libre accès aux ressources et Nationaux, Réserves Naturelles Intégrales les faibles capacités nationales pour la valo- et, surtout, Réserves Spéciales. À l’époque, risation économique des ressources sont celles-ci couvraient 2% de la superficie du aussi invoquées comme autant de facteurs pays1 . Depuis, les politiques de conserva- d’échecs des politiques de conservation. tion de la biodiversité ont beaucoup évolué. Dans les années 90, furent évoqués succes- Suivant les mouvements mondiaux pour la sivement la participation et l’implication des conservation de la nature, liée à une prise communautés riveraines dans la gestion des

242 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

aires protégées, puis l’appropriation par ces espèces peuvent être chargés de significa- mêmes communautés des actions de tion pour les communautés, et de croyances conservation et de gestion durable des res- qui dictent leurs comportements culturels. sources de la biodiversité. Cette « approche Impliquer les communautés locales dans les participative » a connu beaucoup de tâton- nements, mais les résultats sont néanmoins restés mitigés. Plusieurs méthodes ont été déployées pour amener la participation de la population: sensibilisation, renforcements de capacité en vue d’appliquer les régle- mentations, d’adopter des techniques modernes, ou d’améliorer la gouvernance locale. Notamment, les Projets de Conservation et de Développement Intégré (PCDI), basés sur des principes d’intégration des populations des zones périphériques des aires protégées dans la conservation, ont développé certaines activités alternati- ves diminuant les pressions autour des aires protégées et différents types de processus de concertation. A l’heure actuelle, les pla- teformes de concertation au niveau écoré- gion ont pour vocation le partage des visions du développement, à partir de pro- blématiques environnementales et de ges- tion des ressources naturelles, afin d’aboutir à des solutions viables et consensuelles. Mais ces actions sont parfois encore perçues comme des interdictions et des restrictions Figure 1. Un des sept lacs « sacrés » de la à l’usage des ressources naturelles. Force région de Toulear. (Courtoisie Claudine est de reconnaître que l’appropriation de Ramiarison) ces actions de conservation par les popula- tions est restée limitée. Pourtant, dans la actions de conservation et de gestion dura- politique nationale de gestion des ressour- ble des ressources naturelles nécessite un ces naturelles, l’objectif visé est l’appropria- partage des mêmes visions, il requiert éga- tion des actions de conservation par les lement la prise en compte des valeurs qu’el- principaux concernés, à savoir les commu- les attribuent à la nature. Il faut puiser dans nautés locales. Comment pourraient elles les pratiques traditionnelles séculaires des adhérer à la cause et partager les mêmes sociétés, qui constituent les fondements valeurs et les mêmes méthodes de l’Etat ? encore actuels des sociétés rurales, les moyens d’assurer une meilleure gestion On a souvent tendance à oublier que les locale des ressources naturelles. communautés locales ont leur mode de fonctionnement, basée sur des valeurs qui Des formes de conservation liée à leur sont propres, liées à des la culture traditionnelle dans les perceptions/représentations et des relations relations avec la nature qu’elles entretiennent avec la nature. Ces Heureusement, certaines pratiques tradition- valeurs se traduisent par des règles inter- nelles sont restées en usage jusqu’à main- nes. En effet, les écosystèmes et certaines

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 243 History, culture and conservation

tenant, surtout dans les régions difficile- collectives. Les coupes de bois dans la forêt ment accessibles où le patrimoine culturel, sacrée de Sakoatovo, lieu de sépulture des peu influencé par l’extérieur, demeure plus rois Mahafaly et de leurs descendants, dans ou moins intact. Dans ces régions, le res- la province de Tuléar, font également l’objet pect de la nature est lié aux croyances des de rites convenus entre les membres de la communautés locales, qui considèrent que communauté locale. Personne n’a le droit certains lieux sont la résidence de forces d’y pénétrer, et moins encore d’y prélever surnaturelles et invisibles. Ainsi, par quoi que ce soit, sans autorisation préalable endroits, les forêts sont interdites ou fady, des gardiens de la forêt. car elles appartiennent aux Dieux (Helo), comme dans la réserve forestière Ces croyances, relevant de l’identité cultu- d’Andohahela, dans la partie sud de l’île, à relle des communautés locales, contribuent Fort-Dauphin.2 Ailleurs, comme dans le Parc fortement à la conservation de certains éco- National de Ranomafana Ifanadiana, les systèmes et espèces dont elles sont voisi- Tanala (Gens de la Forêt) enterrent les nes. Car un acte quelconque réalisé en ces morts dans la forêt, loin du regard des lieux requiert une autorisation préalable, humains,3 dans des espaces consacrés qui faute de quoi il y aurait profanation. Une ne peuvent être foulés, étant donné la valeur sacrée est attribuée à la nature, valeur et le respect que les Malgaches notamment à la forêt. Transgresser ces accordent aux morts et aux ancêtres. règles en abattant des arbres, en défri- chant, ou en chassant dans une forêt qui Confrontés à une dégradation du milieu appartient aux ancêtres, nécessite obligatoi- naturel, les dignitaires des pouvoirs tradi- rement un sacrifice ou une invocation. Dans tionnels, encore très présents dans les le cas de la réserve naturelle d’Andohahela, sociétés rurales, peuvent influer fortement selon les pratiques et les conventions tradi- sur le système de régulation. Dans la région tionnelles, l’abattage de 10 arbres, forestière de la côte est de Madagascar4, demande le sacrifice d’un poulet ou d’un devant la régression des surfaces boisées sous l’effet des tavy (défrichement et cul- ture sur brûlis), les tangalamena (hauts dignitaires et notables dans les sociétés de la partie Est du pays) ont déclaré fady les lambeaux forestiers qui correspondent aux derniers vestiges des forêts communautai- res. Ces dispositions sont suivies par les vil- lageois.

Plusieurs forêts sont sacrées à Madagascar, ce qui est bénéfique pour la conservation des écosystèmes. On y accède selon certai- nes règles et les transgresser peut, selon Figure 2 . Rituel fait par un ampanjaka (chef les croyances, entraîner des sanctions, voire traditionnel) avant de pénétrer dans la forêt des malédictions. Pour preuve, il n’y a qu’à sacrée de Ramiavony – Mananjary. (Courtoisie voir les rituels qui doivent être effectués, en Claudine Ramiarison) présence des dignitaires, avant de pénétrer dans les forêts de ramiavony, à Mananjary, coq. Mais si la coupe est plus importante, il où les ethnies du Sud-Est viennent prélever faut prévoir un mouton ou un zébu. le bois sacré utilisé lors des circoncisions

244 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

Des tabous existent également. En forêt, il schémas d’aménagement concertés doit, en peut s’agir d’arbres au pied desquels se effet, tenir compte du fait que ces sociétés tiennent les rituels (joro), comme le nonoky ont déjà mis en place des règles qui relè- (Ficus sp.) dans le Sud, le sakoa (Pourpatia vent de leur identité culturelle. caffra), ou encore les tamariniers (Tamarindus indica), za (Adansonia za) et Malgré cette relation à la nature, ces famamy. Généralement, ces arbres sont les croyances et pratiques ont commencé à se plus grands de la forêt. Ces mêmes notions perdre quelque peu, notamment avec l’arri- de valeur existent également pour diverses vée des migrants, la redynamisation des espèces végétales et animales. Lorsqu’il conventions traditionnelles régissant les s’agit de plantes médicinales, la complexité sociétés rurales peut cependant bien contri- des rituels effectués par les praticiens tradi- buer à la conservation et au développement tionnels au moment de leur collecte dans durable dans la politique de la gestion les forêts primaires révèle la valeur et le locale à Madagascar. respect qu’ils leur attribuent. Pour les ani- maux, les situations varient selon les Les réglementations sociales, à tra- régions. Cela peut être le tenrec, les camé- vers les dina, pour une gestion léons, ou, dans le Sud, en Androy, la tortue rationnelle des écosystèmes et des (Testudo radiata) qui appartient aux Dieux. ressources naturelles Leur chasse et leur consommation sont Les dina, conventions traditionnelles entre interdites. membres d’un ou plusieurs villages d’un 5 Il est nécessaire de com- Les formes de « fokonolona font partie des droits coutu- prendre qu’il existe des conservation commu- miers malgaches. Elles règlent le fonctionne- ment des sociétés en s’appliquant dans formes de conservation nautaire » qui proté- divers domaines et à différentes échelles de gent les écosystèmes traditionnelle effectuées la vie quotidienne. Dans la société tradition- et les espèces en impo- par ces gardiens de la nelle malgache il existe plusieurs types de sant des restrictions à nature et de ses élé- dina, selon les besoins et l’usage de certaines ments. L’élaboration des les situations qui se pré- ressources naturelles Les dina, conven- sentent. Il peut s’agir, par schémas d’aménage- sont régies au sein tions traditionnelles exemple, d’entraide pour ment concertés doit, en même de ces commu- entre membres d’un les travaux agricoles, des effet, tenir compte du nautés et, en cas de ou plusieurs villages normes de sécurité, du fait que ces sociétés ont transgression, des contrôle des feux de d’un fokonolona déjà mis en place des sanctions sont pronon- brousse, de l’observation font partie des droits cées lors de conseils règles qui relèvent de des interdits ou fady. Les coutumiers malga- coutumiers dans le leur identité culturelle. dina sont parfois utilisés ches. […]La consé- cadre des conventions dans les cas de conflits ou cration d’un dina traditionnelles. Les aménagements des éco- lorsqu’il y a nécessité de systèmes effectués avec les techniciens en est marquée par un réglementation et de disci- vue d’une gestion durable ne prennent pas rituel composé de pline collectives.6 Ils inter- toujours en considération ces représenta- serments et d’impré- viennent également dans tions et ces valeurs culturelles qu’ont les cations. l’exploitation de certaines communautés locales vis-à-vis de leur envi- ressources naturelles en voie de disparition, ronnement. Il est nécessaire de comprendre ce qui est fréquent pour les ressources mari- qu’il existe des formes de conservation tra- nes. ditionnelle effectuées par ces gardiens de la nature et de ses éléments. L’élaboration des Un dina est une réponse à une situation ou

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 245 History, culture and conservation

à un problème auquel il faut trouver une fait l’originalité de la loi GELOSE, dans solution. Les termes de l’accord et les per- laquelle le dina est reconnu et intégré sonnes concernées, les sanctions assorties conformément au décret n° 2000-027 du 13 de malédiction pour les contrevenants doi- janvier 2000. Dans ce cadre, il y a une vent y être stipulés. La consécration d’un répartition des responsabilités entre les par- dina est marquée par un rituel composé de ties prenantes du contrat. Pour leur part, les serments et d’imprécations. Dans le cas d’un communautés locales utilisent le dina pour transfert de gestion de ressources naturelles régler les rapports internes des communau- renouvelables, l’immolation de zébus est de tés villageoises au sujet des espaces et des mise et marque la ritualisation de l’action. ressources naturelles. Au préalable, les ter- roirs sont délimités et des schémas d’amé- L’utilisation des dina pour la conservation est nagement élaborés en concertation avec une manière de prendre en considération les toutes les parties prenantes. communautés locales dans leur système de valeur, en faisant appel à une procédure qui Le transfert de gestion GELOSE se fait à leur est propre et dont elles connaissent le l’initiative des communautés locales qui en fonctionnement car elles en ont fixé les font la demande auprès des services techni- règles. Elles peuvent ainsi s’avérer très effi- ques, gestionnaires publics d’une ressource. caces car elles sont enracinées dans l’appro- Il est soumis à des règles, fixées conjointe- priation locale. ment entre le service forestier et la com- mune et définies par un cahier des charges. Une redynamisation des pratiques Pour atteindre les objectifs convenus avec traditionnelles des dina et leur les deux autres parties, Le transfert de ges- intégration dans les méthodes de les communautés locales tion GELOSE se fait conservation modernes : le trans- assument leur pouvoir de contrôle, de surveillance, à l’initiative des com- fert de gestion des ressources et de droit de prélève- munautés locales […] naturelles ment à travers les dina. qui assument leur En 1996, une nouvelle réglementation a été Aujourd’hui, ce type de pouvoir de contrôle, de mise en place à Madagascar concernant transfert de gestion n’a surveillance, et de l’implication des communautés locales dans que quelques années droit de prélèvement à la conservation et la gestion durables des d’existence, mais il est travers les dina. ressources naturelles. Il s’agissait de la loi fortement demandé par 96 025 portant sur la les communautés locales La complémentarité Gestion Locale Sécurisée sur toute l’île pour défendre leurs droits, entre la réglementa- (GELOSE) et la déléga- affirmer leur identité et leur droit d’usage tion moderne et les tion de compétence aux sur des terroirs que leur ont légués leurs pratiques culturelles et collectivités locales, basé ancêtres. Si, au départ, les transferts de sur un système contrac- sociales traditionnelles gestion ont surtout porté sur les écosystè- tuel entre l’Etat (repré- fait l’originalité de la mes forestiers, de plus en plus les commu- senté par le service tech- nautés locales se proposent pour gérer les loi GELOSE, dans nique gestionnaire de la ressources marines, les espaces côtiers, les laquelle le dina est ressource), les commu- lacs et les terrains de parcours. Ainsi, dans reconnu et intégré nes et les communautés la négociation des plans d’aménagement, la conformément au locales. La complémenta- conservation se retrouve souvent au même décret n° 2000-0027 du rité entre la réglementa- niveau que le développement. 13 janvier 2000 tion moderne et les pra- tiques culturelles et Pour l’implication des communautés locales sociales traditionnelles dans les actions de conservation-développe-

246 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

d’un plan d’ac- tion de conser- vation et de développement centré sur quel- ques activités essentielles. Pour la mise en œuvre du plan d’aménagement, un dina a été conclu dans le but de régle- menter l’accès à la zone et l’ex- Figure 3 . Immolation d’un zébu lors d’un transfert de gestion de ressources ploitation des naturelles. (Courtoisie Claudine Ramiarison) ressources. Le zonage prévoit ment, il est fondamental de prendre en le développement de l’écotourisme commu- considération les valeurs qu’elles attribuent nautaire dans une partie du récif annulaire à l’environnement et de voir de manière surnommée « l’aquarium », mais aussi le concertée des solutions viables. Par expé- renouvellement des stocks de la faune et de rience, le recours aux dina montre que des la flore. Le plan d’action prévoit aussi le éléments importants et convergents contri- reboisement de l’ilôt. D’autres dispositions buent à la conservation et la gestion durable concernent la surveillance et la formation des ressources naturelles. des guides touristiques villageois.

Les pratiques des dina dans la ges- Le dina fixe des règles strictes pour la ges- tion et la conservation de la biodi- tion durable des ressources marines : inter- versité des récifs coralliens de Nosy diction des pratiques destructrices des récifs Ve coralliens, interdiction de capturer les espè- En 1998, dans le but de préserver et de ces protégées désignées par le dina, de gérer de manière rationnelle les ressources mouiller la nuit aux alentours de Nosy Ve marines et côtières de Nosy Ve, un îlot sacré sans autorisation spéciale, d’y camper et d’y de 1 400 m sur 400 entouré d’un récif prélever tout organisme, d’apporter sur l’îlot corallien annulaire et situé au Sud de l’ile de des denrées contenant de la viande de porc, Madagascar,7 une gestion communautaire a etc. Le non respect de été initiée par les 6 villages de pêcheurs l’une des clauses du dina …si le dina peut être vezo possédant des usages coutumiers sur est passible d’amendes efficace au niveau de le site. Régie par un dina, cette gestion versées à la commu- l’association, les com- nauté locale, constituée communautaire a eu pour origine la diminu- munautés locales ne légalement en associa- tion progressive du rendement de la pêche sont pas toujours à et les conflits générés entre les différents tion. Cependant, si le l’abri de l’arrivée de usagers, pêcheurs artisanaux, opérateurs de dina peut être efficace pêche et touristique. Un plan d’aménage- au niveau de l’associa- migrants… ment a été alors défini en concertation avec tion, les communautés les membres de la communauté de pêcheurs locales ne sont pas toujours à l’abri de l’arri- et les techniciens des services halieutiques vée de migrants, qui ne s’estiment pas et marins. La mesure était accompagnée concernés par la réglementation interne

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 247 History, culture and conservation

locale, et des conflits avec des personnes l’Environnement), s’occupant de l’appui aux com- extérieures ou des opérateurs sont effective- munautés locales. Elle est membre du ment survenus. L’association a donc CEESP/CMWG. demandé à l’administration chargée de la pêche et des ressources halieutiques et Tiana Eva Razafindrakoto marines d’effectuer un transfert de gestion, ([email protected]) est Economiste des conformément à la loi GELOSE, afin de pro- Ressources Naturelles et Experte responsable de téger leurs acquis en terme de gestion dura- la communication sociale à SAGE ble. Des cas similaires se sont produits à dif- Fampandrosoana Maharitra (Service d’Appui à la férents endroits, comme sur les lacs Gestion de l’Environnement). d’Antsalova-Bemaraha et ceux d’Antsirabe, Références subissant l’afflux saisonnier de pêcheurs ANGAP (Association Nationale pour la Gestion des Aires venus d’ailleurs. Il est aussi intéressant de Protégées) et ONE (Office National de l’Environnement), Monographie Nationale sur la Biodiversité, Antananarivo, noter que ces « stratégies de protection » 1995. contre les migrants peuvent aussi cacher Le Roy E., A. Karsenty et A. Bertrand, la sécurisation foncière des intérêts personnels. Dans le Sud-Ouest, en Afrique, pour une gestion viable des ressources renou- velables, Karthala, Paris, 1996. les mpanarivo (notables villageois propriétai- Karsenty, A., « Entrer par l’outil, la loi ou les consensus res de grands troupeaux) défendent des locaux » p 46 – 53 in Lavigne Delville, P., Quelles politi- espaces forestiers des défrichements com- ques foncières pour l’Afrique rurale ? Réconcilier pratiques, légitimité et légalité, Karthala, Paris, 1998. mis par des migrants, mais aussi des Bertrand, A., « Gestion étatique ou gouvernance locale » p. autochtones, dans le seul but de se les 40 – 45 in Lavigne Delville, P., Quelles politiques foncières 8 pour l’Afrique rurale ? Réconcilier pratiques, légitimité et réserver comme pâturages. légalité, Karthala, Paris, 1998. Maldidier, C., « La décentralisation des ressources naturelles Les conventions sociales traditionnelles, renouvelables à Madagascar : les premiers enseignements sur le processus en cours », manuscript, 2000. même légitimes, ont leurs limites et ne per- Ramiarison, C., « Ranomafana – Ifanadiana, approche cultu- mettent pas de régler tous les problèmes. relle de la conservation », Recherches Interdisciplinaires, Revue Hanitry ny ala – ANGAP et colloque International Toutefois ce moyen, utilisé pour la conserva- d’Histoire du Centre Sud de Madagascar, 1995. tion et la gestion durables des ressources Razanabahiny, V., « Le dina, son opportunité ou non dans la naturelles à Madagascar, peut contribuer à conservation de la natures – cas de la réserve naturelle intégrale d’Andohahela » - Université d’Antananarivo – relever les défis actuels lancés au niveau Département EESDEGS, 19 international pour l’accroissement des espa- ces protégés auquel nous nous sommes Notes tous engagés, tant au Sommet Mondial sur 1 ANGAP et ONE, 1995. 2 Razanabahiny, 1995. le Développement Durable de Johannesburg, 3 Ramiarison, 1995. en 2002, qu’au Congrès Mondial sur les 4 Maldidier, 2000. Aires Protégées de Durban, l’année suivante. 5 Selon la Loi n° 96 025 portant sur la Gestion Locale Sécurisée (GELOSE) : le fokonolona est le nom donné à Plusieurs pays se sont fixés des objectifs une ou plusieurs communautés de personnes vivant dans similaires, et le Madagascar s’est engagé à une portion de territoire national appelée fokontany. Le fokonolona est doté de la personnalité morale (Art. 1°). Le tripler la superficie de ces Aires protégées, fokonolona est responsable de son fokontany. Il gère son avec la contribution de communautés loca- patrimoine. (Art. 7.). Sous réserve des dispositions législa- les responsables. tives contraires, le fokonolona règle l’administration et l’ex- ploitation des terres qu’il a mis en valeur. (Art. 10.). 6 Les mêmes pratiques se retrouvent en Afrique continen- tale dans les forums de régulation de l’accès aux ressour- Claudine Ramiarison ([email protected]) ces et pour le règlement des conflits de nature foncière est Docteur en Géographie Economique et Sociale (Le Roy, Karsenty et Bertrand, 1995). 7 Razafindrainibe H. et H. Rakotoarison, « Gestion commu- et Directrice Exécutive de SAGE Fampandrosoana nautaire, conservation et développement : le cas de Nosy Maharitra (Service d’Appui à la Gestion de Ve », communication à l’Académie Malgache, 2002 8 Maldidier, 2000.

