DOCSLIB.ORG

The Proto-Germanic Shift *Ā>*Ō and Early Germanic Linguistic Contacts

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Proto-Germanic Shift *Ā>*Ō and Early Germanic Linguistic Contacts The Proto-Germanie shift *ã > *õ and early Germanic linguistic contacts* Post-PIE *õ and *ã fromall possible PIE sources are both reflectedin Germanic by a single sound which, because of the sounds thatcontinue it in the individual Germanic languages, is usually reconstructedas *õ forthe latest stage of Proto-Germanic.1This mergeris paralleled by the mergerof the post-PIE shortnon-high back vowels *o and *a in PrGmc. *a. The merger of non-highback vowels is - at least in descriptive - terms a northwesternIE areal feature,2encompassing Germanic, Baltic, Slavic and Celtic, with differencesin the details. In Baltic, only the shortvowels merged,but the reflexof *ã remaineddistinct from that of *o; the opposite is the case in Celtic, where only the long vowels were affectedby the merger,whereas short*o and *a remaineddistinct. The resultantvowel systemof Proto-Germanicis oddly imbalanced, with the shortvowels lacking a rounded mid-highback vowel and the long vowels lacking a long low back vowel. Therefore it has been suspected that the parallelism of developments within Germanic had indeed been perfectand that the erstwhileoutcome of the mergerhad been not a trapezoidor triangularvowel system,but a quadrangularone in which the shortand long low back vowels correlatedwith each other in quality.These vowels could be writtenphonemically *a and *ã, or, if greaterallowance is made to phonetics,[a(:)] or ratherrounded [d(:)]> if not [э(:)]. For the sake of clarity and in contrastto the later vowel system,here the symbols *â and *â will be used with referenceto the low back vowels before the emergence of the classical reconstructable Proto-Germanicstage. * My thanksgo to RobertNedoma and StefanSchumacher for many valuable and importantsuggestions to thisarticle. Part of thispaper was writtenwithin the FWF- fundedproject P20755-G03 'Die altkeltischenSprachreste in Österreich'(The Old- CelticLanguage Remains of Austria; http://www.univie.ac.at/austria-celtica/). Thehypothesis of Schrijver2003 that *ã and*õ remaineddistinct in Germanicin finalsyllables and beforetautosyllabic *n in initialand finalsyllables, is of no consequencefor the lexical items discussed here and will not be examinedfurther. It maybe notedhere that also Proto-Finno-Ugricas well as Proto-Finno-Lappic possesseda quadrangularlong vowel system consisting of *Të õ -й(see Sinor1988: 268,297, 523). Hist.Sprachforsch. 122, 268-283, ISSN 0935-3518 © Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG,Göttingen 2009 [2010] This content downloaded from 149.157.1.188 on Mon, 9 Dec 2013 05:24:12 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions TheProto-Germanie shift *ã > *o andearly Germanic linguistic contacts 269 Given the ultimatedivergence in quality between the short and the long vowel, it seems rational to surmise that despite their phonemic correlationthere must have existed slightallophonic differencesin their phoneticrealizations, with the long vowel *â tendingstronger towards roundness.This is inferablefrom the veryfact that it ultimatelyresulted in *õ some time in the Proto-Germanicperiod (thus basically Hollifield 1984: 65, but the scenario sketchedby him is rathervague). Why then the phonological correlationbetween the two sounds was ultimately broken,can only be conjectured.3Perhaps the long vowel came under pressure fromthe incipientshift *ë > *œ > *ã, at least in the western and northernvariants of Germanic. Furthermore,*ã may have been introducedas a marginal phoneme by the Proto-Germanicloss of *j between identical vowels, i.e. *aja > *ã (řórhallsdóttir1993: 35-36, citingCowgill 1973: 296). On the otherhand, the monophthongization of *a and a tautosyllabicnasal beforea