Muammar Qaddafi
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Italy and the Sanusiyya: Negotiating Authority in Colonial Libya, 1911-1931 Eileen Ryan Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 ©2012 Eileen Ryan All rights reserved ABSTRACT Italy and the Sanusiyya: Negotiating Authority in Colonial Libya, 1911-1931 By Eileen Ryan In the first decade of their occupation of the former Ottoman territories of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica in current-day Libya, the Italian colonial administration established a system of indirect rule in the Cyrenaican town of Ajedabiya under the leadership of Idris al-Sanusi, a leading member of the Sufi order of the Sanusiyya and later the first monarch of the independent Kingdom of Libya after the Second World War. Post-colonial historiography of modern Libya depicted the Sanusiyya as nationalist leaders of an anti-colonial rebellion as a source of legitimacy for the Sanusi monarchy. Since Qaddafi’s revolutionary coup in 1969, the Sanusiyya all but disappeared from Libyan historiography as a generation of scholars, eager to fill in the gaps left by the previous myopic focus on Sanusi elites, looked for alternative narratives of resistance to the Italian occupation and alternative origins for the Libyan nation in its colonial and pre-colonial past. Their work contributed to a wider variety of perspectives in our understanding of Libya’s modern history, but the persistent focus on histories of resistance to the Italian occupation has missed an opportunity to explore the ways in which the Italian colonial framework shaped the development of a religious and political authority in Cyrenaica with lasting implications for the Libyan nation. -
Preparing for Peace Communications in Conflict Resolution Preparing for Peace Communications in Conflict Resolution
Preparing for peace Communications in conflict resolution Preparing for peace Communications in conflict resolution This publication is based on a seminar held at the University Philosophical Society of Trinity College Dublin, on 24 October 2012, organ- ized by the OSCE Press and Public Information Section and supported by Ireland’s 2012 OSCE Chairmanship, the United States Mission to the OSCE and the Permanent Mission of Lithuania to the OSCE. December 2012 The views expressed in this publication are the views of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the OSCE or its participating States. Published by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Press and Public Information Section Wallnerstrasse 6 A-1010 Vienna, Austria www.osce.org © OSCE 2012 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction is accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE as the source. ISBN: 978–92–9235–020–8 Edited by Sarah Crozier and Sonya Yee Printed in Austria by DigitalDruck Contents 5 Foreword by the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office 7 Session I. Reporting on peace processes, shaping public opinion Introduction 9 Dialogue and wider engagement in post- conflict peace processes Erwan Fouéré 17 Credibility, coherence and connectedness: communication in post-conflict interventions Alexandra Stiglmayer 21 Reporting on negotiation, shaping public opinion: the Northern Ireland experience Denis Murray 25 -
Country Coding Units Version 3 (December 2014)
Country Coding Units Version 3 (December 2014) Principal Investigators Research Assistant Michael Coppedge – U. of Notre Dame Vlad Ciobanu – U. of Gothenburg John Gerring – Boston University Staffan I. Lindberg –U. of Gothenburg Jan Teorell – Lund University Suggested citation: Coppedge, Michael, John Gerring, Staffan I. Lindberg, Jan Teorell, Vlad Ciobanu. 2014. “Varieties of Democracy: Country Coding Units v3.” Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project. 1 This document lists (a) every country in the eventual V-Dem database, (b) the years for which we have collect data or plan to collect data (in parentheses next to the entry); (c) the polities that comprise each country’s 20th century history (even if falling outside the time-period that we wish to code); and (d) the borders of each country (wherever this might be unclear). Many dates are approximate due to the inconclusive nature of a country’s history. Note that changes in sovereignty often occur by stages, and marking these stages with specific dates can be challenging. General sources for compiling this document include Wikipedia and Statesman.org. Additional sources, along with notes pertaining to specific countries, empires, and federations are contained in a separate document: “Countries, Empires, Elections (misc notes)” “Country” A V-Dem “country” is a political unit enjoying at least some degree of functional and/or formal sovereignty. This means that fully sovereign nation-states as well as colonies and protectorates and semi-autonomous administrative districts may qualify as countries. A territory must claim sovereignty at some point in its history in order to qualify. Thus, Somaliland qualifies but not Puntland. -
On the Ground Achiever and Development Leader