248 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

Culte des ancêtres joro et sauvegarde des espèces menacées d’extinction à Madagascar

Lala Jean Rakotoniaina et Joanna Durbin

ancêtres/êtres humains (à la base). Ainsi, le Madagascar, grande île de l’Ouest de réveil de la conscience environnementale malgache, ancrée dans le fond de son être l’Océan Indien, est caractérisée par son taux (culte et croyance) peut aider dans la res- élevé de l’endémisme de sa biodiversité: ponsabilisation des communautés villageoi- 100% chez les primates (lémuriens), 93% ses à des buts de conservation. chez les reptiles, 52% chez les oiseaux et 85% pour les espèces végétales identifiées. Pour bien comprendre la communauté villa- L’hypothèse de son peuplement présume geoise, il est nécessaire de s’y intégrer pour que les ancêtres des Malgaches ont colonisé vivre cette culture donnant la priorité à la progressivement l’île depuis 2500 ans. Leurs nature, garant de sa subsistance. Nos expé- différentes origines asiatique, malayo-poly- riences nous nous démon- nésienne, africaine et européenne expliquent trent qu’il appartient aux …le culte joro serait la diversité de leurs cultures.1 Le rôle fonda- spécialistes de la conserva- un lieu de régula- mental que peuvent jouer le culte tradition- tion d’explorer, dans le tion de la nature— nel et les tabous pour la conservation sera joro, l’utilité de la trilogie « illustré ici par deux exemples, à propos du une considération créateur/esprit – nature - essentielle aussi Parc National de la Baie de Baly au nord- ancêtres/êtres humains » ouest de l’île, et du Lac Alaotra, à 250 km pour comprendre la com- dans les préoccupa- au nord-est de la capitale Antananarivo. munauté villageoise. Dans tions écologiques cette logique, « sauvegar- «modernes» Le culte traditionnel joro et sa « der la nature » signifie « mise en valeur » par un projet préserver les ancêtres ».4 La prière durant le environnemental joro, les contes, les légendes, les proverbes, Le joro ou soro, est la désignation générique décrivent cette ascendance spirituelle5 et des cultes comportant une offrande et un définissent l’être humain en fonction de l’es- sacrifice.2 Il s’agit d’un culte ancestral, prati- prit.6 Tout vient du créateur qui possède un que traditionnelle unique de tous les esprit matérialisé par la lumière, origine de Malgaches, qui explicite les liens entre la toutes les créatures dont le soleil (mâle) et nature, l’homme et la culture. Il est fondé la terre (femelle), époux et épouse,7 sont à sur la prière au ndranahary (créateur) et l’origine de la nature vivante. L’être humain, aux zanaharyi3 (esprits des ancêtres) pour conçu avec un esprit, en est le dernier-né. bénir une personne, une communauté ou Après sa mort, l’être humain remet sa vie une action. Le joro, de forme différente (sang et eau) et son corps (chair et os) à la selon les régions, exprime un même fond terre mère. Son esprit (lumière) revient au invariant de ralliement et de réconciliation. soleil père, devenu esprit ancestral, intermé- Les pratiques du joro dégagent la culture diaire des vivants au créateur. Ainsi on pour- traditionnelle malgache moulant une rait soutenir que, pour préserver la nature, croyance née à partir de la nature et conçue la culture traditionnelle l’humanise dans le pour entretenir la nature. Le joro conceptua- culte ancestral. Ou peut-être, plus que d’hu- lise le lien entre le créateur/esprit (au som- manisation de la nature il s’agit ici d’entre- met), la nature (au centre) et les tenir un des moyens par lequel le vivant

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 249 History, culture and conservation

entre en bonne relation avec les esprits de donnant la lumière, l’ancêtre d’en haut (le la nature. Dans cette perspective le culte soleil) et l’ancêtre d’en bas (la terre), toute joro serait un lieu de régulation de la la nature, origine de la vie humaine, et les nature. Cette considération est aussi essen- principaux ancêtres humains (les rois des tielle dans les préoccupations écologiques « anciennes royautés sakalava de l’ouest de Madagascar puis les chefs de clans de la zone). Cela renforçait l’objet du joro formulé par le conseil des sages de la zone et nous mêmes, en tant que spécialistes de la conservation, avons appelé et détaillé l’ur- gence de la préservation de la forêt restante dans la région et de la sauvegarde de la bio- diversité qu’elle héberge. Nous avons expli- qué que cela peut se faire par la population locale avec la collaboration de l’administra- tion et le partenariat des bienfaiteurs envi- ronnementaux. Le prêtre ordonna à la popu- lation locale de respecter les tabous, de bien Figure 1. Réunion villageoise nocturne à collaborer avec les Eaux et Forêts et d’aider Kasany (Baie de Baly, Nord-Ouest de l’équipe Projet Angonoka (nom local de la Madagascar) durant la fête de la tortue à tortue à soc ou tortue à éperon) à mener à soc. (Courtoisie Lala Jean Rakotoniaina) bien ces objectifs de conservation.

modernes ». L’approche de « conservation Le joro doany qu’on vient de décrire a été communautaire » du Durrell Wildlife organisé par dix villages riverains Conservation Trust (Madagascar)8 valorise le d’Antsokotsoko-Anjaha (région de Baie de lien entre ces valeurs culturelles et la sauve- Baly, Nord-Ouest de Madagascar), site natu- garde de la biodiversité. Voilà quelques rel de la tortue. Il a pu rassembler jusqu’à exemples de cette mise en valeur qui lie la trois cents personnes (hommes, femmes et conservation et la culture à travers le culte enfants). Des chercheurs et des chefs de de joro. service de la sous-préfecture de Soalala y ont participé. Après la cérémonie cultuelle, Le joro et la conservation de la tor- tout le monde a assisté à l’assemblée plé- tue nière, organisée sous un vieux tamarinier, place publique du village. Les hommes s’y La tortue à soc (Geochelone yniphora) est sont groupés en rond sur des nattes, les menacée d’extinction et ne se trouve qu’au- dirigeants traditionnels et officiels au pied du tour de la Baie de Baly, au nord-ouest de grand arbre au nord, les jeunes gens à l’est, Madagascar. Le joro doany (culte ancestral derrière eux les femmes et les enfants, à dans la case sacrée royale avec sacrifice de côté, accroupis au sud-ouest. La cuisson du zébu) du hameau de Maroleo, qui s’est tenu repas communautaire s’est faite près de tout le lundi de Pâques de l’année 1995 dans la cela par une dizaine de femmes pour le riz région de la Baie de Baly, illustre ce concept et par cinq jeunes gens pour la viande du cultuel pour la conservation de la nature. Le zébu du joro dans une grande marmite. De prêtre traditionnel, possédé par le tromba là, tout le monde a pu suivre la discussion. (esprit du roi défunt), menait la cérémonie. Les villageois qui participaient à la réunion Il priait le créateur de bénir l’assistance et ont profité de la présence des autorités dictait de nouvelles ordonnances. Il y évo- sous-préfectorales et communales pour dis- quait les ascendants humains : le créateur cuter leurs divers problèmes locaux. Le sujet

250 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

de la réunion ne pouvait pas être abordé par la commu- sans avoir consacré du temps à la résolution nauté. Le prix com- de ces problèmes. munautaire a été discuté en assem- L’organisation des réunions publiques villa- blée générale villa- geoises respecte l’ordre traditionnel spatial, geoise. Par exem- temporel et social, retrouvé durant le joro. ple, le prix du vil- L’animateur doit partager la parole, une fois lage d’Antranolava, libre, à chacun de différents groupes sociaux utilisateur du site participant à l’assemblée plénière. Ainsi, tout de Sada, fut un le monde peut prendre la parole dans ces puits. En contrepar- réunions, après les formules de politesse du tie, tous les ans, le discours classique des chefs lignagers. A village s’est engagé Maroleo, le chef de cantonnement des Eaux à entretenir les et Forêt a présidé la séance. Les auteurs de pare-feux. En effet, cet article ont assuré l’animation. Les nota- aux moindres inci- bles villageois ont orienté la discussion selon dents (par exemple les directives du joro. Les invités officiels ont incendies en 1996, Figure 2. Le tromba— prê- expliqué les mesures techniques, administra- 1998, 2000 ; tenta- tre traditionnel possédé par tives et légales. Des jeunes et des femmes tives de prélève- l’esprit du dernier roi de ont donné leurs avis. Trois décisions furent ment pour trafic de Baly— préside le culte finalement prises : tortue à soc en ancestral (joro) pour la demander à l’Etat de classer les forêts 2002, 2004) le vil- conservation de la tortue à primaires sèches de la région de Baie de lage porte secours soc et de son site naturel à Baly en « réserve » ; au parc. En plus, Karananjy (Baie de Baly, les chercheurs sur Nord-Ouest de Madagascar). y faire aménager des pare-feux par les cette espèce chélo- (Courtoisie Joanna Durbin). villages riverains utilisant des pratiques nienne sont bien traditionnelles de feux de contre-saison ; recueillis et intégrés dans les communautés et villageoises de la zone. organiser un concours environnemental entre les dix communautés locales util- Le joro et la conservation des zones isatrices des forêts. humides Le lac Alaotra, couvrant 20,000 ha au cen- En 1997, trois ans après cette cérémonie, le tre-est de Madagascar, est le plus grand de Parc National de la Baie de Baly a vu le jour, l’île et abrite encore deux espèces d’oiseaux s’étendant sur quelques 57,418 ha. Les menacées, le Grèbe de Alaotra (Tachybaptus pare-feux avait déjà été réalisés trois mois rufolavatus) et le Fuligule de Madagascar après la cérémonie. Le concours environne- (Aythya innotata). Le déboisement de son mental a été lancé durant toute l’année sui- bassin versant et les fortes pressions agrico- vante entre ces dix villages avec cinq critè- les (riziculture) ont fortement dégradé le res : réalisation de pare-feux, maîtrise de bassin versant et la survie même du lac est feux sauvages, reboisement individuel ou menacée par comblement. Les pêcheurs, collectif, nombre de permis de coupe offerts, majoritaires dans la population riveraine, taux de participation aux actions collectives. dépendent du lac et des marais. La produc- Ce concours est évalué par une équipe com- tion des poissons surexploités pendant plus posée du chef de cantonnement des Eaux et de vingt ans décroît en quantité et en qua- Forêts, d’un agent de l’ONG environnemen- lité. Le joro nous a offert aussi ici un fonde- tale régionale et de deux villageois désignés ment culturel à des diverses actions en

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 251 History, culture and conservation

faveur de la nature. le village. Le dernier concours annuel de suivi écologi- De 1996 à 2003, pour redresser la situation que (2000-2003), dans 16 sites clés autour critique du lac, nous avons travaillé avec les du Lac Alaotra a démontré le succès des communautés riveraines du lac et les autori- efforts: le brûlis des marais s’est réduit ; le tés locales des 71 villages, 133 écoles, 28 braconnage des lémuriens des marais est communes et deux sous-préfectures pour maîtrisé ; la production des poissons aug- organiser des concours d’animations par des mente chaque année ; le confort matériel fêtes (folklore villageois, théâtres scolaires) des pêcheurs vivant dans des paillotes, ; des ateliers villageois ou pédagogiques au cases en papy- niveau local, communautaire ou régional ; rus, s’amé- la création d’associations statutaires ou des liore, et cer- groupements villageois ; des actions envi- tains arrivent ronnementales ou de développement liées à à construire la conservation et un suivi écologique. des maisons Chaque région a sa propre culture qui cor- en briques cui- respond à un milieu naturel spécifique. Le tes ; dix com- plus simple en est le joro toaka (culte munautés vil- ancestral avec boisson alcoolique), réalisable lageoises rive- partout et n’importe quand. Nous avons raines du lac souvent promu le joro toaka à propos de la ont obtenu un conservation des marais et de leur biodiver- transfert offi- sité, et cela a ritualisé des initiatives socio- ciel de gestion économiques et écologiques. des marais ; le groupement Devant la détermination de la population de pêcheurs locale pour la conservation des marais, nous de chaque vil- avons pu trouver un finance- lage arrive à Nous avons sou- ment pour plus d’une cen- appliquer sa taine de microprojets com- convention vent promu le joro Figure 3. Culte ancestral (joro) munautaires villageoises ou locale de ges- toaka à propos de pour la conservation des marais scolaires entre 1997 et 2001 tion de la la conservation des et de la vie aquatique du lac axés sur la lutte contre la pêche ; marais et de leur Alaotra (Courtoisie Lala Jean pauvreté rurale. La réparti- depuis 1999, Rakotoniaina). biodiversité, et cela tion de cette aide financière le Service a ritualisé des ini- s’est faite par concours d’ac- Halieutique parvient à maintenir la ferme- tiatives socio-ééco- tions environnementales ture saisonnière de la pêche selon la nomiques et écolo- organisées entre une dizaine convention régionale (dina), ce qui a été giques. de villages ou d’écoles par impossible en 1997 ; le zonage (lac, marais, an. Les prix ont varié de rizières, basins versants) de ce site Ramsar 100% du financement du projet choisi pour pour son futur plan de gestion est concerté le premier à 25% pour le dernier. Le premier au niveau régional ; les associations envi- prix a été un puits et le dernier une grande ronnementales s’organisent en unions inter- marmite. Il est intéressant de remarquer communales, en tant que sociétés civiles ; que, souvent, la valeur d’usage culturel y est les radios locales font des émissions périodi- venue avant la valeur commerciale. Une ques sur la conservation des marais et du grande marmite pour le repas communau- lac ; la sensibilisation permanente sur la taire entretenant la cohésion sociale a conservation des marais engagée depuis autant de valeur qu’un puits utile pour tout 1996 y est reprise et renforcée par les dis-

252 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

cours du Président de la République visitant sentimental »10, prévoit davantage l’utilité la région depuis 2001. En couronnement de culturelle (enterrement, exhumation, joro) tout cela, en 2003 le lac et son bassin ver- que la nécessité économique. Dans la tradi- sant, au total 722,000 ha, ont été classés en tion malgache, les fady « tabous » et les tant que troisième site Ramsar de dina « conventions locales »11 règlemen- Madagascar. tent l’accès humain à la nature, mère nourri- cière, en relation avec le joro. La pêche tra- Pour concrétiser la sauvegarde du hapalé- ditionnelle en fournit quelques exemples. Le mur d’Alaotra—Hapalemur griseus alaotren- filet était tabou pour les lacs. La saison sis, un lémurien vivant dans les marais et taboue correspondait à la période de ponte endémique au Lac Alaotra—le Projet Alaotra des poissons, son ouverture nécessitait un a été mis en place pour intégrer la conser- joro omby (culte ancestral avec sacrifice de vation et la lutte contre la pauvreté rurale. zébu) au commencement de la saison Ses objectifs visent la gestion rationnelle des sèche. En fonction de la gravité de l’infra- ressources naturelles des zones humides ction, le délinquant transgressant les fady et d’Alaotra et le maintien des conditions écolo- les dina était puni par des amendes allant giques pour la bonne productivité de la du simple avertissement verbal jusqu’à son région et la survie de sa biodiversité. Pour expulsion hors mener à bien sa réalisation, une équipe de la commu- consensuelle constituée de sept personnes nauté. Pour se comprend : un coordinateur du projet, deux purifier, il responsables de cellules environnementales devait faire un de circonscriptions scolaires, deux agents du joro omby avec service forestier et deux de l’halieutique. Elle un repas com- choisit les villages à sensibiliser, encadre munautaire ser- leurs ateliers d’organisation, supervise leurs vant la viande. réalisations collectives liées à la conservation et fait intervenir même la répression, La plupart de secours demandé par les associations contre ces pratiques des délinquants (braconniers, brûleurs de sociales tradi- marais, pêcheurs durant la période de fer- tionnelles sont meture). encore vécues dans le monde Culte traditionnel joro et actions de rural à conservation. Madagascar et A Madagascar, 75% de la population vit restent confor- mes aux exi- Figure 4. Culte ancestral (joro dans le monde rural9 et la communauté vil- toaka, utilisant la boisson alcooli- lageoise malgache dépend de la nature, des gences de la conservation. que) pour la conservation du forêts et des zones humides pour leur sub- lémurien des marais et du site sistance (pêche, chasse, cueillette, rizicul- D’autre part, leur mise en naturel lacustre d’Alaotra ture et élevage de zébu). (Centre-Est de Madagascar.) Traditionnellement, elle est gérée par le valeur pour la conservation de (Courtoisie Lala Jean consensus du conseil de dirigeants de seg- Rakotoniaina) ments de lignages, prêtres du joro. Le la biodiversité Malgache rural vit dans un environnement nécessite par- naturel dominé par la tradition. Il est sou- fois une « actualisation », spécialement s’il vent beaucoup plus ému par le culturel que s’agit d’appliquer des lois étatiques. La par le matériel. L’élevage du zébu, dit « conservation communautaire s’inspirant des valeurs ancestrales obtient l’adhésion volon-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 253 History, culture and conservation

taire des villageois. Si la conservation « éta- valeur politique dans le joro. Le terroir tique » veut promouvoir des visions, des ancestral matérialisait l’ensemble de la normes, des techniques et des comporte- nature nécessaire pour la subsistance de la ments extérieurs à ces valeurs, il faudra communauté villageoise et conservait toutes d’abord instaurer un dialogue pour établir les valeurs culturelles et sociales tradition- des liens entre le « culturel » et le « social nelles. Devenu terre royale à l’époque ». Dans d’autres mots, plusieurs communau- monarchique (1500-1896) et propriété tés supportent sans critique le poids d’un domaniale depuis l’ère coloniale (1896- tabou et de la convention locale (le culturel) 1960), il a ainsi changé de détenteur (le roi qui leur semble naturel, mais suivre une loi puis l’Etat) et de statut et donc a perdu tou- (le social) leur paraît difficile. Ainsi, pour tes ses valeurs communautaires antérieures. faciliter le respect de la législation en Seule la pratique du joro il y a persisté. vigueur, les associations villageoises ont Dépossédée, la communauté est restée sim- besoin de formuler, par leurs membres et ple utilisatrice des ressources naturelles (des pour leurs membres, des dina— mesures terres, des forêts, des marais et des lacs). locales d’application de ces lois. Le villageois doit payer un permis du droit d’usage pour les ressources forestières et de Nous avons trouvé que le joro favorise la l’impôt pour la terre. La contestation passive sensibilisation et l’organisation de masse des autochtones contre ce changement du « pour des actions environnementales. Sa pré- statut foncier » s’est souvent exprimée par paration permet aux villageois de concevoir des feux de brousse, d’auteurs inconnus, eux-mêmes et de réaliser ensemble des pro- qualifiées de « feux sauvages », Ces feux jets liant la culture, l’environnement et l’éco- sauvages dévastent, à chaque saison sèche, nomie. Ces projets sont « comme la forêt » les savanes, les forêts et qui à la fois conserve les tombeaux, cache l’environnement rural. Au Le joro offre une les zébus, héberge la biodiversité et retient nom de la cohésion sociale, occasion d’entrete- l’eau pour les rizières ou « comme les même au prix d’amendes nir des importants marais », qui fournissent des plantes médi- collectives, personne n’ose liens sociaux (réu- cinales, des matières premières pour l’artisa- les dénoncer. Le changement nions de la com- nat féminin et la construction des cases, historique du statut foncier a régularisent l’eau du lac, et donnent aux désengagé la communauté munauté, discus- poissons des refuges pour s’y nourrir, s’y villageoise de la responsabi- sion d’initiatives engraisser et s’y reproduire. La cohésion des lité envers cet espace villa- communes, rituali- membres d’une communauté villageoise geois et même envers la sation des déci- ritualisée par le joro est entretenue par des nature qu’il renferme. sions, etc.). fêtes traditionnelles, des repas communau- taires, des réunions villageoises sur la place Pour éviter la continuation de ces dégâts, la publique, de leur union dans des associa- conservation communautaire peut apporter tions organisées pour des travaux collectifs, une réconciliation. Elle se base sur le trans- sociaux, économiques ou environnementaux. fert de gestion des ressources naturelles Le joro est, avant tout, une négociation col- venant de l’état vers la communauté villa- lective avec les esprits ancestraux et de la geoise. Un contrat écrit entre ces deux par- nature, mais il offre aussi une occasion d’en- ties définit les clauses à respecter par l’un et tretenir des importants liens sociaux (réu- par l’autre. La communauté, utilisatrice des nions de la communauté, discussion d’initia- ressources naturelles d’un site, en devient tives communes, ritualisation des décisions, gestionnaire. L’état, qui reste détenteur de etc.). la propriété domaniale, supervise cette ges- tion selon la loi. L’administration, les techni- Il y a, aussi, d’autre part, une certaine ciens et les ONG peuvent porter un appui.

254 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 A “cultural approach” to conservation?

Et le transfert de cette gestion peut être Joanna Durbin ([email protected]) est ritualisé par le joro. Nous avons travaillé Directeur du Programme à Madagascar de Durrell avec cette approche de conservation com- Wildlife Conservation Trust (DW). Spécialiste de la munautaire selon plusieurs étapes: conservation à Madagascar depuis 1988, elle sou- sensibilisation de la communauté villa- tient les projets sur le terrain et coordonne les geoise sur l’urgence de la conservation actions de DW avec les Ministères malgaches et par des pratiques rituelles liées à l’envi- les organisations internationales intéressés à la ronnement (joro); conservation à Madagascar. Elle est membre du CEESP/CMWG. conscientisation de ses membres dynamiques afin qu’ils prennent des responsabilités; References Beaujard, P., Mythe et Société à Madagascar (Tanala organisation en associations statutaires d’Ikongo), L’Harmattan, Paris, 1991. Banque Mondiale, Madagascar Rural and Environment Sector dans des ateliers villageois; Review, Report No 26106-MG, p. 10, 2003. Dahl, O.C., Contes Malgaches en dialecte sakalava (textes, formalisation des accords en dina (con- traduction, grammaire et lexique), Universitet Forlaget, ventions locales) pour la gestion durable Oslo, 1968. des ressources naturelles sur lesquelles la Dahl, O.C., Croyances et Mœurs des Malgaches, Fascicule 2, Trano Printy Loterana, Imprimerie Luthérienne, communauté veut prendre la responsabil- Antananarivo, 1977. ité de gestion; et enfin Dina, J., “The Hazomanga among the Masikoro”, Ethnohistory, 48 (1-2):13-30, 2001. passage du temps pour que les commu- Durbin, J., K. Bernard and M. Fenn, “The Role of Socio-eco- nomic Factors in loss of Malagasy Biodiversity”, pp. 142- nautés se prennent en charge pour val- 146 in Goodman, S.M. and J. P. Beanstead (eds.), The oriser leur culture et assurer leur subsis- Natural History of Madagascar, University Chicago Press, tance. Chicago (Illinois, USA), 2003. Estrade, J.M., Aïna – La Vie, Mission, Culture et Développement à Madagascar, L’Harmattan, Paris, 1997. Depuis les deux dernières décennies, la Hackel, J. D., “Community Conservation and the Future of Africa’s Conservation”, Conservation Biology, 13 (4), 1999. conscience environnementale malgache a Jenkins, M. D., Madagascar, Profil de l’Environnement, resurgi avec le mouvement écologique mon- UICN/PNUE/WWF, Gland (Suisse) et Cambridge (Royaume- dial et la sauvegarde de la biodiversité in Uni) 1990. Munthe, L., La Tradition Arabico-Malgache, T.P.L. situ par les communautés villageoises, ges- Antananarivo, 1982. tionnaires des ressources naturelles selon à Mustchler, T. et A.T.C. Feistner, “Conservation status and dis- tribution of the Alaotran gentle lemur Hapalemur griseus la fois leurs lois coutumières et modernes. alaotrensis”, Oryx 29:267-274, 1995. Le joro, un instrument culturel traditionnel, Rakotomalala, M., S. Blanchy et F. Raison-Jourde, Madagascar raffermit les liens spirituels unissant les : les Ancêtres au Quotidien membres d’une communauté villageoise à leur terroir et la capacité de la communauté Notes 1 Jenkins, 1990. d’achever des tâches collectives. Il joue ainsi 2 Dina, 2001 ; Rakotomalala et al., 2001. un rôle important et très positif dans les ini- 3 Munthe, 1982. PAGE : 1 tiatives de conservation. Les zanahary sont souvent pris dans la catégorie des esprits royaux et princiers. À souligner que le « dieu Lala Jean Rakotoniaina ([email protected]) créateur » est également nommé zanahary en fonction des régions. est sociologue et Coordonnateur de la 4 Durbin, et al, 2003. Conservation Communautaire du Durrell Wildlife 5 Dahl-Otto, 1968; Beaujard, 1991. Conservation Trust (Madagascar). Il assure l’inté- 6 Estrade, 1997. gration des communautés villageoises malgaches 7 Dahl-Otto, 1968. 8 Durbin, et al, 2003 ; Hackel, 1999. dans la sauvegarde des espèces menacées d’ex- 9 Banque Mondiale, 2003. tinction des sites naturels de leur terroir et aux 10 Jenkins, 1990. réalisations des micro-projets de développement 11 Durbin, et al., 2003 villageois. Il est membre du CEESP pour le CMWG et le SLWG.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 255 History, culture and conservation

Conservation and the “two cultures”— bridging the gap Luisa Maffi

Abstract: This paper reviews some of the controversial history of and current debates on the relationship between conservation and culture. It points to the persisting gap between the natural and social sciences in this domain and to the challenges that are left unmet by this gap. The paper offers some reflections about how to overcome the gap, by proposing a more integrative notion of “conservation” and outlining the main features of the emerging field of biocultural diversity, in both research and practice. It concludes with a call for action for those involved or interested in conservation work from a biocultural perspective.