velar fricativedid not help to fill the gap in the long-vowel system,because it resulted in a nasalized vowel *q (i.e. *anx > *QX),not in an oral long vowel *ã. Thus around the beginningof the historicalperiod, Germanic was on the verge of acquiring a new *ã. In words thatwere borrowed into Germanic or its dialects fromLatin in the imperialperiod, Lat. ã is not reflectedby *o but by the new *ã by default (Kluge 1913: 23-24, 128), e.g. OHG phãl 'stake' <- pãlus, OHG strãzza 'street' <- strãta, OHG kãsi 'cheese' <- cãseus, the OHG agentivesuffix -ãri <- ãrius. Cases where Lat. ã seems to be reflectedby Gmc. *ã are actually borrowingsfrom Vulgar Latin withpretonic shortening, e.g. OHG ratih,retih 'radish' <- VLat. radíc- < Lat. rãdíx 'root'. Two conclusions can be drawn: first, early Proto-Germanic*â had been moved up the phonetic triangle towards*õ by the time of those loans, so thatto the speakers of Germa- nic it was not a phoneticor phonological equivalentto Lat. ã. Secondly, loans fromLatin helped establish *ã as a more or less marginalor even erstwhileloan phonemein Germanic. Nevertheless, a handful of words (partly transmittedin secondary sources,partly foreign loans into Germanic) have been cited as evidence for a relativelylate date for the conjectured shift*ã > *õ during the Proto-Germanicperiod. In particular,it has been claimed that some of the evidence proves thatthe shiftmust have taken place afterthe first contacts of Germanic-speakingpeoples with Rome, that is, in the 1st centuryB.c. or even as late as the 1stcentury A.D (see, for example, Ringe 2006: 145-146). In this article, this evidence will be reviewed 3 See also,for example, Tops 1973, Van Coetsem (1994: 76-81). Hist.Sprachforsch. 122, 268-283, ISSN 0935-3518 © Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG,Göttingen 2009 [2010] This content downloaded from 149.157.1.188 on Mon, 9 Dec 2013 05:24:12 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 270 DavidStifter and it will be argued thatits chronologicalvalue is not as unambiguous as has been assumed hitherto. * 1. The Gothic placename Ruma (dat. sg. Rumai, Gal exp A) 'Rome' and the accompanyingi-stem ethnonym Rumoneis* (dat. pl. Rumonim, Rom exp; 2 Tim 1, 17) 'Romans', togetherwith Old High German Ruma 'Rome', rümisk'Roman', etc. (beside innovated Rõma, rõmisk, etc.), Old Norse Rúm, Rúmaborg 'Rome', etc. (beside innovatedRóm, Rómaborg, etc.), and once Old English Rûmwalas* 'the Romans' (beside ordinaryRõm), allow us to set up a Proto-Germanicpair of toponymplus ethnonym*Rümö 'Rome', *Rümönaz 'Roman' (the shift in stem-class of the ethnonymto the i-inflectionin the plural is a specifically Gothic development,see Liihr 1985: 142-143, 147). The two names obviously go back to Latin Rõma, Rõmãnus in some way. However, in themLat. õ is representedby Gmc. *й,4and Lat. ã by Gmc. *õ, very much unlike the regular substitute*ã mentionedabove. This has been used as the prime piece of evidence for an early loan from Latin when the shiftin Germanic had not yet taken place. It has been suggested thatthe names were borrowed at a time when *â was still a closed, rounded sound in Germanic (perhaps approximately[d:]), but neverthelesssuitable to representLat. ã, whereas the best approximation forLatin closed õ was to substituteit withGmc. *й. Thus *RHmõwould allow a rare glimpse at phoneticdevelopments within the reconstructed Proto-Germanicperiod. This is the line of argument,for example, of Noreen (1894: 11-12), Streitberg(1896: 48-49), Jellinek(1926: 182- 185), Schwarz (1951: 21-22), Corazza (1969: 39-40), Hollifield (1984: 65), Ringe (2006: 146). This explanationis quite plausible and cannot be disproved on purely linguisticgrounds. But thereexists a less straightforwardalternative to explain Gmc. *Rumõ 'Rome' and *Rümönaz, an alternative which neverthelessaccounts betterfor the historicaland political environment in which the borrowingtook place in Iron-Age Central Europe. Gmc. *RHmõ, *RHmõnaz could be loans from a Central-European Celtic language like Gaulish (Gaulish will be used here as a shorthandterm for any Central-EuropeanCeltic language; such a source of *Rümö was already suspectedby Luftand Schwarz, accordingto Corazza 1969: 40; 4 Lat.