On the ground achiever and development leader Moushira Khattab is -in no respective order- an Arab, African, Mediterranean, and a Woman born and bred in a 7000 year-old civilization, and developing country; Egypt. Every part of this unique mix blessed her with wide-ranging opportunities to work very closely with those most in need of an organization like UNESCO. Her education and decades long work experience spanned between Africa, USA, Europe and Australia which -along with her diverse roots- helped shape a character of a truly inclusive Global Citizen. As a Ph.D in human rights law, and within her ministerial mandate as Secretary General of the National Council for Childhood and Motherhood [NCCM] - and later on Minister of State for Family and Population, Khattab initiated and led one of the most comprehensive human-rights-based legal reforms in Egypt. And as a firm believer that women, youth, and children are the catalysts for change, she spearheaded the amendment of the Egyptian penal system against human trafficking, the sale of children, sexual abuse and exploitation in pornography, as well as prohibiting and criminalizing Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), which she continues to support in African countries affected by the practice to date. She also orchestrated legal reforms to increase the minimum marriage age to 18 years. Khattab’s credibility and expertise on international diplomacy, both in multilateral and bilateral forums led to her appointment in serving her country through several events of historical significance. She became Egypt’s first Ambassador to post-apartheid South Africa, during Nelson Mandela’s presidency. -
Libya's Conflict
LIBYA’S BRIEF / 12 CONFLICT Nov 2019 A very short introduction SERIES by Wolfgang Pusztai Freelance security and policy analyst * INTRODUCTION Eight years after the revolution, Libya is in the mid- dle of a civil war. For more than four years, inter- national conflict resolution efforts have centred on the UN-sponsored Libya Political Agreement (LPA) process,1 unfortunately without achieving any break- through. In fact, the situation has even deteriorated Summary since the onset of Marshal Haftar’s attack on Tripoli on 4 April 2019.2 › Libya is a failed state in the middle of a civil war and increasingly poses a threat to the An unstable Libya has wide-ranging impacts: as a safe whole region. haven for terrorists, it endangers its north African neighbours, as well as the wider Sahara region. But ter- › The UN-facilitated stabilisation process was rorists originating from or trained in Libya are also a unsuccessful because it ignored key political threat to Europe, also through the radicalisation of the actors and conflict aspects on the ground. Libyan expatriate community (such as the Manchester › While partially responsible, international Arena bombing in 2017).3 Furthermore, it is one of the interference cannot be entirely blamed for most important transit countries for migrants on their this failure. way to Europe. Through its vast oil wealth, Libya is also of significant economic relevance for its neigh- › Stabilisation efforts should follow a decen- bours and several European countries. tralised process based on the country’s for- mer constitution. This Conflict Series Brief focuses on the driving factors › Wherever there is a basic level of stability, of conflict dynamics in Libya and on the shortcomings fostering local security (including the crea- of the LPA in addressing them. -
Ground-Water Resources of the Bengasi Area, Cyrenaica, United Kingdom of Libya
Ground-Water Resources of the Bengasi Area, Cyrenaica, United Kingdom of Libya GEOLOGICAL SURVEY WATER-SUPPLY PAPER 1757-B Prepared under the auspices of the United States Operations Mission to Libya, the United States Corps of Engineers, and the Government of Libya BBQPERTY OF U.S.GW«r..GlCAL SURVEY JRENTON, NEW JEST.W Ground-Water Resources of the Bengasi Area Cyrenaica, United Kingdom of Libya By W. W. DOYEL and F. J. MAGUIRE CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HYDROLOGY OF AFRICA AND THE MEDITERRANEAN REGION GEOLOGICAL SURVEY WATER-SUPPLY PAPER 1757-B Prepared under the auspices of the United States Operations Mission to Libya, the United States Corps of Engineers, and the Government of Libya UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE, WASHINGTON : 1964 UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR STEWART L. UDALL, Secretary GEOLOGICAL SURVEY Thomas B. Nolan, Director For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 CONTENTS Page Abstract _ _______________-__--__-_______--__--_-__---_-------_--- Bl Introduction______-______--__-_-____________--------_-----------__ 1 Location and extent of area-----_______----___--_-------------_- 1 Purpose and scope of investigation---______-_______--__-------__- 3 Acknowledgments __________________________-__--_-----_--_____ 3 Geography___________--_---___-_____---____------------_-___---_- 5 General features.._-_____-___________-_-_____--_-_---------_-_- 5 Topography and drainage_______________________--_-------.-_- 6 Climate.____________________.__----- - 6 Geology____________________-________________________-___----__-__ 8 Ground water____._____________-____-_-______-__-______-_--_--__ 10 Bengasi municipal supply_____________________________________ 12 Other water supplies___________________-______-_-_-___-_--____- 14 Test drilling....______._______._______.___________ 15 Conclusions. -
Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa This simulation, while focused around the Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict, is not an attempt to resolve that conflict: the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) already has a peace plan on the table to which the two parties in conflict have essentially agreed. Rather, participants are asked, in their roles as representatives of OAU member states, to devise a blueprint for preventing the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict from spreading into neighboring countries and consuming the region in even greater violence. The conflict, a great concern particularly for Somalia and Sudan where civil wars have raged for years, has thrown regional alliances into confusion and is increasingly putting pressure on humanitarian NGOs and other regional parties to contain the conflict. The wars in the Horn of Africa have caused untold death and misery over the past few decades. Simulation participants are asked as well to deal with the many refugees and internally displaced persons in the Horn of Africa, a humanitarian crisis that strains the economies – and the political relations - of the countries in the region. In their roles as OAU representatives, participants in this intricate simulation witness first-hand the tremendous challenge of trying to obtain consensus among multiple actors with often competing agendas on the tools of conflict prevention. Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn -
Ground Water in the Sirte Area, Tripolitania United Kingdom of Libya
Ground Water in the Sirte Area, Tripolitania United Kingdom of Libya GEOLOGICAL SURVEY WATER-SUPPLY PAPER 1757-C Prepared in cooperation with the U.S. Agency for International Development Mission to Libya Ground Water in the Sirte Area, Tripolitania United Kingdom of Libya By WILLIAM OGILBEE CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HYDROLOGY OF AFRICA AND THE MEDITERRANEAN REGION GEOLOGICAL SURVEY WATER-SUPPLY PAPER 1757-C Prepared in cooperation with the U.S. Agency for International Development Mission to Libya UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE, WASHINGTON : 1964 UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR STEWART L. UDALL, Secretary GEOLOGICAL SURVEY Thomas B. Nolan, Director For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C. 20402 CONTENTS Faga Abstract-- ____ ___--_-_____________________-___-_.__-_-_____-_.-.-__ Cl Introduction._ ____________________________________________________ 1 Geographic and climatic features.____-__-__---________-_____________ 3 Geology ____--_-______-__--_____________-----__-_____-__--_-_-_-__ 5 Ground water__ ___________________________________________________ 8 Occurrence ___________________________________________________ 8 Chemical quality______________________________________________ 9 Fresh-water aquifer in the Qa§r Bu Hadi area.__----__--_______-__ 10 Conclusions.._____________________________________________________ 13 Selected references,________________________________________________ 14 ILLUSTRATIONS FIGURE 1. Map showing location of the Sirte area and average annual rain fall in northern Tripolitania__-_--___---_--_-_-----_----_ C3 2. Map of the Sirte area showing location of wells and geologic and hydrologic features_____________-_____-____-_------_ 4 3. Graphic logs of typical wells in the Sirte area.-______________ 6 4. Generalized north-south geologic section A-A', Sirte to Qasr Bu Hadi____.____________________________ 7 5. -
The Prospect of Libya
FHSMUN GULF COAST 7 UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL THE SITUATION IN LIBYA Author: Brian D. Sutliff “The prospect of Libya in freefall should give all pause, especially the vulnerable neighbours.”1 “…ensuring the democratic rights of the Libyan people, the need for a consensual government based on the principle of separation of powers, oversight and balance between them, as well as the need to empower state institutions like the Government of National Accord so that they can address the serious challenges ahead, respect for the Libyan judiciary and its independence.”2 Introduction In the aftermath of the Arab Spring of 2011 and subsequent regime changes in Egypt and Tunisia, the overthrow of Muammar Qaddafi’s3 42-year long reign unleashed violence and reprisals that continue to rend Libya’s fragile social fabric and threaten to destabilize the broader region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). While the Fund for Peace currently ranks Libya as the 28th most fragile country, simultaneously the Fund ranks Libya as experiencing the most severe deterioration of its situation over the last 10 years (2009-2019).4 Renewed violence and continued power struggles exacerbate existing regional and/or ethnic/tribal rivalries within Libya, while also attracting the attention of both neighboring and global powers. The violence and instability of the past 8 years, exemplified by General Khalifa Hiftar’s renewed assault on Tripoli, starkly illustrate the profound need for a just and enduring political solution. Scale of the Problem The estimates for the numbers of Libyans killed, wounded, and displaced, including those who have fled the country, do not garner the same attention and focus as the horrific totals emanating from Syria, but Libya’s population is approximately 35% that of Syria’s 1 International Crisis Group (ICG), “The Libyan Political Agreement: Time for a Reset”, Middle East and North Africa Report No. -