Conversely, anthropologists and social-sci- Historically, the nexus between the con- ence-oriented researchers have stressed precisely the Over the past two cepts of “conservation” and “culture” has cultural nature of the inter- decades a signifi- been a complex and problematic one, in actions between humans cant disconnect has both theory and practice. Conservationists and the environment, the have often balked at the idea of ecosystems become apparent vast diversity of these inter- as “humans-in” systems, that is, systems between biological actions, and the ways in that have been shaped over time not just and socio-ccultural which they are reflected in by “natural” evolutionary processes, but approaches to conser- and supported by local lan- also by humans’ cultural interactions with vation… somewhat guages, traditional knowl- 1 their surrounds. That perspective intro- edge, and cultural and spiri- reminiscent of the duces inherent, multi-faceted complexities tual values.3 Research in gap that C.P. Snow that conservationists have tended to be this domain has explored famously identified reluctant to engage with. It has been com- numerous instances in between the “two cul- mon for conservationists to seek to define which these interactions, tures” of science and and analyze ecosystems and ecosystem maintained over long peri- the arts processes independent of human presence, ods of time, have not been or to seek to extrapolate from present con- destructive— on the contrary, they ditions of ecosystems to conditions prior to appeared to sustain biological diversity, human presence and significant interaction while modifying the environment in often with the environment (what could be subtle ways not unlike “natural” processes.4 defined as a “humans-out” approach). Such It has examined the role of humans as bio- idealised conditions have been used as diversity-enhancing “agents of creative eco- benchmarks for the development of conser- logical disturbance”5 and highlighted the vation visions and for measuring success in mutual links between the vitality, productivi- reaching conservation targets. In terms of ty and resilience of ecosystems and those of humans’ relationships with nature, conser- 6 vationists have frequently preferred to point human communities. Critiques of the at the negative side of the picture— that is, “humans-out” approach to conservation human-made environmental degradation, have been common in this body of litera- 7 and the perceived failure of “sustainable ture. development” schemes; and these views have also affected thinking in relation to Culture and conservation: ongoing parks and protected areas. 2 debates, unmet challenges Except for a few inherently integrative fields

256 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

such as ethnobiology, traditional ecological material, cultural, and spiritual links with knowledge, and ecosystem health, so far the environment.12 But nearly as detrimen- the natural and social sciences have by and tal to them may be being hailed as “stew- large failed to engage in a truly in-depth ards of nature” with the attached miscon- and constructive dialogue around conserva- strued expectations that they should behave tion issues— a dialogue that would be con- like frozen museum specimens— thus com- ducive to the development of a common promising their right and ability to adapt language and a common ground for both and develop in response to changing cir- research and action. More typical are cumstances.13 This is certainly not to say debates such as the one that flared up that examples of indigenous peoples and recently on the pages of Conservation conservationists working Biology.8 Another significant example is a together for the conser- Converging with the symposium organised by anthropologists at vation of biodiversity and ecological extinction the 2002 annual meeting of the Society for protected areas are lack- crisis, the planet has Conservation Biology. Although the sympo- ing.14 Yet, when indige- been experiencing a sium was titled “Integrating People and nous and minority groups severe erosion of the Conservation— Interdisciplinary have adopted the lan- diversity of human Approaches”, most of the presenters were guage of stewardship in cultures and lan- from the social and environmental sciences, an effort to defend them- guages, reducing the with no “hard core” conservation biologists selves from exclusionary pool of knowledge, involved. practices, they have behaviors, and values sometimes been charged Indeed, over the past two decades a signifi- with engaging in “ecopol- from which individual cant disconnect has become apparent itics” and “strategic communities and between biological and socio-cultural essentialism”.15 humanity at large can approaches to conservation, a disconnect draw to respond to that is somewhat reminiscent of the gap Meanwhile, many gov- social and environ- that C.P. Snow famously identified between ernments around the mental stresses the “two cultures” of science and the arts.9 world have continued to At one end, social scientists have critiqued turn blind eyes and deaf ears onto matters conservationists for seeing “pristine environ- of environmental as well as cultural protec- ments” and “wildernesses” where in reality tion. Industrialists and developers have kept they were confronted with cultural land- promoting unsustainable practices of land scapes.10 At the other end, conservationists and resource use, predicated on the grow- have portrayed social scientists as starry- ing dominance of societal models of afflu- eyed adepts of the myth of the “ecologically ence and over-consumption. And interna- noble savage” living in idealised balance tional organisations and NGOs have been with nature.11 striving to uphold the ideals of sustainable development formulated in the early In the midst of such debates, indigenous 1990s— the quest for balance among the peoples, minorities, and other local commu- three “pillars” of environment, society, and nities dwelling in areas of significance for economy and the concern for fulfilling the conservation have often been confronted needs of present generations without com- with unsavoury prospects. In many cases, promising the prospects of generations to they faced restriction in the use of natural come. Mounting global pressure, however, resources and even forcible exclusion from has taken aim at the sustainable develop- their lands under charges of being destruc- ment agenda and shaken its foundations. tive interlopers— thus losing their vital From resting evenly on the three “pillars”,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 257 History, culture and conservation

that agenda has been pushed toward per- ilously balancing on only one, economy— yielding to top-down, short-term, unsus- tainable “development as usual”.16

The ravaging of ecosystems and their life- giving functions has thus continued steadi- ly.17 Converging with the ecological extinc- tion crisis, the planet has been experienc- ing a severe erosion of the diversity of human cultures and languages, reducing the pool of knowledge, behaviours and val- ues from which individual communities and humanity at large can draw to respond to social and environmental stresses.18 The loss of “vital signs” at the level of ecosys- tems negatively affects the vitality of human communities (and vice versa), in a downward spiral of dysfunction and dis- tress.19

Preservation, conservation, and beyond Closing the existing gap between the “two Figure 1. “Preserving” languages. (Courtesy © cultures” of the natural and social sciences Robert L. Humphrey. Previously published in on issues of conservation is far more than AnthroNotes 23(2), Fall 2002, p. 13.) a matter of semantics. Nevertheless, it may be useful to take a look at how the salmon in cans.”20 concept of “conservation” is commonly interpreted and to consider some alternative However, conservation does not have to interpretations. Often, “conservation” is mean putting either humans or the environ- understood as (and appears indistinguish- ment in “jars” or “cans”. As Aldo Leopold, able in its practice from) “preservation”. an early pioneer of the environmental That is, it is thought of as referring to movement, put it, conservation is about something that needs to be how to humanly occupy the land without From a Tlingit carefully set aside and sub- rendering it dysfunctional for future genera- (Canadian First jected to special treatment tions. The way Leopold saw it, conservation Nations) perspec- for only limited, controlled is “a positive exercise of skill and insight, tive: “Preservation future use. Whether applied not merely a negative exercise of absti- 21 [...] is what we do to nature or culture, this nence or caution”. Leopold “insisted that preservationist approach to berries in jam conservation means more than simply pre- tends to elicit strong reac- serving what has not yet been spoiled; it jars and salmon tions in the people affected means reversing the history of abuse, using in cans.” by its application. Witness the ecological principles to harness nature’s own following vivid example, pre- powers of recovery.”22 sented from a Tlingit (Canadian First Nations) perspective: “Preservation [...] is Adopting and extending this definition of what we do to berries in jam jars and conservation might help bridge the gap

258 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

between the “two cultures” of conservation- such as IUCN’s Caring for the Earth24 and ists and social scientists those ensuing from the 1992 Rio Summit The way Leopold saw concerning environmental (Rio Declaration, Agenda 21, Convention on it, conservation is “a issues. On the one hand, Biological Diversity), sees the diversity of positive exercise of Leopold’s concern for cultures and languages as facets of the skill and insight, not ensuring that the land is diversity of life on earth, along with biodi- merely a negative both used and not ren- versity. It argues that the world’s richness exercise of abstinence dered dysfunctional for of cultures and languages should be under- or caution” future generations, as well stood as an intrinsic component of the glob- as his focus on an active al human-environment complex. It also pro- infusion of “skill and insight” rather than poses that this richness arises as the prod- mere negative “abstinence and caution”, uct of millennia of symbiotic, quasi-co-evo- provide a perspective that is germane to the lutionary relationships of human communi- original ideals of sustainable development. ties with their surrounds— humans depend- This perspective also seems more in tune ing on the environment for their survival with indigenous notions of relationships with while modifying it in the course of adapta- the environment than the “berries-in-jars- tion. and-salmon-in-cans” preservationism. In particular, it resonates with certain indige- Seen this way, cultures and languages are nous concepts and values, such as the at one and the same time essential ele- Native American and First Nation principle ments of what it means to be human, and that the actions of present generations must an essential tool for humans’ interactions take into account the consequences for with nature. For this cultural and linguistic seven generations to come. richness to continue to thrive and to be in a mutually supportive relation with the diver- On the other hand, for present purposes it sity of the natural world, traditional knowl- might be fruitful to extend Leopold’s active, edge and linguistic competence must con- humans-in approach to conservation beyond tinue to be transferred from one generation its original intended scope, to holistically to the next within each of the world’s encompass the maintenance and restoration diverse human communities, thus ensuring of cultural traditions and languages. This a healthy, dynamic, and would lead to recognizing both the diversity productive link between ...linguistic and bio- 25 of ecological knowledge that could be used the past and the future. logical diversity are to “harness nature’s own powers of recov- Maintaining and restoring spatially related, ery”, and the importance (for conservation cultural and linguistic diver- as well as for human rights!) of “reversing sity then becomes an with the highest over- the history of abuse” that has affected not intrinsic part of the work of laps in the tropics, only the world’s ecosystems, but also the conservation— if the latter and particularly in world’s indigenous and minority peoples and is understood in the the Amazon Basin, other local communities in relation to access extended Leopoldian sense Central Africa, and to and use of their lands and territories. proposed above. Indomalaysia/Melan esia Biocultural diversity: an emerging The foundational work in synthesis the field of biocultural diversity has looked Such a holistic approach is enshrined in the at the relationships between biodiversity emerging field of biocultural diversity.23 This and cultural-linguistic diversity on a global perspective, which has some of its scale, in particular by cross-mapping the antecedents in international documents worldwide distributions of these diversities

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 259 History, culture and conservation

and analyzing the overlaps. Whether by these relationships by means of integrated looking at the coincidence of “megadiverse biocultural indexes.32 Just as biodiversity is countries” for both species and language measured in a variety of ways, the goal richness,26 or showing the concentration of here is to begin to reflect more of the com- high linguistic diversity in WWF’s “Global plexity of the “culture” concept and to com- 200” priority ecoregions,27 or going beyond bine all these measures in order to gauge the boundaries of both countries and eco- the state of biocultural diversity worldwide. regions and concentrating on the distribu- tion of languages in “plant diversity So far, available data have only allowed rep- zones”,28 these studies have clearly illustrat- resenting the current state of biocultural ed a basic point: linguistic and biological diversity. An important future aim of such diversity are spatially related, with the high- analyses is to move beyond static represen- est overlaps in the tropics, and particularly tations, through the elaboration of time- in the Amazon Basin, Central Africa, and series data that will provide a picture of his- Indomalaysia/Melanesia.29 GIS (Global toric trends in biocultural diversity. The Information Systems) technology has future development of these analyses will emerged as a useful tool not only to devel- also greatly benefit from the incorporation op the mappings, but also, and above all, to of other key indicators of cultural diversity. test hypotheses and begin to address issues Especially relevant among these will be of correlation and mutual influence concern- quantitative measures of persistence and ing the nature of these overlaps.30 Figure 2 loss of traditional ecological knowledge, (reproduced in colour on the back cover of such as ethnobiologists have begun to this journal), is one example of the use of devise.33 GIS in mapping biocultural diversity. Biocultural diversity in internation- In this work, linguistic diversity (the rich- al policy ness of distinct languages spoken on earth, Global cross-mappings and analyses of bio- approximately 6,800 Global cross-mmap- logical and linguistic diversity are powerful today) is commonly used in illustrating at a glance the biocultural pings and analyses as representative of cul- of biological and lin- diversity concepts, and global biocultural tural diversity. Although in indexes can significantly aid the overall guistic diversity can many cases there is no assessment and monitoring of biocultural and should be incor- one-to-one correspon- diversity. Both kinds of tools can and should porated in the mak- dence between languages be incorporated in the making of national ing of national and and ethnic groups, there and international policies concerned with international policies is general agreement that conservation and sustainable development concerned with con- languages are a valid and with the links between environmental servation and sus- proxy for cultural diversity, and societal goals. There are signs of move- as they tend to constitute tainable development ment in that direction. In the case of the a strong marker of cultural implementation of the Convention on and with the links identity.31 More recent between environmen- Biological Diversity (CBD), recent CBD direc- biocultural work has tives have specifically identified the mainte- tal and societal goals. begun to incorporate nance of diversity of indigenous and local other indicators of cultural diversity, such as communities as an intrinsic part of the goal richness of ethnic groups and religions, in of reducing global biodiversity loss, and the attempt to develop more sophisticated called for indicators of the status and trends analyses of the relationships between bio- of cultural diversity (and particularly of tra- logical and cultural diversity and to quantify ditional knowledge and practices). The

260 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

Durban Accord issued at the 2003 World and present-day, between humans and the Parks Congress celebrated “the miracle of environment in this ecoregion, paying spe- the diversity of nature and of cultures that cial attention to the role of traditional possess the wealth, the wisdom and knowl- knowledge and languages in shaping and edge to enable conservation and sustainable sustaining this relationship. This work also use”, noted the profound transformations provides a preliminary assessment of the causing loss of both biological and cultural current state of the Plateau’s climatic, geo- diversity, and urged commitment to morphological, hydrological, biological, eth- strengthen protected areas worldwide based nolinguistic, and agricultural diversity. It on threats to both natural and cultural her- identifies trends in these diversities and itage. Within IUCN, the Commission on some of the main threats that are affecting Environmental, Economic, and Social Policy them, and envisions future prospects if such (CEESP)’s proposed 2005-2008 programme trends and threats continue. It further seeks includes a Culture and Conservation theme to outline suitable response options to that aims, among other things, to improve counteract and, if possible, reverse negative “knowledge, policy, and practice linking cul- trends in the region’s biocultural diversity. tural and biological diversity and their com- mon threats and strengthening opportuni- More such context-specific studies are need- ties”.34 The topic of biocultural diversity will ed in order to refine our understanding of also be addressed at the World human-environment ecosystems from a bio- Conservation Congress in November 2004. cultural perspective, and to flesh out the policy and implementation frameworks Clearly, the ongoing global work in the field required to foster biocultural diversity con- of biocultural diversity is well poised to servation regionally. Meanwhile, there is engage with the international policy arena. much to be learned from the many grass- On the other hand, only “zooming in” on roots efforts already underway throughout given sub-global geographical areas with a the world. While these local-level initiatives biocultural lens can allow for in-depth and may or may not conceptualise themselves comprehensive analyses and for the imple- as “biocultural” in nature, they are often so mentation of specific local, regional, or in practice. In ingenious and creative ways national plans for biocultural diversity con- they manage to maintain, protect, and servation. Studies are beginning to be restore the links between language, knowl- developed that seek to analyze given areas edge, and the environment in an integrated as “biocultural ecoregions”—that is, areas way. For local communities, those links are whose makeup is explicitly recognised as not a matter of scientific discovery. They being shaped by the mutual interactions are a matter of everyday, lived experience. between humans and the environment over time. In the Sierra Tarahumara mountains of northern Mexico, the Rarámuri people, one Biocultural diversity in practice of the most resilient indigenous groups of One such example is a study focusing on North America, are struggling to maintain the Colorado Plateau of the US Southwest, their ecosystem-based livelihoods and their one of North America’s most bioculturally cultural integrity in the face of external and diverse ecoregions.35 This study synthesises local forces that are degrading the environ- and integrates for the first time a wide ment, affecting their way of life, and alien- range of data on the natural and cultural ating the younger generations. They have makeup of the Colorado Plateau. It brings focused on the creation of a complementary out the close relationship, both historical education initiative, for both students and

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 261 History, culture and conservation

To ensure that the community members at the economic and social renewal of their youth continue to large.36 The aim of this community.37 The Pikangikum people have stay in place and to initiative is to elaborate a the highest rate of indigenous language embrace their indige- general education curricu- retention in Northern Ontario and a strong nous identity, values, lum based on Rarámuri as attachment to their traditional territory. To and language, the well as local Mestizo world ensure that the youth continue to stay in views, knowledge, and place and to embrace their indigenous iden- Pikangikum elders values, to foster the main- tity, values, and language, the Pikangikum are guiding the devel- tenance of the Rarámuri elders are guiding the development of new opment of new forest- language and cultural tra- forest-based livelihood opportunities for the based livelihood oppor- ditions, and to promote youth, in a context in which the communi- tunities for the youth, intercultural understand- ty’s knowledge traditions, language, and in a context in which ing. Community activities stewardship values play a leading role. In the community’s to restore the health of this initiative, the maintenance of forest knowledge traditions, the local environment are cover and biodiversity is explicitly linked to language, and stew- also part of the initiative. the maintenance of the indigenous lan- ardship values play a In this effort, the guage, culture, and knowledge tradition. Rarámuri are actively inte- leading role. grating the elders’ tradi- In the East Kimberley region of Western tional ecological knowl- Australia, the Jaru people’s elders have edge, expressed in their native language, been actively recording stories about people with the expertise of outside researchers. and place.38 Connecting people to place through stories lies at the root of aboriginal identity. People are considered a part of the landscape, and the landscape provides the material, spiritual, and ethical connection between past and future generations. It embodies the essence of the Aboriginal code for how to live properly, known as the “Dreaming”. This code is “writ- ten” on the land through sto- ries linked to places and to peoples’ historical relationships with those places and the plants and animals found there- in. Jaru elders are also putting together a book about plants Figure 3. Rarámuri authorities discussing project plans with and animals found in Jaru visiting researchers in the Sierra Tarahumara of northern country, with their indigenous Mexico. (Courtesy ©David Rapport) names and uses, in the effort to transmit this knowledge, and the language in which it is encoded, to their In Canada, the Pikangikum (Ojibway) First children. The elders recognise that the wel- Nation of northwestern Ontario has devel- fare of their communities depends on the oped the Whitefeather Forest Initiative for relationship between people and the envi-

262 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

ronment, and that language is the key vehi- with their habitat, rekindle their indigenous cle for conveying the aboriginal ethic of car- traditions of environmental management ing for the land. and use of wild foods and medicinal plants, document and disseminate their envi- ronmental lore, and benefit from bilin- gual education opportunities in both the Wanniyalaeto and the Sinhala lan- guages.

Documenting and promoting biocultural diversity Examples of grassroots initiatives like these could be multiplied manifold. Each and all of them provide signifi- cant insights into an integrated approach to the maintenance and restoration of biological, cultural, and linguistic diversity— an approach that, by and large, still eludes larger-scale, Figure 4. Barbara Sturt, a Jaru woman from the top-down approaches to environmental Kimberley, Western Australia, telling about her great- as well as cultural conservation. grandmother’s “stories about place” to linguist Joseph Making these experiences and the les- Blythe. Courtesy © Janelle White). sons that can be drawn from them more widely known to a larger audi- ence might help promote this integrated The Wanniyalaeto (Veddas), Sri Lanka’s approach beyond the local level and make it indigenous ‘first people’, who have inhabited more accepted, indeed desirable, also for the island’s semi-evergreen monsoon dry governmental, non-governmental, academic, forest for millennia, are facing serious chal- and other institutions at national and inter- lenges to their livelihoods and cultural sur- national levels. A project developed by 39 vival. Development activities have drasti- Terralingua, an international non-profit cally reduced their traditional forest habitat, organisation devoted to researching and displaced many Wanniyalaeto from the for- promoting biocultural diversity,40 seeks to est, disrupted their social cohesion, and do just that. Terralingua is compiling materi- forced the assimilation of many of them. als for a “Global Source Book on Biocultural Many, however, have chosen to return to Diversity” (see Box 1), which is meant to their ancestral territories and, with the help provide the field of biocultural diversity with of an international NGO, are developing a its first global source of information. plan to protect and maintain both the local biodiversity and their indigenous culture in The ultimate goal of this effort is to create a an integrated fashion. The plan will allow world-wide network of like-minded organi- Wanniyalaeto families to return to live in sations and individuals that, together, can and manage their ancestral habitat, creating better work to define, accomplish, and pro- a sanctuary both for the local flora and mote the goals of biocultural diversity pro- fauna and for Wanniyalaeto culture. In this tection, maintenance, and revitalisation, to sanctuary, the Wanniyalaeto will recover the benefit of each and all. Forming a com- self-reliance, self-respect, and social cohe- mon front should help raise the visibility and sion, re-establish their holistic relationship acceptability of the concept and practice of

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 263 History, culture and conservation

biocultural diversity conservation vis-à-vis “culture” and “conservation”. The continuity policy makers, donors, the media, and the of life on earth, and the attainment of gen- general public. And through this process, uine human well being with equality and hopefully the idea of biocultural diversity justice, wholly depend on a sea change will also begin to take root in academic from the prevailing disconnected views of institutions, leading to educational and nature and culture toward a fully integrated research programs that will form a new “humans-in” perspective. The concept of generation of integrative-thinking, trans-dis- biocultural diversity is essential to take such ciplinary scholars and practitioners, who will perspective from theory to action. be better able to bridge the gap between

Box 1. Call for Contributions to a Global Source Book on Biocultural Diversity

Terralingua would like to collaborate with practitioners of biocultural diversity conservation to gather infor- mation for a Global Source Book on Biocultural Diversity. The result of this effort, which will be made available both in print and in electronic format, will provide the biocultural diversity field with its first glob- al source of information.