õ is regularlysubstituted by Gmc.*й, e.g. OHG mürberi'mulberry' <- Lat. mõrus,OHG lürra 'pomace' <- lõrea,Middle Ripuarian ur 'hour' <- hõra,and perhaps, withshortening, OHG wlnzuril'winemaker' <- Lat. uïnitôr(Streitberg 1896: 48-49, Kluge1913: 25). Hist.Sprachforsch. 122, 268-283, ISSN 0935-3518 © Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG,Göttingen 2009 [2010] This content downloaded from 149.157.1.188 on Mon, 9 Dec 2013 05:24:12 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions TheProto-Germanie shift *ã > *õ andearly Germanic linguistic contacts 27 1 cf. also Öhmann 1919). The Gaulish exonyms forthe city of Rome and for its citizens are not directlyattested, but that such words must have existed is beyond doubt,and it is not unlikelythat they were *Rúmã and *RHmãnos,themselves loans fromthe Latin words with adaptation to the Old-Celtic phonological systemby substitutingrounded high *ü for Latin closed <5.In Proto-Celtic,the pentadiclong-vowel system*I-ê-ã- õ-й, inheritedfrom post-PIE, had been firstreduced to a triangularlong- vowel system*ï-â-û (the question of possible remainsof *ë are passed over here), a stage thatstill obtained in earlyGaulish. The gap leftby *õ had not yet been filled again at the time when Gauls and speakers of otherCentral-European Celtic languages were confrontedwith the rising Roman power in the second half of the 1stmillenium B.C. The process of introducinga new õ into the system by the monophthongizationof Proto-Celtic*oy. < Pre-Celtic *eu, *ou and partly*uu happened only as late as the historicalstages of the Celtic languages and is observable in the preservedlinguistic material. A rare furtherinstance of the Gaulish substitutionof й <ou> forLat.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Germania TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 16 TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 17
    TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 15 Part I Germania TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 16 TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 17 1 Land and People The Land The heartland of the immense area of northern Europe occupied by the early Germanic peoples was the great expanse of lowland which extends from the Netherlands to western Russia. There are no heights here over 300 metres and most of the land rises no higher than 100 metres. But there is considerable variety in relief and soil conditions. Several areas, like the Lüneburg Heath and the hills of Schleswig-Holstein, are diverse in both relief and landscape. There was until recent times a good deal of marshy ground in the northern parts of the great plain, and a broad belt of coastal marshland girds it on its northern flank. Several major rivers drain the plain, the Ems, Weser and Elbe flowing into the North Sea, the Oder and the Vistula into the Baltic. Their broad valleys offered attrac- tive areas for early settlement, as well as corridors of communication from south to north. The surface deposits on the lowland largely result from successive periods of glaciation. A major influence on relief are the ground moraines, comprising a stiff boulder clay which produces gently undu- lating plains or a terrain of small, steep-sided hills and hollows, the latter often containing small lakes and marshes, as in the area around Berlin. Other features of the relief are the hills left behind by terminal glacial moraines, the sinuous lakes which are the remains of melt-water, and the embayments created by the sea intruding behind a moraine.