The Development of Libyan- Tunisian Bilateral Relations: a Critical Study on the Role of Ideology
THE DEVELOPMENT OF LIBYAN- TUNISIAN BILATERAL RELATIONS: A CRITICAL STUDY ON THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGY Submitted by Almabruk Khalifa Kirfaa to the University of Exeter As a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In December 2014 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: Almabruk Kirfaa………………………………………………………….. i Abstract Libyan-Tunisian bilateral relations take place in a context shaped by particular historical factors in the Maghreb over the past two centuries. Various elements and factors continue to define the limitations and opportunities present for regimes and governments to pursue hostile or negative policies concerning their immediate neighbours. The period between 1969 and 2010 provides a rich area for the exploration of inter-state relations between Libya and Tunisia during the 20th century and in the first decade of the 21st century. Ideologies such as Arabism, socialism, Third Worldism, liberalism and nationalism, dominated the Cold War era, which saw two opposing camps: the capitalist West versus the communist East. Arab states were caught in the middle, and many identified with one side over the other. generating ideological rivalries in the Middle East and North Africa. The anti-imperialist sentiments dominating Arab regimes and their citizens led many statesmen and politicians to wage ideological struggles against their former colonial masters and even neighbouring states. -
East Timor: Troops Open Fire on Students
Tapol bulletin no, 144, December 1997 This is the Supplemental Material version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1997) Tapol bulletin no, 144, December 1997. Tapol bulletin (145). pp. 1-24. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/25996/ ISSN 1356-1154 The Indonesia Human Rights Campaign TAPOL Bulletin No. 144 December 1997 East Timor: Troops open fire on students Many students were seriously wounded when troops opened fire on students in Dili, renewing world outrage at the continuing army brutality in occupied East Timor. Indonesia continues to be dogged by pressures at home and abroad over its refusal to budge with regard to East Timor. Demonstra tions were held in East Timor and Java to mark the sixth anniversary ofthe Santa Cruz. Massacre. At least eight students sustained serious gunshot Red Cross and humanitarian organisations from entering wounds on the premises of the University of East Timor, the campus to assist the wounded. 'Inside the university Dili, and many more were arrested when .troops opened there was panic,' he said, 'and we could only contact them fired on hundreds of students on 14 November. The inci by phone.' [Reuters, 14 November] dent occurred inside the university campus, two days after Bishop Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo, Nobel Laureate, a peaceful demonstration on the campus to commemorate told Portuguese radio that 15 injured people had arrived at 12 November, the sixth anniversary of the Santa Cruz Mas the Commission. -
Libya: Background and U.S. Relations
Order Code RL33142 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Libya: Background and U.S. Relations November 4, 2005 Christopher M. Blanchard Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Libya: Background and U.S. Relations Summary The relationship between the United States and Libya has been strained and hostile for much of the last 35 years, but has recently shown signs of improvement. Following the Libyan government’s December 2003 decision to eliminate its weapons of mass destruction and long range missile programs, a number of bilateral diplomatic exchanges have taken place, and the termination of U.S. economic sanctions on Libya has paved the way for a renewal of investment by U.S. oil, gas, and energy service firms in Libya’s under-capitalized energy sector. Several visits to Libya by Bush Administration officials and Members of Congress in 2004 and 2005 have raised expectations of a formal reestablishment of normal relations between the U.S. and Libya in the near future, including the removal of the last remaining sanctions associated with Libya’s designation as a state sponsor of terrorism. Bilateral intelligence and counter-terrorism cooperation has contributed to a gradual U.S.-Libyan re-engagement on security matters since late 2001. Continuing U.S. concerns about Libya’s relationship with some Palestinian terrorist groups and an alleged Libyan-sponsored assassination plot targeting Saudi monarch King Abdullah Bin Abdulaziz Al Saud thus far have delayed the recision of Libya’s designation as a state sponsor of terrorism.