The loss of languages, cultural practices and indigenous ecological knowledge all reflect the breakdown in the relationship between humans and their environment. Seeking solutions for the sustainability of both human communities and the environment requires recognizing the link between cultural diversity and bio- logical diversity. Terralingua invites you to work together with us to document information on biocultural diversity conservation on a global scale.

We are asking for your input in a survey of projects, programs, and initiatives that support biocultural diversity. The survey will lead to an inventory and classification of such activities around the world. Based on further collaboration and information gathering, some of the entries will be selected as “model exam- ples”. These will be highlighted through local stories in the voices of the people involved. Discussion of “best practices” and “lessons learned” will offer guidance for future efforts at biocultural diversity mainte- nance and restoration.

The Source Book will benefit practitioners of biocultural diversity conservation by increasing the visibility of this newly emerging field and by developing a network of people actively involved in these issues.

The survey form and further details are available on the Internet at:

http://www.terralingua.com

or may be obtained by contacting Dr. Ellen Woodley: [email protected]

Luisa Maffi ([email protected]) is co- Notes 1 DiSilvestro, 1993; Mittermeier et al., 1998; Olson and founder and president of Terralingua, an interna- Dinerstein, 1998. tional NGO devoted to promoting knowledge and 2 Terborgh, 1999; Soulé, 2000; Rice et al., 2001. 3 Posey, 1999; Diamond, 2001; Maffi, 2001; Harmon, protection of biocultural diversity. She is a lin- 2002. guist, anthropologist, and ethnobiologist by train- 4 Posey and Balée, 1989; Williams and Baines, 1993; ing and has a vocational interest in the natural Western et al., 1994; Berkes, 1999; Heckenberger et al., 2003; Carlson and Maffi, 2004. sciences. Luisa is a member of CEESP/CMWG. 5 López-Zent and Zent, 2004. 6 Berkes and Folke, 1998.

264 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

7 For reviews, see: Hyndman, 1994; Orlove and Brush, Chicchón, A., “Conservation theory meets practice”, 1996; Wilshusen et al., 2002; Colchester, 2004. Conservation Biology, 14 (5): 1368-1369, 2000. 8 Chicchón, 2000; Marsh et al., 2000; Redford and Colchester, M., “Conservation policy and indigenous peoples”, Sanderson, 2000; Schwartzman et al., 2000a, b; Environmental Science and Policy, 7: 145-153, 2004. Terborgh, 2000. For an attempt to mediate between Conklin, B. and L. Graham, “The shifting middle ground: “preservationist” and “devolutionist” perspectives, see Amazonian Indians and eco-politics”, American Romero and Andrade, 2004. Anthropologist 97 (4): 695-710, 1995. 9 Snow, 1993. Dann, K., Across the Great Border Fault: The Naturalist Myth 10 Denevan, 1992; Dann, 2000; Mann, 2002. in America, Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ 11 Diamond, 1986; Redford, 1990; Krech, 1999. For an and London, 2000. anthropologist’s take on the role of environmentalists in Dasmann, R.F., “The importance of cultural and biological creating the myth, see Brosius, 1997. diversity”, in Oldfield, M.L. and J.B. Alcorn, Biodiversity: 12 Colchester, 2004. Culture, Conservation, and Ecodevelopment, Westview 13 Hyndman, 1994. Press, 7-15, Boulder, Colo., 1991. 14 Stevens, 1997; Beltran, 2000; Weber et al., 2000. Denevan, W.M. “The pristine myth: The landscape of the 15 Conklin and Graham, 1995; Kuper, 2003; Kenrik and Americas in 1492”, Annals of the Association of American Lewis, 2004. Geographers, 82 (3): 369-385, 1992. 16 Maffi, 2004. Diamond, J.M., “The environmentalist myth”, Nature 344: 19- 17 WRI, 2000. 20, 1986. 18 Maffi et al., 1999; Skutnabb-Kangas et al., 2003. Diamond, J., “Why did human history unfold differently in 19 Harmon, 2002; Rapport et al., 1998. the last 13,000 years?”, The Haskins Lectureship on 20 Dora Marks Dauenhauer and Richard Dauenhauer, quot- Science Policy, Rand, Santa Monica, Calif., 2001. ed on p. 68 of Lord, 1996. DiSilvestro, R.L., Reclaiming the Last Wild Places: A New 21 Quoted from p. xix of Sanders, 1999. Agenda for Biodiversity, Wiley, New York, 1993. 22 Ibid. Harmon, D., “Losing species, losing languages: Connections 23 Dasmann, 1991; Nietschmann, 1992; McNeely, 1997; between biological and linguistic diversity”, Southwest Posey, 1999; Maffi, 2001; Harmon, 2002. Journal of Linguistics, 15: 89-108, 1996. 24 IUCN et al., 1991. Harmon, D., In Light of Our Differences: How Diversity in 25 Nabhan and St. Antoine, 1993; Zent, 2001. Nature and Culture Makes Us Human, Smithsonian 26 Harmon, 1996; Harmon and Maffi, 2002; Skutnabb- Institution Press, Washington, DC, 2002. Kangas et al., 2003. Harmon, D. and J. Loh, “The IBCD: A measure of the world’s 27 Oviedo et al., 2000. biocultural diversity”, Policy Matters 13, 2004. (forthcom- 28 Stepp et al., 2004. ing). 29 Harmon and Loh, 2004. Harmon, D. and L. Maffi, “Are Linguistic and Biological 30 Stepp et al., 2004 Diversity Linked?”, Conservation Biology in Practice, 3 (1): 31 Harmon, 1996. 26-27, 2002. 32 Harmon and Loh, 2004. Heckenberger, M., A. Kuikuro, U.T. Kuikuro, J.C. Russell, M. 33 Zent, 2001; Zarger and Stepp, 2004. Schmidt, C. Fausto, and B. Franchetto, “Amazonia 1492: 34 CEESP, 2004. Pristine Forest or Cultural Parkland?”, Science, 301: 1710- 35 Nabhan et al., 2002. 1714, 2003. 36 Carlos Palma Batista, personal communication, 2004. Hyndman, D., “Conservation through self-determination: 37 http//www.whitefeatherforest.com. Promoting the interdependence of cultural and biological 38 White, 2003. diversity”, Human Organisation, 53 (3): 296-302, 1994. 39 http://vedda.org/bio-diversity_plan.htm. IUCN, UNEP, and WWF, Caring for the Earth: A Strategy for 40 http//www.terralingua.org. Sustainable Living, IUCN, UNEP, and WWF, Gland, Switzerland, 1991. References Kenrick, J. and J. Lewis, “Indigenous peoples’ rights and the Beltran, J. (ed.), Indigenous and Traditional Peoples and politics of the term ‘indigenous’ ”, Anthropology Today, 20 Protected Areas: Principles, Guidelines, and Case Studies, (2): 4-9, 2004. IUCN and WWF International, Gland, Switzerland, 2000. Krech, S. III, The Ecological Indian: Myth and History, W.W. Berkes, F., Sacred Ecology: Traditional Ecological Knowledge Norton & Co., New York, 1999. and Resource Management Systems, Taylor and Francis, Kuper, A., “The return of the native” Current Anthropology, Philadelphia, 1999. 44 (3): 396-397, 2003. Berkes, F. and C. Folke (eds.), Linking Social and Ecological López-Zent, E. and S. Zent, “Amazonian Indians as ecological Systems: Management Practices and Social Mechanisms disturbance agents: The Hoti of the Sierra de Maigualida, for Building Resilience, Cambridge University Press, Venezuelan Guayana”, in Carlson, T. and L. Maffi (eds.), Cambridge, UK, 1998. Ethnobotany and Conservation of Biocultural Diversity, Brosius, J.P., “Endangered forest, endangered people: Advances in Economic Botany Series Vol. 15, New York Environmentalist representations of indigenous knowl- Botanical Garden Press, 79-112, Bronx, N.Y, 2004. edge”, Human Ecology 25 (1): 47-69, 1997. Lord, N., “Native tongues”, Sierra, 81 (6), 46-69, 1996. Carlson, T.J.S. and L. Maffi (eds.), Ethnobotany and Maffi, L.(ed.), On Biocultural Diversity: Linking Language, Conservation of Biocultural Diversity, Advances in Knowledge, and the Environment. Smithsonian Institution Economic Botany Series Vol. 15, New York Botanical Press, Washington, DC, 2001. Garden Press, Bronx, NY, 2004. Maffi, L., “Maintaining and restoring biocultural diversity: The CEESP, Intersessional Programme for 2005-2008 and evolution of a role for ethnobiology”, in Carlson, T. and L. Preliminary Business Plan. Draft for IUCN internal review. Maffi (eds.), Ethnobotany and Conservation of Biocultural IUCN, Gland, Switzerland, 2004. Diversity, Advances in Economic Botany Series Vol. 15,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 265 History, culture and conservation

New York Botanical Garden Press, 9-35, Bronx, NY, 2004. 2004. Maffi, L., T. Skutnabb-Kangas and J. Andrianarivo, “Linguistic Sanders, S.R., “Preface”, in A. Leopold, For the Health of the diversity”, in Posey, D.A. (ed.), Cultural and Spiritual Land, Island Press, xiii-xix, Washington, DC and Covelo, Values of Biodiversity, Intermediate Technology Calif., 1999. Publications and UNEP, 21-57, London and Nairobi, 1999. Schwartzman, S., A. Moreira, and D. Nepstad, “Rethinking Mann, C.C., “1491”, Atlantic Monthly, 289 (3): 41-53, 2002. tropical forest conservation: Perils in parks”, Conservation Marsh, D.M., P.C. Trenham, and M. Colchester, “Self-determi- Biology, 14 (5): 1351-1357, 2000a. nation or environmental determinism for indigenous peo- Schwartzman, S., D. Nepstad, and A. Moreira, “Arguing tropi- ples in tropical forest conservation”, Conservation Biology, cal forest conservation: People versus parks”, Conservation 14 (5): 1365-1367, 2000. Biology, 14 (5): 1370-1374, 2000b. McNeely, J.A., “Interaction between biological and cultural Skutnabb-Kangas, T., L. Maffi, and D. Harmon, Sharing a diversity”, in Buchi, S. et al., Indigenous Peoples, World of Difference: The Earth’s Linguistic, Cultural, and Environment, and Development, IWGIA Document 85, Biological Diversity, and companion map The World’s 173-196, 1997. Biocultural Diversity: People, Languages, and Ecosystems, Mittermeier, R.A., N. Myers, J.B. Thomsen, G.A.B. da UNESCO, Paris, 2003. Fonseca, and S. Olivieri, “Biodiversity Hotspots and Major Snow, C.P., The Two Cultures, Cambridge University Press, Tropical Wilderness Areas: Approaches to Setting Cambridge, UK, 1993 [1959]. Conservation Priorities”, Conservation Biology, 12 (3): 516- Soulé, M.E., “Does sustainable development help nature?”, 520, 1998. Wild Earth, Winter 2000-2001: 57-64, 2000. Nabhan, G.P. and S. St. Antoine, “The loss of floral and fau- Stepp, J.R., S. Cervone, H. Castaneda, A. Lasseter, G. Stocks, nal story: The extinction of experience”, in Kellert, S.R. Y. Gichon, “Development of a GIS for Global Biocultural and E.O. Wilson (eds.), The Biophilia Hypothesis, Island Diversity”, Policy Matters 13, 2004. (forthcoming) Press, 229-250, Washington, DC, 1993. Stevens, S. (ed.), Conservation Through Cultural Survival: Nabhan, G.P. et al., Safeguarding the Uniqueness of the Indigenous Peoples and Protected Areas, Island Press, Colorado Plateau: An Ecoregional Assessment of Washington, DC, 1997. Biocultural Diversity, Center for Sustainable Environments, Terborgh, J., Requiem for Nature, Island Press, Washington, Terralingua, and Grand Canyon Wildlands Council, DC, 1999. Flagstaff, Ariz., 2002. Terborgh, J., “The fate of tropical forests: A matter of stew- Nietschmann, B.Q., The Interdependence of Biological and ardship” Conservation Biology, 14 (5): 1358-1361, 2000. Cultural Diversity, Occasional Paper #21, Center for World Weber, R., J. Butler, and P. Larson (eds.), Indigenous Peoples Indigenous Studies, December 1992. and Conservation Organisations: Experiences in Olson, D.M. and E. Dinerstein, “The Global 200: A represen- Collaboration, WWF-US, Washington, DC, 2000. tation approach to conserving the Earth’s most biologically Western, D., R.M. Wright, and S.C. Strum (eds.), Natural valuable ecoregions”, Conservation Biology, 12 (3): 502- Connections: Perspectives in Community-Based 515, 1998. Conservation, Island Press, Washington, DC, 1994. Orlove, B.S. and S.B. Brush, “Anthropology and the conser- White, J., “A Sense of Place — Reflecting on the Land-Self vation of biodiversity”, Annual Review of Anthropology, 25: Connection” Langscape 25: 7-10, 2003 (electronic journal, 329-352, 1996. see http//www.terralingua.org). Oviedo, G., L. Maffi, and P.B. Larsen, Indigenous and Williams, N.M. and G. Baines (eds.), Traditional Ecological Traditional Peoples of the World and Ecoregion Knowledge: Wisdom for Sustainable Development, Centre Conservation: An Integrated Approach to Conserving the for Resource and Environmental Studies, National World’s Biological and Cultural Diversity, and companion Australian University, Canberra, 1993. map Indigenous and Traditional Peoples in the Global 200 Wilshusen, P.R., S.R. Brechin, C.L. Fortwangler, and P.C. Ecoregions, WWF-International and Terralingua, Gland, West, “Reinventing the square wheel: Critique of a resur- Switzerland, 2000. gent “protection paradigm” in international biodiversity Posey, D.A. (ed.), Cultural and Spiritual Values of conservation”, Society and Natural Resources, 15: 17-40, Biodiversity, Intermediate Technology Publications and 2002. UNEP, London and Nairobi, 1999. WRI, World Resources 2000-2001: People and ecosystems: Posey, D.A. and W. Balée (eds.), Resource Management in The fraying web of life, United Nations Development Amazonia: Indigenous and Folk Strategies, Advances in Programme, United Nations Environment Programme, Economic Botany Vol. 7, New York Botanical Garden Press, World Bank, and World Resources Institute, Washington, Bronx, NY, 1989. DC, 2000. Rapport, D.J., R. Costanza, and A.J. McMichael, “Assessing Zarger, R.K. and J.R. Stepp, “Persistence of botanical knowl- ecosystem health: Challenges at the interface of social, edge among Tzeltal Maya children”, Current Anthropology, natural, and health sciences”, Trends in Ecology and 45 (3): 413-418, 2004. Evolutio, 13: 397-402, 1998. Zent, S. “Acculturation and ethnobotanical knowledge loss Redford, K.H., “The ecologically noble savage”, Orion 9 (3): among the Piaroa of Venezuela: Demonstration of a quan- 24-29, 1990. titative method for the empirical study of TEK change”, in Redford, K.H. and S.E. Sanderson, “Extracting humans from Maffi, L. (ed.), On Biocultural Diversity: Linking Language, nature”, Conservation Biology, 14 (5): 1362-1364, 2000. Knowledge, and the Environment, Smithsonian Institution Rice, E.R., C.A. Sugal, S.M. Ratay, and G.A.B. da Fonseca, Press, 190-211, Washington, DC, 2001. “Sustainable forest management: A review of conventional wisdom”, Center for Applied Biodiversity Science 3, Conservation International, Washington, DC, 2001. Romero, C. and G.I. Andrade, “International conservation organisations and the fate of local tropical forest conserva- tion initiatives”, Conservation Biology, 18 (2): 578-580,

266 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Conservation as cultural and political practice

Development of a GIS for Global Biocultural Diversity John Richard Stepp, Sarah Cervone, Hector Castaneda, Ava Lasseter, Gabriela Stocks and Yael Gichon

an inherently powerful and even seductive The study of biocultural diversity involves technology, it is easy to fall into a mode a search for patterns across landscapes. As where the development of …our most immediate an inherently spatial phenomenon, biocul- the maps themselves tural diversity can readily be explored becomes viewed as the concern was to accu- through the use of GIS. We report here on end, rather than the rately depict the dis- preliminary results of an effort to develop a tribution of linguistic GIS to map and catalog biocultural diversity means to explore a partic- on a global scale. We also discuss potential ular phenomenon. By diversity and biologi- relevant factors in the creation, mainte- keeping the following cal diversity.... nance and loss of biocultural diversity that questions in mind we can be demonstrated through a GIS. As sought to avoid heading in such a direction. research on biocultural diversity moves from Our main working questions are: 1) Is there demonstrating the relationship between bio- a shared pattern in the spatial distribution logical and cultural diversity to actually of biological and cultural diversity world- exploring mutual influence or even causal wide? 2) What factors influence, or drive, factors, it becomes increasingly important to be able to recognise spatially distributed the distribution of biological and cultural patterns. GIS provides a powerful tool in diversity? 3) What are the factors that con- this analysis while also helping guide further tribute to maintenance and loss of linguistic areas of inquiry. and biological diversity? 4) What are the effects of globalisation on linguistic and bio- In the Fall of 2003 we were contacted by logical diversity? Our most immediate con- Terralingua, a Washington, D.C. based NGO cern, however, was to accurately depict the dedicated to the conservation of biocultural distribution of linguistic diversity and biolog- diversity, about developing a GIS for biocul- ical diversity and to date we have mostly tural diversity. Earlier work by researchers focused on this problem. associated with Terralingua at developing GIS maps of biocultural diversity had yield- ed promising results. Most notable of these We also brainstormed on potential data efforts was a collaboration with World Wide sources to add to the database. As these Fund for Nature (WWF) which resulted in a additional data layers are added to the GIS map that demonstrated the distribution of database, it becomes possible to explore ethnolinguistic groups through the Global more complex patterns and relationships 200 Ecoregions identified by WWF1. We amongst the data. These data can show immediately saw the possibilities for further patterns of association that can then be development of a GIS in this area and tested through rigorous statistical analyses. began work in January 2004. We developed a long “wish list” of data for Development of the GIS possible inclusion in the global database if it were available. For example, language dis- We began the project by developing a tribution, global distribution of species (flora series of working questions to guide us in and fauna), global distribution of human the development of the GIS. After develop- populations, global development indices, ing a list we then attempted to group the quantitative measures of species endemism, specific questions together into a few main climate and precipitation data, agricultural questions to keep in mind. These questions intensiveness, soil distribution, density of provide the “why” behind the GIS. As GIS is

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 267 History, culture and conservation

endangered species, density of endangered that we incorporated into the GIS. languages, energy budgets for countries, roads ands connectivity, and many more. The other crucial dataset required was the Armed with this list, we searched for global global distribution of languages. For these data to incorporate in the GIS. We quickly data we relied on the Ethnologue database narrowed the list down to those data produced by the Summer sources that were available and could be Institute of Linguistics3. …one immediate trend used for the GIS. A common problem in Ethnologue is widely that we noticed was the using different data sets is that the resolu- regarded as the most relationship between tion, scale and map projections differ, mak- comprehensive data low population density source of current lan- ing it crucial to accurately standardise the and, in some areas, guages spoken world- datasets within the GIS. Early on we decid- high biocultural diver- ed to rely as little as possible on datasets wide. Its major limitation sity.... that were based on country boundaries in is that it does not indi- favor of a more accurate spatial distribution cate spatial extent of the that did not take into account political speakers for a given language, only a singu- boundaries. This would enable us to lar point denoting the most central location demonstrate the distribution of biocultural of the population. However, on a global diversity geographically rather than political- scale this is not really problematic, and by ly. using a singular point it allows for the graphical depiction of all of the world’s lan- The problem of mapping biological diversity guages on a single map. is a considerable one, and a discussion of these difficulties is beyond the scope of this Global distribution of biocultural paper. Suffice to say that many researchers diversity have explored this issue with varying degrees of success. In our opinion, the With these layers we were able to produce team led by Wilhelm Barthlott at the an accurate depiction of the distribution of University of Bonn has produced one of the linguistic and biological diversity worldwide more sophisticated analyses of spatial distri- (please see Figure 1, placed in the back of bution of biological diversity, specifically the back page of the journal, as the figure vascular plant diversity2. Rather than rely on needs color). For the sake of graphical sim- distribution in political units (e.g. flora of plicity we aggregated the ten diversity countries) or geographical characteristics zones into five categories with Very Low (e.g. flora of the Amazon) they calculate <200 spp.; Low 200-1000 spp.; Medium vascular plant diversity based on standard- ised units of area (10,000 sq. km). This 1000-2000 spp.; High 2000-4000 spp.; Very allows for comparable diversity categories High >4000 spp. This map clearly demon- on a global scale. They use ten categories strates the co-occurrence of high linguistic of diversity based on number of vascular diversity with high biological diversity. plant species which they call diversity Several regions in particular stand out in zones. The ten diversity zones (DZ) with this regard: Mesoamerica, Andes, West species number per 10,000 s. km are DZ 1 Africa, Himalayas, and South Asia/Pacific. <100 spp; DZ 2 100-200 spp.; DZ 3 200- The general trend towards increasing lin- 500 spp.; DZ 4 500-1000 spp.; DZ 5 1000- guistic diversity in areas of increasing plant 1500 spp.; DZ 6 1500-2000 spp.; DZ 7 diversity (or vice versa) is noted in Table 1 2000-3000 spp.; DZ 8 3000-4000 spp.; DZ 9 4000-5000 spp.; DZ 10 >5000 spp. We con- and Figure 2, with the diversity zones disag- tacted Barthlott and his associates and they gregated back to the original ten classes. A generously provided a base map of global regression analysis shows that r2= 0.9873, plant diversity based on the above figures noting a strong correlation between increas-

268 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

ing biological diversity and increasing cultur- where the number of languages drops off al diversity, as represented by number of slightly. However, this is likely due to the languages spoken in a given region. One relatively small area of this diversity zone. minor exception to this relationship occurs Despite this, the correlation still remains in DZ 10, the highest biodiversity zone, strong.