    [Show full text]
  • Cgpt1; MAGNA GERMANIA; CLAUDIUS PTOLEMY BOOK 2, CHAPTER 10; FACT OR FICTION
    cgPt1; MAGNA GERMANIA; CLAUDIUS PTOLEMY BOOK 2, CHAPTER 10; FACT OR FICTION SYNOPSIS The locations of some +8000 settlements and geographical features are included within the text of Claudius Ptolemy‟s „Geographia‟. To control the text and ensure readers understood the methodology there-in utilised it is evident that Claudius Ptolemy determined a strict order and utilisation of the information he wished to disseminate. That strict methodology is maintained through the first 9 chapters of Book 2, but the 10th chapter breaks all of the rules that had been established. Chapters 11 to 15 then return to the established pattern. Magna Germania was basically unknown territory and in such a situation Claudius Ptolemy was able to ignore any necessity to guess thus leaving an empty landscape as is evinced in Book 3, chapter 5, Sarmatian Europe. Why in an unknown land there are 94 settlements indicated in Germania when the 3 provinces of Gallia have only a total of 114 settlements, is a mystery? And, why does Claudius Ptolemy not attribute a single settlement to a tribal group? It appears there are other factors at play, which require to be investigated. BASIC PTOLEMY When analysing a map drawn from the data provided by Claudius Ptolemy it is first necessary to ensure that it is segregated into categories. Those are; 1) reliable information i.e. probably provided via the Roman Army Cosmographers and Geometres; 2) the former information confirmed or augmented by various itineraries or from Bematists; 3) the possibility of latitudinal measurements from various settlements (gnomon ratios); 4) basic travellers tales with confirmed distances „a pied‟; 5) basic sailing distances along coastlines and those which can be matched to land distances; 6) guesses made by travellers who did not actually record the days travelled but only the length of time for the overall journey; 7) obscure references from ancient texts which cannot be corroborated.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER SEVENTEEN History of the German Language 1 Indo
    CHAPTER SEVENTEEN History of the German Language 1 Indo-European and Germanic Background Indo-European Background It has already been mentioned in this course that German and English are related languages. Two languages can be related to each other in much the same way that two people can be related to each other. If two people share a common ancestor, say their mother or their great-grandfather, then they are genetically related. Similarly, German and English are genetically related because they share a common ancestor, a language which was spoken in what is now northern Germany sometime before the Angles and the Saxons migrated to England. We do not have written records of this language, unfortunately, but we have a good idea of what it must have looked and sounded like. We have arrived at our conclusions as to what it looked and sounded like by comparing the sounds of words and morphemes in earlier written stages of English and German (and Dutch) and in modern-day English and German dialects. As a result of the comparisons we are able to reconstruct what the original language, called a proto-language, must have been like. This particular proto-language is usually referred to as Proto-West Germanic. The method of reconstruction based on comparison is called the comparative method. If faced with two languages the comparative method can tell us one of three things: 1) the two languages are related in that both are descended from a common ancestor, e.g. German and English, 2) the two are related in that one is the ancestor of the other, e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • The Runic and Other Monumental Remains of the Isle of Man
    Vy. < THE RUNIC AND OTHER MONUMENTAL REMAINS OF THE ISLE OF MAN. CHI8W1CK PRESS:—PKINTBD BY C. WHITTIKOHAM, TOOK8 COURT, CHANCERY LANE. n XXE K.VXIC /^ Of r/yf ^4/ or ,V^ ^44^ By the Uev? J. G. Gumming, M. A. F. G. S Head Master of the Grammar School , Lichf/eld. LONDON Bell atitd Daldy, tleet street. Lonifur XicfvfieUl. Kerrutsh k\l^rieale^ Daicgl/LS . lOAN STACK TO THE HONOURABLE AND RIGHT REVEREND HORACE POWYS, D.D. Bishop of Sodor and Man. My Lord, The earliest Monumental Remains noticed in the present work were pro- bably erected when your Lordship's ancestors were Kings of Man. The names of the Bishops contemporary with Merfyn Frych and Roderic Mawr have not been handed down to posterity, but the oldest Manx Chronicle assures us that this has never been to the there was a true succession j and interrupted present office in the most ancient ex- day, when your Lordship is adorning the Episcopal isting See of the British Isles. in the which I therefore deem myself peculiarly privileged permission your of the Lordship has afforded me to dedicate to you these few pages descriptive remarkable Memorials, erected in your Diocese through a long series of years, to those who have died in the faith of Christ. With the deepest respect, I beg leave to subscribe myself. Your Lordship's Very faithful and obedient servant, J. G. GUMMING. Lichfield, June 1st, 1857. 891 PREFATORY NOTE. T THINK it right to state that the following work is primarily an endeavour to exhibit in its rude character the ornamentation on the Scandinavian Crosses in the Isle of Man.