Table 1. Density of languages (languages per Km2) of each of the plant diversity zones.

Diversity zone number of languages area (km2) Languages per km2 1 10 35936929.00 2.78265E-07 2 72 11141286.00 6.46245E-06 3 264 13132142.00 2.01033E-05 4 578 17344368.00 3.33249E-05 5 1057 11386278.00 9.2831E-05 6 738 6088899.40 0.000121204 7 1283 5616381.10 0.000228439 8 1336 3084807.40 0.000433090 9 654 880116.98 0.000743083 10 313 493742.63 0.000633934 Total 6305 105104951.00

Figure 2. Relation between plant diversity classes and language diversity per unit area.

0.0009

0.0008 y=4E-7x3.3095 R2=0.9873 0.0007 language density 0.0006 (languages per square 0.0005 kilometer)

0.0004

0.0003

0.0002

0.0001

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 diversity area

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 269 History, culture and conservation

While the viewer can undoubtedly see other maps. Biocultural diversity maps, such as the patterns emerge in Figure 1, we would like ones reported here can serve as invaluable to call attention to some trends that are visi- tools for stakeholders, educators and policy- ble. The increase of biodiversity in tropical makers. By exploring the relationship regions is commonly known and linguistic between language and biological diversity diversity follows this trend as well. We have and investigating potential factors that pro- other maps under development that explore mote or inhibit biocultural diversity, we hope this relationship in greater detail and that to enable decision-makers to adopt appropri- incorporate social factors as well. For exam- ate land management policies that will pro- ple, one immediate trend that we noticed tect and conserve the diverse biocultural was the relationship between low population landscapes throughout the world. density and, in some areas, high biocultural diversity. Some of the best examples of this Notes relationship are in the South Asia/Pacific 1 Oviedo, Maffi and Larsen, 2000 2 Barthlott, Lauer and Placke, 1996; Barthlott et al., 1999; region (Figure 3) and Himalayas (Figure 4). Mutke and Barthlott, in press (2004). [As the figures need color, you will find them 3 Grimes, 2000 in the back of the back page of the journal] A likely explanation is that increasing popula- References tion density leads to linguistic homogenisa- Barthlott W., Biedinger N., Braun G., Feig F., Kier G. & Mutke J., “Terminological and methodological aspects of the map- tion and also increasing impact on the bio- ping and analysis of global biodiversity”, Act. Bot. Fennica, physical environment. 162: 103-110, 1999. Barthlott W., Lauer W. & Placke A., “Global Distribution of Species Diversity in vascular Plants: Towards a World Map Future directions of Phytodiversity”, Erdkunde, 50: 317-328, 1996. There is much more work to be done in Grimes, B.F., ed., Ethnologue, Volume 1: Languages of the World 14th ed, SIL International, Dallas (Texas), 2000. developing a GIS database to assess biocul- Maffi, L., “Introduction: On the interdependence of biological tural diversity. It is not enough to merely and cultural diversity”, in L. Maffi (ed.), On Biocultural Diversity: Linking Language, Knowledge, and the demonstrate the relationship. The next wave Environment, Smithsonian Institution Press, 1-50, of scholarship needs to explore various types Washington D. C., 2001. of association, mutual influence and even Mutke, J. and W. Barthlott., “Patterns of vascular plant diversi- ty at continental to global scales”, Biologiske Skrifter, The possible causal factors in the development, Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters, maintenance and loss of biocultural diversity. Copenhagen, In press. Oviedo, G., L. Maffi, and P.B. Larsen, Indigenous and GIS can aid in this process by not only spa- Traditional Peoples of the World and Ecoregion tially demonstrating such factors but also by Conservation: An Integrated Approach to Conserving the allowing for the refinement of hypotheses World’s Biological and Cultural Diversity, with accompanying map, WWF International, Gland (Switzerland), 2000. and even the creation of new ones. Our next step is to continue the development of the global database while also starting work on a regional level. A regional approach in an area such as Mesoamerica or the Amazon/Andean region would allow for more refined hypotheses and the incorporation of more detailed data.

Apart from the theoretical aspects involved in the use of GIS, there are important applied aspects as well. Complex phenomena such as biocultural diversity can be made more accessible to a broad audience by the development of well-designed and easily understood visual representations such as

270 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

The IBCD— a measure of the world’s biocultural diversity David Harmon and Jonathan Loh

Abstract: The relationships between biological and cultural diversity, and the growing threats they face, have drawn increasing attention from scholars over the last decade. Analyses of these relationships are beginning to crystallise around the concept of biocultural diversity, the total variety exhibited by the world’s natural and cultural systems. Here, we outline an index of biocultural diversity (IBCD), the first attempt to quantify global biocultural diversity by means of a country-level index. The index uses five indi- cators: the number of languages, religions, and ethnic groups (for cultural diversity); and the number of bird/mammal species and of plant species (for biological diversity). The IBCD is calculated in three ways: an unadjusted richness measure, a measure of richness adjusted for land area and a measure of richness adjusted for the size of the human population. These measures, when analyzed in concert, indicate three “core regions” of exceptional biocultural diversity: the Amazon Basin, Central Africa, and Indomalaysia/Melanesia.

languages to entire cultures; and the inter- The relationships between biological and action of these with the abiotic or geophysi- cal features of the earth. A basic premise of cultural diversity, and the growing threats first-generation scholarship on biocultural they face in common, have drawn increasing diversity has been that biological and cultur- attention from scholars, activists, and public al diversity affect one another in important 1 officials over the last decade. It is now not ways. Studies to date have focused on unusual to read prominent (though often establishing geographical correlations rather superficial) declarations of the impor- between the two by identifying areas of tance of preserving biological and cultural overlap, investigating the mechanisms diversity as a central conservation goal. through which they may affect each other Concerns about these dual realms of diversi- (e.g., how language may be related to long- ty have found their way into major interna- term environmental management in indige- tional conservation communiqués (e.g., the nous communities), and analyzing the Durban Accord of the 2003 World Parks threats to them.2 Congress) and are enshrined in capstone international instruments, such as the For the past several years the NGO Convention on Biological Diversity. Terralingua has been working on several fronts to assess the world’s biocultural diver- Underlying these generalised expressions of sity. One thing that has been missing so far concern are efforts at deepening the theo- from a global assessment is a quantitative retical understanding of how biological and measurement of biocultural diversity. To fill cultural diversity are related. Scholarly analy- that gap, we have developed an index of sis in this field is beginning to crystallise biocultural diversity (IBCD). The IBCD uses a around the concept of biocultural diversity, combination of five indicators of biocultural the total variety exhibited by the world’s nat- diversity to establish rankings for 238 coun- ural and cultural systems (Maffi 2001). tries and territories: Biocultural diversity includes biological diver- the number of languages, religions, and sity at all its levels, from genes to popula- ethnic groups present within each country tions to species to ecosystems; cultural as a proxy for its cultural diversity; and diversity, ranging from individual ideas to

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 271 History, culture and conservation

the number of bird and mammal species high populations have cultural diversity (combined) and the number of plant that is low relative to their population species as a measure of its biological size. BCD-POP adjusts the rankings to diversity. account for these situations.

This paper outlines the methods used to cre- BCD-RICH is the most straightforward meas- ate the IBCD and the main results obtained; ure of biocultural diversity, but BCD-AREA space does not permit discussion of many and BCD-POP are equally important compo- important details. Readers wanting a full nents of the IBCD because they highlight explanation are referred to the source docu- countries that are small in area and/or popu- ment,3 which is available through Terralingua lation size but which have relatively high bio- (www.terralingua.org). cultural diversity. In effect, they broaden the analysis beyond mere counts of cultural Components of the IBCD groups and species. As we shall see, there The IBCD has three parts: are only a handful of countries that rank A biocultural diversity richness component highly in all three components. (BCD-RICH), which is a relative measure of a country’s “raw” biocultural diversity Methods using unadjusted counts of the five indi- Each of the three parts of the IBCD gives cators. equal weight to cultural and biological diver- sity. For example, a country’s overall BCD- An areal component (BCD-AREA), which RICH score is calculated as the average of adjusts the indicators for land area and its cultural diversity richness score (aggre- therefore measures a country’s biocultural gated from the scores for languages, reli- diversity relative to its physical extent. gions, and ethnic groups) and its biological This is important to measure because diversity richness score (aggregated from large countries are more likely to have the scores for bird/mammal species and higher biological diversity than small plant species). The same holds true for BCD- countries. Nevertheless, some small coun- AREA and BCD-POP. tries have biological diversity that is high relative to their area, just as some large When values for these indicators are ranked countries have low biological diversity rel- on a global basis, it becomes apparent that ative to their area. BCD-POP adjusts the biocultural diversity is not evenly distributed. rankings to account for these situations. A few countries are megadiverse, with very A population component (BCD-POP), large values; then the ranking rapidly dimin- which adjusts the indicators for human ishes to much lower values found in more population and therefore measures a typical countries. Because this makes com- country’s biocultural diversity relative to parisons among countries difficult, we used its population size. This is important to a common log scale to produce a linear dis- measure because countries tribution. there are only a with high human populations For example, the language indicator index handful of coun- are more likely to have high- er cultural diversity than for BCD-RICH is calculated as the log of the tries that rank number of languages spoken in a country highly in all three countries with small popula- tions. Nevertheless, some divided by the log of the number of lan- components of bio- countries with small popula- guages spoken worldwide (Table 1). The cultural diversity. tions have cultural diversity process was repeated for the other four indi- that is high relative to their population cators to derive BCD-RICH. size; and, conversely, some countries with

272 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

Table 1. Unadjusted language diversity index (LD-RICH)

no. of languages LD-RICH log L (L) (log Li/log Lworld) World 6,800 3.83 1.000 Papua New 833 2.92 0.762 Guinea (highest) Mali (average) 45 1.65 0.431 Bermuda 1 0.00 0.000 (lowest)

As noted above, to compensate for the fact son with an expected value based on its that large countries tend to have a greater area or population alone. The method used biological and cultural diversity than small is a modified version of that used by ones simply because of their greater area Groombridge and Jenkins.4 As an example of (or greater population), we calculated two the methods used, calculations for the lan- additional diversity values for each country guage indicator value are shown Tables 2 by adjusting first for land area (BCD-AREA) and 3. The process was repeated for the and second for population size (BCD-POP). other four indicators to derive BCD-AREA This was done by measuring how much and BCD-POP. more or less diverse a country is in compari-

Table 2. Area-adjusted language diversity index (LD-AREA)

total no. deviation expected country or of from LD- area (km2) log A log L log L territory languages expected AREA value L value

World/max. 136,605,342 8.14 6,800 3.83 2.33 1.50 1.000 value

Papua New 462,840 5.67 833 2.92 1.56 1.36 0.952 Guinea (highest)

Turkmenistan 488,100 5.69 37 1.57 1.57 0.00 0.500 (average)

Greenland 2,175,600 6.34 2 0.30 1.77 -1.47 0.011 (lowest)

Negative world/min. 299,112 5.48 1 0.00 1.50 -1.50 0.000 value

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 273 History, culture and conservation

Table 3. Population-adjusted language diversity index (LD-POP)

popula- deviation country total no. of expected tion 2000 from or terri- log P languages log L log L LD-POP (in thou- expected tory L value sands) P value

Maximum 6,056,710 6.78 12,000* 4.08 2.48 1.60 1.000 value

Papua New 4,809 3.68 833 2.92 1.34 1.58 0.995 Guinea (highest)

Pakistan 141,256 5.15 76 1.88 1.88 0.00 0.501 (average)

Korea, DPR (low- 22,268 4.35 2 0.30 1.58 -1.28 0.099 est)

Minimum -1.60 0.000 value

*artificial number of languages chosen to create a maximum value higher than the world total.

The expected diversity was calculated using gions, ethnic groups, or species in country

the standard formula for the species–area i) against log Ai for all countries, and drew relationship log S = c + z log A where S = the best-fit straight line through the points. number of species, A = area, and c and z Examples for bird/mammal species and lan- are constants derived from observation. guages are in Figures 1 and 2, respectively. Because the distributions of the five indica- tors against land area and population size are similar, we applied the same formula to To calculate the deviation of each country indicators of cultural diversity. Hence, for from its expected value, we subtracted the expected log Ni value from the observed BCD-AREA expected log Ni = c + z log Ai log Ni value. The index is calibrated such where Ni = number of languages, religions, ethnic groups, or species in country i, and that the world, or maximum, value is set A = area of country i. The same formula equal to 1.0, the minimum value is set i equal to zero and the average or typical was used for BCD-POP, except that P (pop- i value is 0.5 (meaning no more or less ulation of country i) replaces Ai. To find the diverse than expected given a country’s values of the constants c and z for each of area or population).

the indicators, we scatter-plotted log Ni

(where Ni = number of languages, reli-

274 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

Figure 1. Bird/mammal species-area plot

4 y=0.3261x/0.8557 R2=0.7101

3

2 Log S

1

0 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Log A

Figure 2. Languages-area plot

3

y=0.3105x-0.1969 R2=0.5793

2 Log L

1

0 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Log A

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 275 History, culture and conservation

Detailed discussion of the methods is includ- ten for all three components of the index ed in the source document.5 For BCD-AREA, (see Tables 4, 5, and 6). Papua New Guinea countries smaller than 1,000 sq km are ranks 2nd in IBCD-RICH, 2nd in IBCD-AREA, excluded from the analysis; for BCD-POP, and 1st in IBCD-POP, with Indonesia ranking countries with a population of less than 1st, 1st, and 4th, respectively. By any meas- 10,000 are excluded. ure, these two countries are the world lead- ers in biocultural diversity. Cameroon and Results Colombia are not far behind, being the only The world’s four most bioculturally diverse other two countries to rank in the top 10 in countries— Papua New Guinea, Indonesia, all three components. Cameroon, and Colombia— rank in the top

Table 4. IBCD-RICH: ten highest-ranking countries

Ethnic Total no. Birds and Total no. Language Religion group Cultural bird and mammals Total no. Plants Biological Index of lan- diversity Total no. diversity No. of diversity diversity mammal diversity plant diversity Diversity Bio-cultural Country or guages index, of reli- index, Ethnic index, index, species index, species index, Index, Diversity, territory (L) LD-RICH gions (R) RD-RICH groups ED-RICH CD-RICH (SB) MD-RICH (S) PD-RICH BD_RICH IBCD_RICH

WORLD/ max 6,800 1.000 10,000 1.000 12,583 1.000 1.000 14,709 1.000 250,876 1.000 1.000 1.000 value

Indonesia 736 0.748 535 0.682 744 0.700 0.710 2,034 0.794 29,375 0.827 0.811 0.760

Papua New 833 0.762 648 0.703 862 0.716 0.727 858 0.704 11,544 0.752 0.728 0.728 Guinea

Brazil 246 0.624 183 0.566 224 0.573 0.588 1,886 0.786 56,215 0.880 0.833 0.710

India 414 0.683 293 0.617 439 0.645 0.648 1,313 0.748 18,664 0.791 0.770 0.709

China 207 0.604 156 0.548 254 0.587 0.580 1,494 0.762 32,200 0.835 0.798 0.689

Nigeria 521 0.709 460 0.666 497 0.658 0.677 955 0.715 4,715 0.680 0.698 0.688

United 284 0.640 141 0.537 307 0.607 0.595 1,078 0.728 19,473 0.794 0.761 0.678 States

Cameroon 288 0.642 250 0.599 297 0.603 0.615 1,099 0.730 8,260 0.725 0.728 0.671

Congo, Dem Rep 221 0.612 173 0.560 260 0.589 0.587 1,379 0.753 11,007 0.749 0.751 0.669 (Zaire)

Colombia 101 0.523 77 0.472 99 0.487 0.494 2,054 0.795 51,220 0.872 0.834 0.664

276 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

Table 5. IBCD-AREA: ten highest-ranking countries

Language Religion Ethnic group Cultural Bird &mam- Plant Index of Diversity Diversity Diversity Diversity mal diversity Diversity Biodiversity Biocultural Country or Index, Index, Index, Index, Index, Index, Index, Diversity, Territory Area (km2) LD-AREA RD-AREA RD-AREA ED-AREA MD-AREA PD-AREA BD-AREA IBCD-AREA WORLD/ 136,605,342 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 max value

Indonesia 1,919,317 0.870 0.787 0.785 0.814 0.671 0.751 0.711 0.762 Papua New 462,840 0.952 0.837 0.850 0.880 0.597 0.663 0.630 0.755 Guinea Colombia 1,141,568 0.607 0.596 0.549 0.584 0.704 0.882 0.793 0.688

Cameroon 475,442 0.797 0.737 0.715 0.750 0.641 0.600 0.621 0.685

Malaysia 330,442 0.715 0.671 0.660 0.682 0.605 0.736 0.671 0.676

Brunei 5,765 0.602 0.552 0.515 0.557 0.767 0.798 0.782 0.669

India 3,165,596 0.765 0.713 0.702 0.727 0.560 0.639 0.600 0.663

Nigeria 923,768 0.853 0.787 0.758 0.799 0.576 0.459 0.518 0.658

Nepal 147,181 0.727 0.641 0.638 0.669 0.651 0.637 0.644 0.657

Brazil 8,547,404 0.645 0.643 0.586 0.625 0.567 0.782 0.675 0.650

Table 6. IBCD-POP: ten highest-ranking countries

Bird & Language Religion Ethnic Group Cultural mammal Plant Index of Population diversity Diversity Diversity Diversity Diversity Diversity Biodiversity Biocultural Country or 2000 index, index, Index, Index, Index, Index, Index Diversity, Territory (thousand) LD-POP RD-POP ED-POP MD-POP MD-POP PD-POP BD-POP IBCD-POP

WORLD/th eoretical 6,056,710 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 max value

Papua New 4,809 0.995 0.965 0.936 0.965 0.756 0.785 0.771 0.868 Guinea

French 165 0.618 0.624 0.590 0.611 0.895 0.901 0.898 0.754 Guiana

Suriname 417 0.611 0.622 0.572 0.602 0.942 0.805 0.874 0.738 Cameroon 14,876 0.794 0.801 0.743 0.780 0.720 0.629 0.675 0.727 Indonesia 212,092 0.789 0.807 0.756 0.784 0.641 0.682 0.662 0.723 Brunei 328 0.616 0.586 0.530 0.577 0.863 0.860 0.862 0.719 Colombia 42,105 0.600 0.612 0.550 0.587 0.781 0.921 0.851 0.719 Gabon 1,230 0.654 0.630 0.608 0.631 0.808 0.779 0.793 0.712 Guyana 761 0.566 0.577 0.526 0.557 0.916 0.809 0.862 0.710

Solomon 447 0.786 0.762 0.705 0.751 0.628 0.706 0.667 0.709 Islands

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 277 History, culture and conservation

Moreover, by combining the results of BCD- availability of data. The IBCD indices are RICH, BCD-AREA, and BCD-POP, we identi- measures of richness based on the number fied three “core regions” of global biocultur- of languages, religions, ethnic groups or al diversity that include countries of various species of bird or mammal in a country. The sizes and populations (Figure 3): underlying data record only the presence of Q The Amazon Basin, consisting of Brazil, absence of a particular language, religion, Columbia, and Peru, which ranked highly ethnic group or species of bird or mammal in BCD-RICH; Ecuador, which ranked within each country, but not its relative highly in BCD-AREA; and French Guiana, abundance. Therefore the IBCD is sensitive Suriname, and Guyana, which ranked to changes in diversity only when there is highly in BCD-POP. an increase or decrease in the number of languages, religions, ethnic groups or Q Central Africa, consisting of Nigeria, species in a country, but not when there is Cameroon, and the Democratic Republic a change in their relative abundance. This is of Congo (BCD-RICH), Tanzania (BCD- a limitation in the index, as the IBCD is sen- AREA), and Gabon and Congo (BCD- sitive only to extinctions, or introductions, POP). but not to declines in population, or num- Q Indomalaysia/Melanesia, consisting of bers of individuals, as long as that popula- Papua New Guinea and Indonesia (BCD- tion remains greater than one. Extinction, RICH), Malaysia and Brunei (BCD-AREA), however, is only the ultimate end point of a and Solomon Islands (BCD-POP). terminal decline, which would not be picked up by the IBCD.

To be able to track trends in biocul- tural diversity in a country where the overall number of languages, reli- gions, ethnic groups and species remains unchanged over time, it would be necessary to mon- itor the numbers of speakers of each language, practitioners of Figure 3. The three “core regions” of global biocultural diversity. each religion, members of each ethnic group and the pop- Limitations of the IBCD ulations of each species. Data availability and quality are the ultimate limiting factors It should be remembered that the aim of for any index. All global environmental and any index, including the IBCD, is to gauge cultural indices are based on datasets that current conditions and trends; it is not are incomplete, possibly out of date, or of intended to substitute for in-depth analysis. uneven quality. Furthermore, these indices Two of the limitations of the IBCD relate to rely on simple proxies to measure complex its sensitivity to trends over time, and the

278 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

characteristics.6 The point of a global-level tic(s) at issue. As far as the IBCD goes, this index is to offer the broadest kind of guid- would be a fundamental mistake: every ance about the status of and large-scale country’s biocultural diversity, no matter trends affecting whatever is being meas- where it ranks, is an important part of the ured. In line with this, the IBCD, as it now global whole, and the global whole is inher- stands, is only a general guide to the cur- ently worth preserving. Having said that, rent status of biocultural diversity on the however, the IBCD could be used to help largest scales (national on up). We are prioritise strategic investments in biocultural working on expanding the index to include diversity conservation. The three “core time-series data that will indicate trends in regions” identified above are in that sense biocultural diversity. Moreover, we fully analogous to several well-known schemes recognise that a complete understanding of for identifying the world’s most important biocultural diversity can only be attained by area for species conservation that have analyzing it at all scales. Obviously, in many been developed over the last decade, countries biocultural diversity varies widely including biodiversity hotspots,7 a globally from place to place, and this within-country representative network of ecoregions,8 variation will not be apparent at the scale endemic bird areas,9 and centers of plant on which the IBCD operates. diversity.10

Uses of the IBCD The IBCD could also be adapted to play an Why should anyone try to put numbers on important role in fulfilling the goals of the biocultural diversity in the first place? We Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD). certainly do not claim that an index such as The CBD has set ambitious targets, to be the IBCD captures the richness of the met by 2010, for significantly reducing the world’s biocultural fabric— the lived-in depth rate of biodiversity loss worldwide. In of feeling that traditional indigenous com- February 2004, the CBD’s seventh munities express through their cultural prac- Conference of the Parties (COP7) proposed tices, or the sense of place that many non- a suite of quantitative indicators to be used indigenous people feel toward where they in measuring progress toward hitting the live, to give two examples. Rather, the value 2010 target. One of the goals of the CBD is of an IBCD and similar measures is largely to “maintain [the] socio-cultural diversity of practical and political. Pinpointing the indigenous and local communities”.11 In line world’s areas richest in biocultural diversity with this, COP7 specifically recognised the helps raise the awareness of the general “status of traditional knowledge, innovations public (and opinion-leading organisations and practices” as one of its focal areas, and such as the news media) about what is at identified the “status and trends of linguistic stake. That can help lead to changes in per- diversity and numbers of speakers of indige- sonal attitudes toward cultures and places nous languages” as a possible indicator.12 not their own, with the effect (one hopes) The IBCD could be expanded to include of engendering more understanding and time-series data on linguistic diversity in respect among people everywhere. That, in order to help make this index useful for turn, should lead to more enlightened public CBD purposes. It also may be possible to policy. incorporate into the IBCD other measures of change in the intergenerational transmission In any national-level ranking system there is of traditional environmental knowledge. a risk that some people may be tempted to write off lower-ranked countries as being Conclusion “less valuable” in terms of the characteris- The IBCD is the first quantitative measure

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 279 History, culture and conservation

of the world’s biocultural diversity at the dard of living (as measured by per capita Gross Domestic Product, GDP). These metrics inevitably over- national level. It is a snapshot of global bio- simplify the picture— particularly the third, per capita cultural diversity at the beginning of the GDP, which is often criticised as being a poor measure of 21st century, but it does not tell us how this human welfare. 7 Myers et al., 2002. diversity is changing, where it is changing 8 Olson et al., 2001. faster (or more slowly) than the norm, what 9 Stattersfield et al., 1998. phenomena are associated with those 10 Davis et al., 1994. 11 CBD 2004:12. changes. As more and better data become 12 CBD 2004. available, particularly on changes in the numbers of individuals in each language References group, religion, ethnic group, or species, Barrett, D.B., G.T. Kurian, and T.M. Johnson, World Christian Encyclopedia: A Comparative Survey of Churches and then it should be possible to expand the Religions in the Modern World, 2nd ed., Oxford index to include trend measures. If we then University Press, Oxford, 2001. use this information in concert with detailed CBD [Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity], Strategic plan: future evaluation of progress, qualitative analyses, we will have a much UNEP/CBD/COP/7/L.27, CBD, Montreal, 20 February more comprehensive and accurate picture 2004. of the state of the world’s biocultural diver- Davis, S. D., V. H. Heywood, and A. C. Hamilton, Centres of Plant Diversity: A Guide and Strategy for their sity. Conservation, IUCN–The World Conservation Union and World Wildlife Fund, Gland, Switzerland, 1994. Grimes, B.F., ed., Ethnologue, Volume 1: Languages of the David Harmon ([email protected]) is World, 14th ed., SIL International, Dallas, 2000. executive director of the George Wright Society, a Groombridge, B., and M.D. Jenkins, World Atlas of Biodiversity: Earth’s Living Resources in the 21st professional association of researchers and man- Century, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los agers working in parks, protected natural areas, Angeles, 2002. and cultural sites. He also co-founded Harmon, D., In Light of Our Differences: How Diversity in Nature and Culture Makes Us Human, Smithsonian Terralingua, an international NGO that supports Institution Press, Washington, D.C., 2002. biocultural diversity. Harmon, D., and J. Loh, Draft Framework for an Index of Biocultural Diversity, Terralingua, Washington, D.C., 2002. Jonathan Loh ([email protected]) is Maffi, L., ed., On Biocultural Diversity: Linking Language, Knowledge, and the Environment, Smithsonian an independent consultant specializing in the Institution Press, Washington, D.C., 2001. measurement, monitoring and evaluation of the Moore, J. L., L. Manne, T. Brooks, N. D. Burgess, R. Davies, natural environment, biodiversity and sustainable C. Rahbek, P. Williams, and A. Balmford, “The distribu- tion of cultural and biological diversity in Africa”, development. He formerly worked for WWF Proceedings of the Royal Society of London B 269, International, and is editor of the WWF Living 1645–1653, 2002. Planet Report. Myers, N., R. Mittermeier, C.G. Mittermeier, G.A.B. de Fonseca, and J. Kent, “Biodiversity hotspots for conser- vation priorities,” Nature 403, 853–858, 2000. Olson, D. M., E. Dinerstein, E. D. Wikramanayake, N. D. Notes Burgess, G,V. N. Powell, E. C. Underwood, J. A. 1 Harmon, 2002; Moore et al., 2002; Sutherland, 2003. D’amico, I. Itoua, H. E. Strand, J. C. Morrison, C. J. 2 Maffi, 2001; Harmon, 2002; Sutherland, 2003. Loucks, T. F. Allnutt, T. H. Ricketts, Y. Kura, J. F. 3 Harmon and Loh, 2002. Lamoreux, W. W. Wettengel, P. Hedao, and K. R. 4 Groombridge and Jenkins, 2002. Kassem, “Terrestrial ecoregions of the world: a new map of life on Earth,” BioScience 51 (11), 933–938, 5 Harmon and Loh, 2002. Data sources were as follows: 2001. languages, Grimes (2000); religions, Barrett et al. Stattersfield, A. J., M. J. Crosby, A. J. Long, and D. C. Wege, (2001); ethnic groups, Barrett et al. (2001); bird/mam- Endemic Bird Areas of the World: Priorities for mal species, Groombridge and Jenkins (2002) with Biodiversity Conservation (Birdlife Conservation Series marine mammals excluded because of a lack of data; no. 7), BirdLife International, Oxford, 1998. and plant species, Groombridge and Jenkins (2002). Sutherland, W. J., “Parallel extinction risk and global distribu- 6 For example, the widely cited U.N. Human Development tion of languages and species,” Nature Index boils down the enormously complicated factors that determine human well-being into three simple metrics: a long and healthy life (as measured by life expectancy), the attainment of knowledge (as measured by school enrollment), and enjoyment of a decent stan-

280 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity Biodiversity conservation, communication and language— is English a solution, a problem or both? Lars T. Soeftestad

Abstract: Biodiversity conservation is becoming a global agenda operating on an equally global arena. The name of the game is communication and collaboration across cultures and languages, facilitated by Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), especially the Internet and email. Part and parcel of globalisation, biodiversity conservation networking is increasingly facilitated by the use of the English lan- guage… but this cannot be separated from a certain promotion of Western values. To what extent can ICTs be used to increase understanding and awareness of the intricate connections between culture and lan- guage? How important are languages when we seek to understand the connection between biodiversity con- servation and culture? How important are languages when we seek to involve people in conservation?

Environmental knowledge, commu- Globalisation can prompt the exclusion nication and language and marginalisation of diverse categories of The anthropological literature abounds with people, especially among the least powerful examples of the cross-cultural variability in in developing countries and countries in perceiving, classifying and naming the envi- transition. At the same time, decentralisation ronment and the relationships among its can contribute to the integration and partici- constituent parts. The Kwaio of the Solomon pation of some of these people in new Islands, to give just one example, “… label processes, including for decision-making in fresh water as one substance, salt water as matters of natural resource management. In another; … place birds and bats in one cate- the latter— increasingly facilitated by gory, in contrast to moths, butterflies, and Information and Communication other flying insects; … class fish and marine Technologies (ICTs)—the role of language mammals together, and … label with a single and literacy, and their relationship with cul- term most colors we would call blue and ture, have been given scant attention. It is a black”.2 To understand this, including the fact, for instance, that ICTs facilitate the relationship between language and culture, it marginalisation and homogenisation of lan- is necessary to take a deep dive into the cul- guages, while it is an open question whether ture itself.3 Given the vast cross-cultural vari- they also contribute to language growth and ability in cultural classification of the natural survival. inventory, it is clear that, when searching for traditional environmental knowledge, it Within the context of development coopera- makes an important difference if this is done tion and natural resource management, the using English or the vernacular language.4 In Community-Based Natural Resource the former, one is at high risk of missing— Management Network (CBNRM Net, or certainly glossing over— some important www.cbnrm.net) uses ICTs to communicate facts and relationships. with its global membership. CBNRM Net is thus concerned about how globalisation and The global work on biodiversity conservation decentralisation are influencing traditional involves an extremely diverse set of partici- and modern CBNRM practices. How, for pants, all influenced by their own culture, instance, is the present massive use of ICTs, training, work, interests and languages and relying largely on English, affecting lan- who are part of one or more overlapping guages and literacy in the area of environ- networks. Analyses of the communication mental knowledge in CBNRM, and in natural between the members of these networks, resource management more generally?1 using network analysis,5 reveal some inter- esting patterns, among them that:

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 281 History, culture and conservation

The networks consist of a number of central- ues of communication, and the This is a package ly and peripherally located nodes that link resulting networks, come pack- deal. Western the members (individuals and organisations), aged with the English lan- culture and val- guage. Thus, the use of ues of communi- A few members have agenda setting roles, English in the evolving globali- while the large majority are at the receiving sation process needs to be cation, and the end; they contribute data and knowledge but given more attention. This aim resulting net- only as and when requested, is not necessarily to find ways works, come While the flow of knowledge tends to be and means of replacing it with packaged with from the periphery to the center, decisions other former colonial lan- the English lan- more likely flow the other way; and guages (including Arabic, guage. The organisational rationale and values French, Portuguese, Russian, underpinning the networks, together with and Spanish) that play important roles at the language of communication, are likely to regional levels. Rather, we should give much be Western and dominated by the English more attention to the impacts that the use language. of these foreign languages have on: (1) minority languages and cultures, and (2) our One factor in this overall communication sce- ability to understand and represent these nario that few so far have given much atten- cultures, together with their accumulated tion to is what languages are used, by knowledge and worldviews. These two whom, when, and for what purpose. The aspects are closely related.

In contemplating needs for action, a deeper understanding of the above mentioned impacts and evolving processes is crucial. The agenda seems straightforward: we have to work at several levels to ensure the nec- essary equity, democracy, governance, par- ticipation, and transparency in the global communication and information structure. These global processes cannot (and should not) be reversed. In doing so, however, we face the dilemma (as some would have it) of using these very means of communication, namely ICTs, to our advantage. CBNRM Net Figure 1. Members of the Ould Nacer tribe attempts to respond to this. (Sawana, Hodh Al Gharbi, Mauritania). (Courtesy Lars T. Soeftestad) CBNRM Net and dictionaries If ICTs (specifically Internet and email) are very historical facts and global processes key vehicles through which globalisation and that create and maintain the kind of commu- use of the English language is spreading to nication and networking structures that we all corners of the world, ICTs can also be are striving to make more human and partic- used to counter this trend. For instance, ipatory, are themselves responsible for the CBNRM Net is preparing dictionaries of key fact that English is fast becoming a global terms relating to, among others, traditional lingua franca. This is true in the case of bio- natural resource management and is making diversity conservation as in development these available online (presently in HTML, cooperation more generally. In other words, and eventually also as PDFs). CBNRM Net this is a package deal. The culture and val- advocates a balanced approach to standard-

282 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Understanding and measuring biocultural diversity

izing terminology for the majority languages, Lars T. Soeftestad ([email protected]) is while at the same time proactively locate, Coordinator, the Community-Based Natural define and/or construct— as the case may Resource Management Network (CBNRM Net, be— relevant terms in local and minority lan- www.cbnrm.net). He lives in Norway where he guages. manages a consultancy business. He is a member of CEESP/CMWG, ESWG & SLWG. Two outputs of this work are already avail- Notes able. The first is a working paper (CBNRM 1 For more on what CBNRM Net is and how it operates, Net 2004) that models the use of English in see Soeftestad and Kashwan (2004), available on the cross-cultural settings on traditional environ- CBNRM Net website at http://www.cbnrm.net/library/doc- uments/. mental knowledge and natural resource 2 Keesing 1981:85. management, analyzes the 3 See, for example, Daniels (1994), DeVito (2002), Collaboration impact of this communication Fishbone (1985), Food and Agriculture Organisation of between several the United Nations (2003), Goody (1977), Goody and on local and minority cultures, Watt (1963), and Littlejohn (2001). people and insti- presents a methodology for 4 Two examples of this are: (1) researching the traditional tutions is neces- addressing these issues, and use of a particular plant, bird or animal, and (2) search- ing for ways of involving local or minority cultures in pro- sary in order to provides some preliminary tecting species. advance this data on translations between 5 See, for example, Barnes (1972). languages of select terms and 6 The paper and the dictionaries are available on the work and estab- CBNRM Net website, at: lish a joint pro- words. The second is a num- hwww.cbnrm.net/members/papers.html and ber of dictionaries between www.cbnrm.net/resources/dictionaries/, respectively. The gramme of 6 paper is on a password-protected part of the site (non- English and select languages. CBNRM Net members are advised to write to action. [email protected] to request membership). In this initial phase the emphases is on identifying a set of core References Barnes, J. A., “Social networks”, Addison-Wesley module in CBNRM and NRM-related terms and words, anthropology, Addison-Wesley, Boston (USA), 1972. and providing translations for a large number Community-Based Natural Resource Management Network of languages. One purpose for this is to facil- (CBNRM Net), “Language, culture and communication in development cooperation. On the role of ICTs in network- itate comparisons across languages. The fol- ing online communities of practice”, prepared by Lars T. lowing two-way dictionaries of key terms in Soeftestad, with several CBNRM Net members, CBNRM Net natural resource management are currently Paper no. 6, March 2004. Kristiansand, Norway, 2004. Daniels, H. A., “Nine ideas about language”, in Clark, V. P., P. available: Arabic – French, Akposo (Togo, A. Eschholz and A. F. Rosa (eds.), Language. Introductory Ghana) – English, Akposo – French, English readings, St. Martins Press, New York (NY), 1994. DeVito, J. A., Human communication: the basic course, – Ewe (Ghana), English – French, English – Pearson Allyn & Bacon, 2002. Hassanya (Mauritania), English – Portuguese, Fishbone, J. A., “Language and culture”, in Kuper, A. and J. English – Italian, English – Setswana Kuper (eds.), The social science encyclopedia, Routledge, London, 1985. (Botswana), English – Spanish, and Ewe – FAO (Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United French. All the dictionaries are contributed Nations), Communication and natural resource manage- by members of CBNRM Net. Further diction- ment. Experience/theory. Prepared by the Communication Initiative in collaboration with the Communication for aries are in the process of preparation, and Development Group, FAO, Rome, 2003 contributions from CMWG, SLWG, TILCEPA Goody, J. (ed.), The domestication of the savage mind, and CEESP members are very welcome. We Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (UK), 1977. Goody, J. and I. Watt, “The consequences of literacy”, in: J. need to coordinate existing work (in particu- Goody (ed.), Literacy in traditional societies, pp. 27-68, lar work by TILCEPA), search for comple- Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (UK), 1963. mentarity and synergy, and develop a joint Keesing, R. M., Cultural anthropology. A contemporary per- programme of action. spective, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York (NY), 198. Littlejohn, S. W., Theories of human communication, Wadsworth, Florence (USA), 2001. Soeftestad, L. T. and Kashwan, P. “CBNRM Net: From manag- ing natural resources to managing ecosystems, knowledge and people”, in Scharl, A. (ed.), Environmental online com- munication, pp. 235-50, Springer, London, 2004.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 283 History, culture and conservation

Contested Nature – Promoting international biodiversi- ty with social justice in the twenty-ffirst Century Edited by Steven R. Brechin, Peter R. Wilshusen, Crystal L. Fortwangler and Patrick C. West, SUNY Press, New York (NY, USA), 2003. 321pp.

Short review by Grazia Borrini-FFeyerabend and Ellen L. Brown

If you care deeply about con- servation and are baffled by the seemingly intractable human-related problems that impact it, if you believe that conservation should neither meddle with “politics” nor accept compromises, if you are dismayed at the merging of conservation and anti- poverty agenda… this is the book for you! You may not agree with everything you will read, but you will find a pow- erfully argued case for conser- vation through a rights and community-based approach. If, on the other hand, you already favour such an approach, then the book is also for you as it provides an intelligent compendium of the arguments supporting it— including a recent historical analyses of relevant concepts and initiatives in the interna- tional arena—and several inspiring case studies.

284 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Resources from CEESP members

As it deals with fundamental rights and ceptual chapters and analyses. The struggles for resource access and con- authors are concerned with governance trol, nature conservation is de facto a processes across scales and powerfully political endeavour. In other words, argue that the history, social identity and there are winners and losers in conser- “amount of power” possessed by people vation, and Contested Nature—as the are crucial determinants of their relation- name implies—amply illustrates that. ship to conservation. Through delibera- The volume makes an important contri- tive democracy and an emphasis on dia- bution to the political ecology literature logue, collaboration, accountability and by presenting concrete approaches to adaptive learning, this book powerfully critically re-thinking conservation initia- argues what many of us long to hear— tives and institutions, and inviting con- that we can, indeed, pursue a future servationists to seriously consider the that is ecologically sound and socially wide-reaching impacts of their work. The just. volume examines the pervasive “hege- mony” of conservation thinking, and how “cultures of control and resistance” have remained stable through colonial and post-colonial eras and regimes. Chapters Grazia Borrini-Feyerabend take the reader from Mexico to ([email protected]) is Chair of CEESP/CMWG Madagascar showing that conservation and Co-chair of TILCEPA. Ellen L. Brown success depends upon human organisa- ([email protected]) is a doctoral candi- tion and institutions and that the roots date at Yale. Steven Brechin is Associate of conservation failures or successes lay Professor of Sociology at the University of in the social arena. They also show how Illinois. Crystal L. Fortwangler is a doctoral resource-use rights are rooted in state, candidate at the University of Michigan. market, religion, ethnicity and family Steven and Crystal are members of practices. Unfortunately, the socio-politi- CEESP/CMWG.ciology at the University of cal aspects of biodiversity protection Illinois. have been neglected in conservation pol- icy and practice, and conservation with equity is the “road less travelled”. So- called “integrated conservation and development projects”, for instance, are rightly described as having focused on incentives and compensation as means of buying constraint—a very poor model indeed, when natural resources depend on and affect all aspects of human life, from the symbolic to the political. The acute need to learn from positive cases and scale up to other contexts and sites is stressed by Contested Nature, which, in addition to case studies, offers con-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 285 History, culture and conservation

Conservation de la Nature et Développement— L’intégration impossible? Sous la direction de Estienne Rodary, Christian Castellanet et Georges Rossi, GRET-KKarthala, Paris, 2003. 308pp.

Revue par Jacques Grinevald

A l’origine de cet ouvrage collectif sur la réintégration de “la conservation de la nature” dans les pratiques de développement, qui réunit une vingtaine d’auteurs che- vronnés, il y a, comme c’est souvent le cas, un collo- que, en l’occurrence les deuxièmes rencontres “Dynamiques Sociales et Environnement : pour un dia- logue entre chercheurs, opérateurs et bailleurs de fonds”, organisé à Bordeaux les 8-10 septembre 1998 par l’AFVP, la Banque Mondiale, le GRET, l’IRD, le Ministère de la Coopération, REGARDS (CNRS-IRD) et l’Union Européenne. Les principaux animateurs, notam- ment Estienne Rodary et Christian Castellanet, travail- lent avec le GRET (Groupe de Recherche et d’Echanges Technologiques), une ONG française (@gret.org) bien connue des milieux de la recherche-action participative. Le long délai entre ce colloque et la parution du livre constitue, heureusement, non une dégradation entropi- que associée à l’usure du sujet ou des auteurs, mais un travail de maturation et d’amélioration qui tient compte de l’actualité croissante de cette problématique de plus en plus désignée sous le vocable - en soi très contro- versé - de “développement durable” (traduction fran- çaise officielle de sustainable development).

Dans le vaste débat que suscite le concept de développement durable, écologiquement et socialement soutenable, et qui fait l’objet d’une littérature et de pratiques très inégales, pour ne pas dire contradictoires, cet ouvrage offre des perspectives théoriques et des analyses de cas concrets essentiellement du point de vue de l’évolution historique et conceptuelle de ce qu’on appelle la conservation. L’influence anglo-saxonne l’a emporté sur les premières formulations européennes: ce détail - qui est plus qu’un détail - est illustré par l’histoire de l’UICN (Union Internationale pour la Conservation de la Nature et de ses Ressources - aujourd’hui Union Mondiale pour la Nature) qui ne prit ce nom qu’en 1956, car la Conférence de Fontainebleau, en 1948, sous les auspices de l’UNESCO (dont Sir Julian Huxley était le premier Directeur

286 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Resources from CEESP members

Général), du gouvernement français et de la contributions, qui sont toutes très critiques Ligue Suisse pour la Protection de la Nature mais en même d’une bonne volonté incon- (créée en 1909), donna naissance non à testable (relativement optimiste, à mon l’UICN mais à l’UIPN, l’Union Internationale sens, sur l’avenir des relations Nord-Sud) pour la Protection de la Nature. Le change- justifie amplement le sous-titre de ce ment de terminologie était aussi un change- volume, y compris son point d’interrogation : ment de mentalité et la fin de la belle épo- “l’intégration impossible?”. Mais la puissance que coloniale! de la rationalité du calcul économique, actuellement au coeur des politiques de Il est dommage que les auteurs de “croissance économique durable”, est-elle Conservation de la Nature et Développement réellement intégrée ici ? C’est au lecteur de ignorent l’histoire de l’UICN (The Green Web répondre, car chacun lira sans doute ce : A Union for World Conservation, IUCN, livre, au demeurant très riche et très stimu- Earthscan, London, 1999) récemment lant, à sa façon et à l’échelle d’observation publiée par Martin Holdgate, le Directeur et d’intelligibilité qu’il juge pertinent. Général de l’UICN de 1988 à 1994. Elle est à méditer. Le livre de 1981 de Robert L’Introduction par Christian Castellanet et Boardman (International Organisation and Estienne Rodary, dont le propos mériterait the Conservation of Nature), cité par Rodary d’être développé dans un livre à part, et Castellanet est excellent, mais il date et retrace, à grands traits (parfois discutables n’a pas bénéficié du talent et de l’immense d’un point de vue historiographique), “les expérience de Martin Holdgate. Depuis trois temps de la conservation”, avant et Holdgate, cependant, le monde de la conser- après la “Stratégie Mondiale de la vation a aussi beaucoup changé, sous la Conservation” (UICN, WWF, PNUE, 1980), pression de la montée en puissance des éco- sans oublier le programme MAB (Man and nomistes du développement durable... ceux the Biosphere) de l’UNESCO, issu de la qui calculent le prix de tout et ne connais- Conférence de la Biosphère de 1968 (oubliée sent la valeur de rien, pour paraphraser ici comme un peu partout, mais pas par Oscar Wilde. Holdgate), en remontant, à juste titre, à l’époque coloniale. A la suite des recherches Le lecteur peu versé dans la longue histoire historiographiques hétérodoxes de Richard de cette idée moderne de la conservation et Grove, sans doute encore peu connues des de ses relations avec l’essor, au XXe siècle, praticiens de la recherche-action participa- de l’écologie scientifique (traitée ici très tive, Castellanet et Rodary ont raison de rap- sommairement), trouvera dans cet ouvrage peler que c’est essentiellement “la rencontre de nombreux éléments pour une mise en des Européens avec les tropiques” qui sus- perspective historique, mais avec une cita “les premières préoccupations écologis- contextualisation qui fait curieusement l’im- tes”. L’écologie— plus que l’environnementa- passe sur les réalités géopolitiques et straté- lisme— est née sous les tropiques! La ques- giques de la guerre secrète pour les matiè- tion des îles, dès la fin du XVIIIe siècle, a res premières que se livrent les grandes attiré l’attention des voyageurs naturalistes puissances. La conservation, même “inté- et de certains administrateurs coloniaux, grée” et “participative”, n’est-elle pas sou- sans oublier, aimerais-je ajouter (puisque vent menacée par la grande politique pétro- l’île Maurice est mentionnée), un Bernardin lière internationale? Cette question de “l’es- de Saint-Pierre (1737-1814), l’auteur de Paul pace comme technologie politique” est cer- et Virginie et du Voyage à l’île de France. tes abordée par Gilles Kleitz mais d’un point Ceux qui s’intéressent aux délicates applica- de vue local, tout à fait justifié, et non dans tions des modèles de la biogéographie insu- la perspective des relations internationales à laire—depuis la fameuse “Theory of Island l’âge de la globalisation. L’ensemble des Biogeography” de MacArthur et Wilson

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 287 History, culture and conservation

(1967)—doivent se reporter à la littérature va, de plus, être accélérée par le réchauffe- spécialisée en biogéographie, domaine scien- ment planétaire : on ne peut plus traiter ces tifique actuellement très actif sur lequel deux aspects de la crise écologique plané- Conservation de la Nature et Développement taire qui s’annonce comme s’il s’agissait de semble passer comme chat sur braise, deux choses radicalement différentes. Ce comme si la gestion de la conservation pou- que font, hélas, trop souvent les Français. Le vait se passer de fondements scientifiques texte de Georges Rossi, cependant, s’appro- (voir les remarques finales du grand livre du che de ce genre de questionnement philoso- professeur Jacques Blondel, Biogéographie. phique : il est précisément intitulé Approche écologique et évolutive, Masson, “Questions d’incertitude”. Paris, 1995). Les rapports entre la biologie de la conserva- L’écologie, en tant que science de la nature tion, cette “science de la rareté et de la vivante, est née à l’extérieur des laboratoires diversité” comme l’appelle Michael E. Soulé considérés comme les nouveaux temples de (que personne ne cite ici!), et les controver- l’humanité civilisée par Claude Bernard et ses dans le domaine fondamentale de la sys- Louis Pasteur (et les biologistes moléculai- tématique et de la biologie évolutive sont, à res). Elle a été largement inspirée par la ren- mon goût, trop peu traités, comme l’atteste contre des naturalistes européens avec la aussi l’absence de référence au thème de la “géographie des plantes” (Humboldt, 1805) symbiose, dont le renouveau épistémologi- des régions tropicales, dont le grand que doit beaucoup à Lynn Margulis, signifi- Alexandre de Humboldt transmit au jeune cativement coauteur de la théorie Gaïa, qui Charles Darwin, parti faire le tour du monde constitue, avec l’écologie profonde (Deep à bord du H.M.S. Beagle (1831-1836), à la Ecology), un défi intellectuel majeur pour fois son enthousiasme pour la splendeur des nos mythes modernes du développement, et forêts tropicales, véritables “monuments” de aussi de l’environnement. C’est toute notre la Nature (désormais menacés par le déve- conception occidentale de la Nature qui est à loppement!), et les prémisses de sa problé- revoir! Cela dit, les dérives de l’approche « matique qui devait radicalement transfor- éco-gestionnaire » sont bien analysées dans mer— avec quelle difficulté!— la conception ce livre, sur des cas concrets, et notamment classique de l’Histoire Naturelle et ouvrir à dans le texte court mais dense de Denis l’humanité les chemins de la découverte de Chartier et Bernard Sellato intitulé “Les “la sélection naturelle”, l’une des clés de la savoir-faire traditionnels au service de la compréhension de l’évolution biologique, conservation de la nature ou des ONG inter- dont l’espèce humaine est également soli- nationales d’environnement?” (p.89-104). On daire, n’en déplaise à l’anthropocentrisme de appréciera d’autant plus cette contribution la “modernité” urbano-industrielle et de ses que Chartier est l’auteur d’une thèse de doc- racines religieuses médiévales (voir le débat torat en géographie sur “Le rôle de sur la célèbre thèse de Lynn White). Ce Greenpeace et du WWF dans la résolution commentaire, je l’avoue, est assez person- des problèmes environnementaux”, qu’on nel, car la plupart des auteurs de cet aimerait bien voir publiée. ouvrage se gardent généralement d’entrer dans ce genre de considérations sur les rap- Jacques Grinevald ports entre l’humanité, en tant qu’espèce ([email protected]) est Professeur titulaire à l’Institut Universitaire d’Etudes du zoologique singulière, caractérisée par une Développement (IUED) et chargé de cours à fantastique capacité cognitive et inventive l’Université de Genève. Il enseigne aussi depuis plus autant qu’adaptative, d’où résulte sa diver- de vingt ans à l’Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de sité culturelle immémoriale (désormais Lausanne (EPFL). Jacques est membre du CEESP/ menacée par le développement!), et ce CMWG. Christian Castellanet, agronome et écolo- qu’on appelle, depuis le milieu des années gue, est Responsable de Programmes au GRET. 1980, la crise de la biodiversité. Cette crise Christian est aussi membre du CEESP/CMWG.

288 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Resources from CEESP members

The Mountains of the Mediterranean World— An environmental history By John Robert McNeill, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (UK), 2003. 423pp.

Short review by David Pitt

It is good to see that McNeill’s classic study of Mediterranean mountains, originally pub- lished in 1992, is now in paperback. Braudel famously said that the mountains came first in the Mediterranean, tumbling into that azure sea, emerging as high islands like Crete or Corsica, even once being all the land before the Flood raised sea levels. This book is yet another good addition to the Cambridge series on Environment and History which also includes Alfred Crosby’s Ecological Imperialism.

McNeill wants to explain why the Mediterranean mountains are so denuded and dry today. This is a first class mystery story based on archival research (including the FAO) and extensive wanderings in five ranges: the Taurus (Turkey), Pindus (Greece), Lucanian Appenines (Italy), Rif (Morocco) and Alpujarra (Spain). Once, these mountains were so forested that Tamerlane could hide elephants in them and the good and great flocked to the cooler orchards and gardens away from the foetid malarial swamps.

Meiggs— the long haired Oxford don and doyen of ancient historians who had conclusively shown that the Mediterranean mountains had been a boreal environment just two thousand years ago— inspired McNeill to explain the deforestation over tea on the Balliol lawn. What had changed was not only, or mainly, the physical geography but the political economy, cul- ture and society of the region. The Romans might have started the rot, for they (like the modern mafia) were suspicious of trees that could hide enemies of their authority. That’s why the legions moved over the Alps on the broad passes and alpages, avoiding areas like the Jura (which is a pre-Roman word for forests). The Christians, for instance in the con-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 289 History, culture and conservation

quest of Moorish Spain, knocked down the Worst of all, says McNeill, the environ- delightful Arab gardens as well as the mental degradation became irreversible trees (destroying the silk trade in the through vicious cycles— too much ero- process) to graze their bulls and, later, to sion, silt and floods, too thin a soil, too bring in maize. But things really went many fires and deserts, and so on. wrong in the last two or three hundred Ecological overshoot combined with cli- years, as the Mediterranean became mate change rendered the environment enmeshed in the capitalism of the indus- drier and drier— a tinder box constantly trial revolution and the highlands came at risk of igniting, physically and socially, under the power elites of the plains. The leading to regional if not world wars. traditional self-reliant communities broke Tragedy for the Mediterranean… but down and the young left the uplands to McNeill warns this may also be the fate of be exploited for wage labour. Those who other regions where similar stories are stayed were very poor, overtaxed and sadly, if more slowly, unfolding, whatever forced to abandon nomadic ways. the superficial differences of religion, soci- Certainly a growing population cut too ety and culture. much forest for fuel, unwisely cleared and planted maize, or tried to adopt a cash- More on this book from Lorena Verdes at based intensive pastoral economy. Often, Cambridge (phone 0044 1223 325921). however they ended up in debt or perpet- Cited books: ual bondage. Only occasionally did they Banfield, E., The Moral Basis of a prosper, as when the Rif grew kif Backward Society, Free Press, Glencoe (cannabis) or from the spoils of brig- (Illinois, USA), 1958. andage and smuggling. Braudel, F. (in translation), The Mediterranean, Fontana, London, 1966. “Miseria” set in, but was in itself also Crosby, A., Ecological Imperialism, something of a defence mechanism, as it Cambridge University Press, Cambridge persuaded authorities that villages were (UK), 1992. not worth taxing. At best, they could be Levi, C., (in translation), Christ Stopped at used to exile political prisoners, like Carlo Eboli, Farrar Straus, New York (NY, Levi who said that “Christ stopped at USA), 1947. Eboli”. Many children and closed kin Meiggs, R., Trees and Timber in the groups were not “amoral familism” as Ancient World, Clarendon Press, Oxford Banfield and other anglosaxons thought, (UK), 1982. but a necessary means to independence where mechanisation was so difficult. They also were a sort of “revenge of the cradle”, whilst polytheistic magic was the David Pitt ([email protected]) is a member of CEESP/ vessel in which traditional cultures and CMWG and was the editor with Jack Ives of languages could be preserved. Even Islam Deforestation - Social Dynamics of Watersheds and had trouble incorporating the residents of Mountain Ecosystems - Routledge (1988). He is cur- the Rif, who managed to persuade the rently preparing a gazetteer of sustainable develop- Sultan to give them a special dispensation ment in the Mediterranean. to continue to make and drink alcohol. Mountain lawlessness became often open rebellion as local peoples sought inde- pendence or, more prosaically, access to water as the droughts intensified.

290 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Resources from CEESP members

Against Extinction— The story of conservation By William M. Adams, Earthscan and Fauna and Flora International, London and Sterling (Virginia,USA), 2004. 311pp.

Short review by Dan Brockington

Bill Adams has once again challenged and strengthened conservation’s cause with his lat- est book. Building on the success of previous publications on environmental strategies in the North and South (Adams 1996; Adams 2001) this book tells a story as yet remarkably untold– that of western conservation in the twentieth century. “Western” conservation, of course, happens in many other places apart from the West, and Adams is principally con- cerned with Africa, the UK and USA. His focus is the activities of what is now called Fauna and Flora International and the volume is also a contribution to the FFI’s centenary.

Against Extinction charts the rise and diverse experience of different strongholds of conser- vation— protected areas and species preserva- tion. It also examines newer trends in conser- vation activity including attempts to make pro- tected areas locally popular and to raise rev- enue from sustainable harvests, as well as the origins of conservation activity in hunting and international lobbying, from the early days of the Society for the Preservation of the Fauna of the Empire to the international debates about sustainable development.

It is the final chapter which deserves special mention. It is here that Adams concentrates on what he would like to see conservation doing, and in particularly doing differently. Here are the strongest challenges for the conservation movement. Adams advocates recognizing that nature is a ‘social construction’, as well as recognizing the diversity of human engagements with nature (page 233-4). His most powerful plea is “not to preserve... ‘the wild’, but peo-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 291 History, culture and conservation

ples’ relationships with the wild” (page conservation provides the answer. Adams 235 original emphasis). His call is to move tries to please neither radical critics of away from focusing on wilderness and conservation nor traditional conservation- pristineness, and to seek renewed con- ists. In telling this history he denies nections with nature and natural process- aspects of both sides with his usual elo- es, even in mundane landscapes, that quent prose. Few readers, therefore, will could form the bedrock of a stronger con- find comfort here. Nor should anyone servation movement. If nature is confined expect to, for the story of conservation, of only to special places then engagement its rise and ‘nature’s decline’ (page 231) with it will be shallow, short and superfi- cannot make comfortable reading. It is cial for most of us. precisely because it requires confrontation that this is essential reading. Some conservationists might hold that to be a counsel of despair, a succumbing Dan Brockington acceptance of a marred world. It is not. ([email protected]) works in the This is a bolder agenda than merely draw- School of Geography and the Environment at the ing lines in the sand around protected University of Oxford. He trained as an anthropolo- areas. This is about changing the way gist, working around the Mkomazi Game Reserve industrial and post-industrial society between 1994 and 1996 and for 18 months in relates to nature, and ultimately, per- Rukwa, in southern Tanzania. Bill Adams ceives itself. These arguments are all the ([email protected]) is Reader in Conservation and more important given that they may be Development at the University of Cambridge. Dan too late. People already relate to nature and Bill are members of CEESP/CMWG. through the categories presented to them. Some of the strongest debates about nature in the west are those which seek Works quoted: to preserve categorised wilderness from Adams, W. A. “Nature and the colonial human use. The Disneyfication of nature mind” in Adams W. A. and M. Mulligan, and wilderness has been successful, and Decolonizing Nature. Strategies for is now working out the ramifications of its Conservation in a Post-Colonial Era, success in western society (Adams 2003; Earthscan, London, 2003. Igoe 2003). Similarly few contend that the Adams, W. M., Future Nature: a vision for images of wild Africa sustaining conserva- conservation, Earthscan London, 1996. tion are not mythical, yet these stories Adams, W. M., Green Development, still work, raising billions of dollars for Routledge, London, 2001. conservation organisations (Brockington, Brockington, D., Fortress Conservation. 2002). The preservation of the Mkomazi Game Reserve, Tanzania, James Currey, This is a brave book, for it is bound to Oxford (UK), 2002. challenge most of its readers, and offend Igoe, J., Conservation and Globalisation: a others. Adams does not dilute the ill- study of national parks and indigenous effects of conservation practice. He has communities from East Africa to South no time for the strongly protectionist Dakota, Wadsworth/Thomson Learning, arguments of Terborgh (‘ecofascism’ – Belmont (California, USA) 2003. page 223). Nor does he bow to fashion- able, but unsupportable, notions that there is no crisis, that protected areas have been superseded, or that community

292 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Resources from CEESP members

Anthropology and History in Franche-CComté— A critique of social theory By Robert Layton, Oxford University Press, Oxford (UK) 2000. 392 pp.

Short book review by David Pitt

the world. Layton contrasts this successful This study, based on fieldwork extending evolution with other villages in Europe, and especially in England where unigeniture was over 25 years and archival research, is an the rule and landlords enclosed common outstanding analysis of community develop- lands, dis-possessing and exploiting the ment in the plateau region of the Jura peasantry who were reduced to lowly labour. Mountains, on the Franco Swiss border. In very recent times the villages have Despite many often massive disruptions to changed with the arrival of heterogeneous life—plagues, earthquakes, the French revo- wealthy secondary residents (though nothing lution, wars, Nazi occupation, and lately even like the massive invasion of the the market and globalisation— these villages ski areas in the High Jura) and …survival sto- managed to survive, indeed prosper, while the automobile. Today, people ries from the their population remained at stable levels drive even within the village, Jura… from the sixteenth century to the present have much fewer occasions to day. How was this achieved? To answer the gossip and use their car to take advantage of question Layton calls on both his acute and lucrative jobs in Switzerland. Yet, tradition detailed field notes and a few big theoretical still holds together with what CIPRA has guns, such as Marx, Giddens and Bourdieu. recently called the “singularité plurielle” of Many of the reasons have to do with inde- the mountains, accommodating many cul- pendence. People in these parts say they are tures and coping with the currents of history. not French (or Swiss) as much as Jurassian. This book provides a guide to learning from th During the Thirty Years war of the 17 cen- independent communities— places that have tury the sinister grey eminence Richelieu developed from the grass roots in a context ordered all the villages from Pontarlier to of cultural pluralism and the constant adap- Salins les Bains (then not in France) to be tation of both individuals and institutions. razed. After this, villagers started the habit of burying their dead face down, to defiantly show their buttocks to the French lords. This strong sense of independence is reflected in David Pitt ([email protected]) is a member of communal self reliance and face-to-face, CEESP/ CMWG and lives in the Jura. practical solidarity, nurtured in the villages for centuries and based on partible inheri- For more on the book, including 40 pages of free tance and sharing of “the commons”. sample, go to www.oup.com. For more on moun- tain cultural pluralism see the March 2004 special The largely dairy economy has always issue of CIPRA Info www.cipra.org from the revolved around democratic cooperatives. Commission Internationale pour la Protection des The first of these actually dates back to the Alpes based in Schaan FL. 13th century, probably among the oldest in

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 293 History, culture and conservation

Handbook of Mangroves in the Philippines

By Jurgenne H. Primavera, Resurreccion B. Sadaba, Ma Junemie H.L. Lebata and Jon P. Altamirano, Panay— SEAFDEC Aquaculture Department, Iloilo (Philippines), 2004. 106 pp.

Short review by Lawrence Liao

The little-known world of Indo-Pacific man- groves has never been so wonderfully cele- brated in such a compact field guide. This vol- ume overflows with useful information as it decribes and illustrates thirty-four species of mangroves, representing virtually the entire Philippine mangrove flora and about half of the world’s known true mangrove species. Each species is depicted on easily readable opposing pages characterised by a refreshing layout of color photos, maps, icons and text that is pleasant to the eyes. Superb photogra- phy for each species includes shots of habitat, close-ups of leaves, flowers, fruits, and root systems which greatly facilitates field identifi- cation. Maps show sampling sites around Panay Island while graphic tidal range indica- tors plot the species’ distribution in relation to the mean high water level at spring tide. Phenological time lines indicate flowering and fruiting periods for each species. Innovative icons provide quick information on plant form and root type, flower arrangement, inflores- cence, leaf type and arrangement, shapes of leaf, its margin, apex and base. The text contains information on family, scientific and local names, morphological, ecological and ethnobotanical data.

While individual species descriptions take up the bulk of this handy field guide, the authors provide equally interesting and useful information on the economic importance of mangroves, citing historical and present usage. The current pattern of mangrove decline, so prevalent in Southeast Asia, is discussed with an emphasis on the Philippine situation.

294 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Resources from CEESP members

This decline is continuing, notwithstand- sive without the pitfalls of being overly ing the plethora of local laws enacted for technical. It is highly recommended for a their protection. On the bright side, the wide readership ranging from experts to the uninitiated. Here at long last is a book high- lighting an important topic long denied to naturalists, legis- lators, politi- cians, communi- ty extension workers and the layperson. With the renewed, heightened awareness of the fragile nature and ecological importance of mangroves suc- cinctly portrayed by the authors, authors argue for mangrove rehabilita- mangroves in the Philippines stand to tion by providing narrative examples of get a new lease on life. My only hope is successful mangrove conservation pro- that this valuable book reaches every grams at the village level. The authors audience that needs to hear its impor- also draw from their extensive experi- tant message. ence to support mangrove-friendly aqua- culture practices as an alternative to the Lawrence Liao is Professor in the outright destructive conversion of man- Department of Biology at the University of groves into fishponds. The chapter clos- San Carlos in Cebu City (The Philippines). es with inspiring examples of communi- Jurgenne H. Primavera ty-based mangrove reforestation initia- ([email protected]) is Senior tives undertaken by government, acad- Scientist at the SEAFDEC Aquaculture eme, NGOs and people’s organisations. Department, Iloilo (Philippines). Jurgenne is a A list of references is provided for those CEESP/SLWG member and serves in the who want to obtain additional detailed Steering Committee of CEESP. information, while a glossary of technical terms is appended for consultation by laypersons.

This is definitely the best and most user- friendly mangrove field guide ever pub- lished in the Philippines. Compared to its predecessors, this book is comprehen-

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 295 History, culture and conservation

Comanejo— Una reflexiín conceptual desde Coope Sol i Dar R. L. Por Patricia Madrigal Cordero y Vivienne Solis Rivera, CMWG, TILCEPA, Universidad para la Paz, IDRC y Coope Sol i Dar R.L., San José (Costa Rica), 2004. 78 pp. http://www.iucn.org/themes/ceesp/Publications/CMWG/Comanejo.pdf

Este documento tiene como objetivo el servir como un vehículo de información sobre la discusión que se ha dado a nivel global, regional y local en torno a la partici- pación de diferentes sectores sociales en la conservación de las áreas protegidas. El volumen incluye conceptos en construcción, los cuales deben ser analizados desde la experiencia para su enriquecimiento. Es un documento para el análisis y la discusión, que aspira a ser enriqueci- do desde diferentes opiniones y perspectivas, pero que también ofrece la posición hasta ahora de quienes for- mamos parte de Coope SoliDar R.L. También el docu- mento incluye en sus anexos los últimos acuerdos a los que se ha llegado en torno al tema en las discusiones del ú ltimo Congreso Mundial de Á reas Protegidas en Durban y de las reuniones de la Convención de Diversidad Biológica (CDB).

Coope Sol i Dar R.L., is a cooperative made up of pro- fessionals from different disciplines engaged in fostering participatory governance of cultural and biological wealth towards enhanced quality of life, justice and equity. Patricia Madrigal Cordero “Co-management: a conceptual reflection from ([email protected]) es Abogada Coope SoliDar R.L.” builds upon the renewed inter- especialista en Derecho Internacional y national interest in the role of local communities in Presidente del Consejo de Administración de the management of protected areas through innova- la Cooperativa Autogestionaria de Servicios tive governance. It reviews relevant debates and Profesionales para la Solidaridad Social R.L. emphasises the importance of recognizing the efforts (Coope Sol i Dar R.L.). Patricia es miembro done by local communities and indigenous people for del CEESP/CMWG. Vivienne Solis Rivera the conservation of protected areas in Central ([email protected]) es Bióloga y America. The document strives to bridge global and Gerente de Coope Sol i Dar R.L. y Deputy Central American concerns and highlights the most Chair del CEESP/CMWG. applicable approaches in the regional context.

296 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Resources from CEESP members

Sharing Power— Learning by doing in co-mmanage- ment of natural resources throughout the world By Grazia Borrini-FFeyerabend, Michel Pimbert, M. Taghi Farvar, Ashish Kothari and Yves Renard, IIED and IUCN/CEESP/CMWG, Cenesta, Teheran, 2004. 453 pp.

“Sharing Power” should be required reading for all of us involved in the governance and management of natural resources.… The lamp-posts are intelligence, care and equity—the exact opposite of situations in which the stronger forces impose their will on the weaker ones, without regard to understandings, results or even meaning, let alone sustainability.… This book invites us to, and equips us for, a dialogue among different cultures, being those of neighbours or of distant actors, in a respectful and equitable search for new forms of natural resource management.… You will find yourself consulting this book over and over again when you need inspiration and practical help...

from the foreword by Juan Mayr Maldonado At the heart of ‘co-management’ of natural resources is a process of collective understanding and action by local commu- nities and other social actors. The process brings about negotiated agreements on man- agement roles, rights, and responsibilities, making explicit the conditions and institutions of sound decentralised governance. De facto, co-management is about sharing power. When successful, it spells out the peaceful and intelligent ways by which communities

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 297 History, culture and conservation

and other actors overcome environmental chal- Grazia Borrini-Feyerabend lenges, take best advantage of nature’s gifts ([email protected]) is Chair of CEESP CMWG and and share those in fairness and solidarity. When CO-chair of TILCEPA. Michel Pimbert it fails, it ushers conflicts, human misery and ([email protected]) is a member of environmental damages. CEESP/CMWG and TILCEPA. M. Taghi Farvar ([email protected]) is Chair of CEESP and This book is designed to support professionals member of CMWG and TILCEPA. Ashish and citizens at large who both wish to better Kothari ([email protected]) is Co-chair of understand collaborative management process- TILCEPA and a member of CEESP/CMWG. Yves es and develop and enhance them in practice. Renard ([email protected]) is past Co-chair of It begins by offering a variety of vistas, from CMWG and currently a member. broad historical and equity considerations to in- depth co-management examples. The understanding accumulated in recent decades on starting points for co-management, pre-requisites for successful negotiations (such as effective social communication and internal organisation of the parties) as well as rules, methods and conditions of the negotiations themselves are illustrated in detail. Methods and tools, such as practical checklists distilled from different situations and contexts, are offered throughout. Examples of specific agreements and pluralist management organisa- tions are discussed. The experience of social actors learning by doing and improving their management practices on an on-going basis is what informed this book— together with the complex and inspiring ways by which the surrounding socio-political conditions can be improved through participatory democracy.

Rights, Resources and Rural Development— community-bbased natural resource management in Southern Africa Edited by Christo Fabricius, Eddie Koch, Hector Magome and Stephen Turner, Earthscan, London, 2004.

rural livelihoods while ensuring careful con- Community-based natural resource man- servation and management of biodiversity and other resources. Recently, however, the agement (CBNRM) is an approach that CBNRM concept has attracted criticism for offers multiple related benefits: securing failing to realise its promises or deliver sig-

298 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Resources from CEESP members

nificant local improvements in some contexts.

This book identifies the flaws in its application, which often have been swept under the carpet by those involved in the initiatives. It analyses them, and it proposes remedies for specific cir- cumstances based on the lessons learned from CBNRM experience in southern Africa over the past decade.

The result is essential reading for all the researchers, observers and practitioners who have focused on how CBNRM can be employed in sustainable development programmes as a means to overcome poverty in various parts of the globe. It will be a vital tool in improving their methods and performance.

Christo Fabricious ([email protected]) is Professor of Environmental Science at Rhodes University, Grahamstown (South Africa) and a mem- ber of CEESP/CMWG and TILCEPA.

Indigenous and Local Communities and Protected Areas—towards equity and enhanced conservation. Guidance on policy and practice for Co-mmanaged Protected Areas and Community Conserved Areas By Grazia Borrini-FFeyerabend, Ashish Kothari and Gonzalo Oviedo, with inputs from Marco Bassi, Peter Bille Larsen, Maurizio Farhan Ferrari, Diane Pansky and Neema Pathak, series editor: Adrian Phillips, Best Practice Protected Area Guidelines Series, No.11, IUCN/ WCPA and CEESP, Cambridge (UK), 2004. 112 pp.

protected areas have tended to see Conventional approaches to managing people and nature as separate entities,

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 299 History, culture and conservation

often excluding human commu- nities from the use of natural resources and perceiving their concerns as incompatible with conserva- tion. This has led to social costs for many indigenous peo- ples and local communities, with a variety of conflicts with important reper- cussions in both conservation and economic terms. This volume—the latest in the WCPA Best Practice Protected Areas Guidelines Series— explores protected area approaches and models that see conservation, and pro- tected areas of all categories, as fully compatible with human communities as decision- makers, managers, residents, resource users and Two key definitions used in these caretaking neighbours. Main themes are co-man- Guidelines aged protected areas and community con- Co-mmanaged Protected Area: served areas—which are discussed at some Government-designated protected area length and illustrated through typologies and where decision making power, respon- numerous examples. Drawing on experiences, sibility and accountability are shared reflections and advice developed at the local, between governmental agencies and national, regional and international level, the vol- ume offers practical guidance and specific options other stakeholders, in particular the for action for conservation practitioners and policy indigenous peoples and local and makers. mobile communities that depend on that area culturally and/or for their The Guidelines build upon the IUCN’s efforts to livelihood. pursue equity in conservation in the decade since the term was first included in the IUCN mission Community Conserved Area: statement (Buenos Aires, 1994) and upon the work Natural and modified ecosystems, of the IUCN Theme on Indigenous and Local including significant biodiversity, Communities, Equity and Protected Areas ecological services and cultural values, (TILCEPA) – a joint Theme of the CEESP and WCPA voluntarily conserved by indigenous Commissions. Much of this work was done in peoples and local and mobile commu- preparation for the Vth World Parks Congress in nities through customary laws or other Durban (South Africa), September 2003. The Guidelines draw upon the outputs of that Congress effective means.

300 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Resources from CEESP members

and discuss and refer specifically to the Grazia Borrini-Feyerabend ([email protected]) Programme of Work on Protected Areas is Chair of CEESP/CMWG and Co-chair of approved by the 7th Conference of TILCEPA. Ashish Kothari Parties to the Convention on Biological ([email protected]) is Co-chair of TILCEPA Diversity in February 2004 (CBD/COP7). and a member of CEESP/CMWG. Gonzalo The Parties to that Convention as well Oviedo ([email protected]) is Senior as indigenous people, mobile indigenous Social Policy Advisor at IUCN Headquarters and a peoples and local communities con- member of both CEESP/CMWGG and TILCEPA. cerned with protected areas in many Marco Bassi, Peter Bille Larsen, Maurizio countries, will find in this volume an Farhan Ferrari, Diane Pansky, Neema important tool towards a successful pur- Pathak and Adrian Phillips are all members of suit of CBD’s obligations. CEESP/CMWG and/or TILCEPA.

Community Integrated Pest Management in Indonesia— institutionalising participation and people centred approaches By Mansour Fakih, Toto Rahardjo and Michel Pimbert, IIED-IIDS Institutionalising Participation Series, IIED, London, 2003.

resources. Over time, the emphasis of Integrated pest management (IPM) the programme shifted towards commu- nity organisation, community planning emerged in Indonesia in the late 1980s and management of IPM, and became as a reaction to the environmental and known as Community IPM (CIPM). This social consequences of the Green study assesses the extent to which Revolution model of agriculture. A coop- Community IPM has been institution- erative programme between the United alised in Java (Indonesia). The dynamics Nations Food and Agriculture of institutionalising people-centred, par- Organisation (FAO) and the Indonesian ticipatory processes were found to be Government centred then on farmer field closely dependent on the following schools (FFS), which are schools without mutually reinforcing factors: 1. Enabling walls. The FFS were to make farmers national policy decisions by the state experts in their own fields, enabling complemented by farmer-led attempts to them to replace their reliance on exter- contest and shape policies from below. nal inputs, such as pesticides, with 2. Actors with emancipatory values, atti- endogenous skills, knowledge and tudes and behaviours who championed

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 301 History, culture and conservation

the cause of FFS/CIPM. 3. Farmer-cen- federations has helped farmers capture tred learning and critical education that power back from centralised, top down promoted ecological knowledge for sus- agencies). 6. A context where farmers tainability, both among farmers and have had some control over funding those who worked with them. 4. decisions and allocations made by local, Enabling organisations that emphasised national or international funding bodies. farmers’ abilities promoted organisational learning and are flexible in their struc- Michel Pimbert ([email protected]) is ture and procedures. 5. The existence of Acting Director of the Sustainable Agriculture safe spaces where farmers can get and Rural Livelihoods programme at the together, share problems and decide on International Institute for Environment and action (linking together these “safe Development and a member of CEESP/ spaces” and local groups into broader CEMWG and TILCEPA.

State versus Participation— Natural resources management in Europe By Andréa Finger-SStich and Matthias Finger, IIED-IIDS Institutionalising Participation Series IIED, London , 2002.

increase its own legitimacy. This evolution is The participation of local communities, reviewed in light of two other recent trends, namely the globalisation of economic inter- indigenous peoples, various other actors ests and the demands for democratisation, and the public in general in developing poli- decentralisation, and accountability. The cies, planning and managing natural authors highlight the strategies used by var- resources has been increasingly promoted in ious state agencies to control participation international and national policies. This book in decision-making processes relating to for- analyses and discusses how participation est and water resource management. does— or does not— occur in the manage- ment of forest and water resources at vari- ous institutional levels in European contexts. More precisely, the authors critically analyse Andréa Finger-Stich how the state has, over time, strengthened ([email protected]) is an independ- its own development interests by removing ent consultant with interests focusing on par- decisions over the management of natural resources from local users and the hands of ticipatory processes in forest management. communities and how, today, it attempts to She is a member of CEESP/CMWG. instrumentalise peoples’ participation to

302 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Resources from CEESP members

Confronting Environments— Local understanding in a globalizing world Edited by James Carrier, Alta Mira Press, Walnut Creek (California, USA), 2004.

The contributors, including CEESP member Ken MacDonald, tackle the complex factors affecting people’s understandings of their environment-not just the natural environment, but landscapes shaped by humans, and their social contexts. The authors consider the impact of local events, such as tourism or environmental protec- tion regimes, with detailed analy- ses of local cases. They also evalu- ate the large-scale political-eco- nomic forces that operate at regional and global levels, such as policies and bureaucratic require- ments of international agencies and a country’s position in global commodity markets. Their approach encourages policy makers and researchers to think about their natural and non-natural envi- ronment in novel ways. This book will be an excellent resource for all concerned with social, cultural and political-economic aspects of envi- ronmental use and conservation, and researchers in anthropology, geography, and political ecology.

James G. Carrier is Adjunct Professor of Anthropology, University of Indiana and Honorary Research Associate, Department of Anthropology, Oxford Brookes University. Ken MacDonald ([email protected]) is a member of CEESP/CMWG.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 303 History, culture and conservation

“Prajateerpu, power and knowledge: the politics of participatory action research in development. Part I: Context, process and safeguards” by Michel Pimbert and Tom Wakeford, Action Research, 1(2):184-2207, 2003.

involved in the Prajateerpu process— Prajateerpu (which literally means “peo- including the citizens jury, scenario work- shop and public hearings—the authors ple’s verdict”) has been devised as a exer- assess the safeguards that were put in cise to allow the people who were going place to ensure a balanced and credible to be the most affected by the “Vision deliberative process. They suggest that 2020” initiatives for food and farming in the exchanges between the five organisa- Andhra Pradesh (AP, India) to shape a tions that formed the core team, the facili- vision of their own. This paper explores tators, oversight panel, witnesses and the Prajateerpu exercise as a case study jurors in Prajateerpu, along with the use a in participatory action research that took set of carefully designed safeguards, con- place against a background of social, tain valuable lessons for those who wish political and scientific controversy in which to engage in collaborative inquiries dealing the authors were active participants. with high political stakes. Having examined the different methods

“Prajateerpu, power and knowledge: the politics of participatory action research in development. Part 2: Analysis, reflections and implications” by Tom Wakeford and Michel Pimbert, Action Research, 2(1): 25-446, 2004.

known as Prajateerpu. While privileging The authors examine here the roles of neither official expertise nor experiential knowledge, they point out the need to the diverse co-inquirers involved in the redress the power imbalance that exists power-equalising action research project between poor and elite social groups by

304 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 Resources from CEESP members

creating arenas where expert knowledge Michel Pimbert ([email protected]) is is put under public scrutiny. This second Acting Director of the Sustainable Agriculture and paper in a series of two emphasises the Rural Livelihoods programme at the International tensions that arose in Prajateerpu Institute for Environment and Development and a between the participants whose analysis member of CEESP/ CEMWG and TILCEPA. had become marginalised from decision- such as Prajateerpu towards more demo- making processes and those in positions cratic knowledge and enhanced social jus- of power. From a reflection on their own tice. contributions as action researchers, the authors look at the merits of processes

ACM News from CIFOR (http://www.cifor.cgiar.org/acm/pub/news.html )

The Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) has been involved in adaptive collaborative management efforts since 1998. During that time a group within the Governance pro- gramme has established long term links with researchers and NGO per- sonnel in 11 countries (Bolivia, Brazil, Cameroon, Ghana, Indonesia, Kyrgyzstan, Madagascar, Malawi, Nepal, Philippines, Zimbabwe), and less formal relations with people elsewhere. Five years ago, members of this group began publishing a small internet newsletter on Adaptive Collaborative Management— ACM News— which served initially as a mecha- nism for sharing information within the group. Over time, others have expressed inter- est in receiving the newsletter, and it is now sent out to any interested readers.

Policy Matters 13, November 2004 305 History, culture and conservation

Although we still print some person- al information about mem- bers of our network, each issue includes arti- cles on new happenings and findings from various sites, new publications of relevance to those doing adap- tive collaborative management, and new options for scaling up and out (expanding the approach and results to others). New readers are welcome, and invited to submit short articles on themes related to adaptive collaborative management and other governance issues.

For more information please contact Carol Colfer ([email protected]) or Lini Wollenberg ([email protected]), who is also a CEESP/CMWG member.

306 Policy Matters 13, November 2004 CEESP Steering Committee and Contacts Name & affiliation Role/area of responsibility Nationality/ residence Themes and Working Groups & Focal Points for the Regions

Farvar, M. Taghi ([email protected]) Chair of CEESP, and of the Theme on Sustainable Iran Centre for Sustainable Development (CENESTA), Iran Livelihoods (WGSL)

Deputy Chair of CEESP, Mayr Maldonado, Juan ([email protected]) Focal Point for Governance Issues, International Group of Eminent Persons, Advisors to the Secretary Processes and Bio-cultural Diversity Colombia General, UN & for Latin America

Vice-Chair for Theme on Co-management of Natural Resources (CMWG) & Borrini-Feyerabend, Grazia ([email protected]) Co-chair of joint CEESP/ WCPA Theme on Indigenous Italy/ Switzerland Ittifaq Keyke Mate (IKM), Switzerland and Local Communities, Equity and Protected Areas (TILCEPA) Halle, Mark ([email protected]) Vice-Chair for Theme on Environment & Security International Institute for Sustainable Development Italy/ USA/ Switzerland (WGES) (IISD), Winnipeg & Geneva Kothari, Ashish ([email protected]) Vice-Chair & Kalpavriksh, India Co-chair of joint CEESP/ WCPA Theme on Indigenous India Coordinator of the Technical and Policy Core Group of and Local Communities, Equity & Protected Areas India’s National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan (TILCEPA)

Melendez, Ricardo ([email protected]) Vice-Chair for Theme on Environment, Trade & International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Colombia/ Switzerland Investment (GETI) Development (ICTSD), Geneva

Other Themes & Regional Focal Points

Al-Eryani, Abdul Rahman ([email protected]) Vice-Chair for Island Ecosystems Yemen Islands Promotion and Development Authority Yemen & for the Arab Regions Green Yemen Argumedo, Alejandro ([email protected]) Vice-Chair for Indigenous Peoples & Biodiversity Asociación Quechua-Aymara (ANDES) and Indigenous Peru & for Latin America Peoples Biodiversity Network Gritzner, Jeff ([email protected]) Vice-Chair for Environmental History USA University of Montana, USA & for North America Jibrell, Fatima ([email protected]) Vice-Chair for Community Environmental Care Somalia Horn Relief Organisation & for North-eastern Africa Vice-Chair for mining, environment and local communi- Mate, Kwabena ([email protected]) ties Ghana & from Africa Monro, Rob ([email protected]) Vice-Chair for Sustainable Use of Natural Resources Africa Resources Trust (ART), and Zimbabwe Trust, and CBD issues Zimbabwe/ United Kingdom Zimbabwe & for Southern Africa Mumtaz, Khawar ([email protected]) Vice-Chair for Gender Issues Pakistan Shirkat-Gah, Pakistan & for South Asia Vice-Chair for Economic Theory and Globalisation Nadal, Alejandro ([email protected]) Issues Mexico El Colegio de México, Mexico & for Latin America Vice-Chair for Marine & Coastal Issues Primavera, Jurgenne ([email protected]) & for Southeast AsiaVice-Chair for Marine & Coastal Philippines SEAFDEC Aquaculture Department Issues & for Southeast Asia Vice-Chair for Land Tenure and Sustainable Livelihoods Williams, Afriyie Allan N. Issues Guyana/ Trinidad & Tobago ([email protected]) & for the Caribbean 307 Staff contact persons Maryam Rahmanian ([email protected]) CEESP Executive Officer +98 21 295 4217 & +98 21 293 4958 Iran Marianne Jacobsen ([email protected]) Environment, Trade & Investment (GETI) Denmark/ Switzerland +41 22 917 8492 Manisha Sheth Gutman ([email protected]) Indigenous & Local Communities, Equity & Protected India + 91 20 567 5450 Areas (TILCEPA) Jason Switzer ([email protected]) Environment & Security (WGES) Canada/ Switzerland +41 22 979 9353 Aghaghia Rahimzadeh ([email protected]) Sustainable Livelihoods (WGSL) Iran +98 21 295 4217 & +98 21 293 4958 Nahid Naqizadeh ([email protected]) & Maryam Rahmanian ([email protected]) Collaborative Management (CMWG) Iran +98 21 295 4217 & +98 21 293 4958 CEESP main office: c/o: CENESTA, 5 Lakpour Lane, Suite 24 Langary Street IR-16936 Tehran, Iran Telephone +98 21 295 4217 & +98 21 293 4958 Local Fax: +98 21 295 4217 International fax: +1 253 322 8599 E-mail: [email protected] CEESP web site: http://www.iucn.org/themes/ceesp IUCN Secretariat Focal Points: Gonzalo Oviedo, Senior Advisor, Social Policy ([email protected]); telephone: +41 22 999 0287 Joshua Bishop, Senior Advisor, Environmental Economics ([email protected]); telephone: +41 22 999 0266

Policy Matters is the newsletter of the IUCN Commission on - Collaborative Management of Natural Resources (CMWG) Environmental, Economic and Social Policy (CEESP). It is published at - Sustainable Livelihoods (WGSL, including poverty elimination and bio- least twice a year and distributed to CEESP’s 600 members, as well as diversity conservation) the IUCN Secretariat and at conferences and meetings throughout the - Environment and Security (WGES) world. When possible, it is published concurrently with major global - Environment, Trade and Investment (GETI) events as a thematic contribution to them and to the civil society meeting - Theme on Indigenous Peoples & Local Communities, Equity, and around them. Protected Areas (TILCEPA, joint between CEESP and WCPA)

IUCN, The World Conservation Union, is a unique Union of members Each issue of Policy Matters focuses on a theme of particular impor- from some 140 countries include over 70 States, 100 government agen- tance to our members and is edited by one or more of our working cies, and 800 NGOs. Over 10,000 internationally-recognised scientists and groups focusing on the five thematic areas. Past issues have focused on experts from more than 180 countries volunteer their services to its six themes such as “Collaborative Management and Sustainable Livelihoods”, global commissions. The vision of IUCN is “A just world that values and “Environment and Security” and the Caspian Sturgeon, including issues of conserves nature”. trade, conflict, co-management, and sustainable livelihoods for communi- ties of the Caspian Sea (“The Sturgeon” issue). For more information IUCN’s six Commissions are principal sources of guidance on conser- about CEESP and to view past issues of Policy Matters, please visit our vation knowledge, policy and technical advice and are co-implementers of website: http://www.iucn.org/themes/ceesp. the IUCN programme. The Commissions are autonomous networks of expert volunteers entrusted by the World Conservation Congress to develop and advance the institutional knowledge and experience and CEESP is hosted by the Iranian Centre for Sustainable Development and objectives of Environment (CENESTA). For more information about CENESTA please IUCN. visit http://www.cenesta.org.

Please send comments or queries to [email protected]. We look forward to CEESP, the IUCN Commission on Environmental, Economic and Social hearing from you! Policy, is an inter-disciplinary network of professionals whose mission is to act as a source of advice on the environmental, economic, social and cul- tural factors that affect natural resources and biological diversity and to provide guidance and support towards effective policies and practices in Design and layout artist: Jeyran Farvar ([email protected]). environmental conservation and sustainable development. Lithography: Hoonam, Tehran. Following the mandate approved by the Second World Conservation Congress in Amman, October 2000, CEESP contributes to the IUCN Programme and Mission with particular reference to five thematic areas:

308