    [Show full text]
  • The Wild Man, Charlemagne and the German Body
    THE WILD MAN, CHARLEMAGNE AND THE GERMAN BODY 1 Frontispiece to Einhard, Vita et Gesta Karoli Magni, published Cologne, 1521. Woodcut, 20.5 Â 13.8 cm. Wolfenbuttel:. Herzog August Bibliothek, Sig. 127.16 Hist. & ASSOCIATION OF ART HISTORIANS 2008 THE WILD MAN, CHARLEMAGNE AND THE GERMAN BODY STEPHANIE LEITCH A very strange image of Charlemagne appears in the frontispiece of the Vita et Gesta Karoli Magni, the first printed edition of Charlemagne’s biography, published in 1521 in Cologne by Johann Soter (plate 1). Shown next to Charles V, Charle- magne represents the oldest ancestor of the Holy Roman Emperors, unifier of the Latin and Germanic nations. Despite these impressive credentials, he is not dressed in attire appropriate either to his office or to a dignified genealogy of the German peoples. Here Charlemagne appears in anachronistic garments, his leggings gathered loosely about his waist and ankles, and on his head a reed-like crown so unlike the jewel-encrusted ones he was rumoured to have worn.1 With his long hair, beard and loose tunic draping his outsized frame, Charlemagne represents an inventory of barbaric attributes that portray a figment of European lore, the wild man. This essay explores the iconography that defined this primitivism in early German printed materials and then examines the underpinnings of its use in imperial imagery. The Charlemagne illustrator’s use of a ‘wild man’ to establish a connection with Charles V appears to the modern viewer a highly unorthodox and peculiar strategy. In the visual tradition, the wild man typically represented the rejection of all the effects of civilized man and embodied his alter ego.
    [Show full text]
  • Tacitus, Germania, 98 CE Tacitus Was Probably Born in 56 Or 57 CE in Northern Italy Into an Equestrian (Minor Noble) Family. He
    Tacitus, Germania, 98 CE As to the Germans themselves, I think it probable that they are Tacitus was probably born in 56 or 57 CE in Northern Italy into an indigenous and that very little foreign blood has been introduced either by equestrian (minor noble) family. He had quite a successful career in invasions or by friendly dealings with neighbouring peoples. For in former Roman public service, holding both military and civil offices, culminating in becoming the proconsul of the Roman province of Asia, 112-113 CE. He times it was not by land but on shipboard that would-be immigrants wrote a several literary and historical works, many of which criticize faults arrived; and the limitless ocean that lies beyond the coasts of Germany, and in Roman society by comparing them to others. Germania is not a travel as it were defies intruders, is seldom visited by ships from our part of the story, nor even a personal account. Instead, Tacitus drew upon earlier writers, and possibly talked to contemporaries who had been there to world. And to say nothing of the perils of that wild and unknown sea, who compile an ethnographic and geographical description of Germania would have been likely to leave Asia Minor, North Africa, or Italy, to go to (which includes parts of present-day France and Germany), especially the Germany with its forbidding landscapes and unpleasant climate - a country customs and culture of the various tribes who lived there, whom the Romans generally called “barbarians.”1 that is thankless to till and dismal to behold for anyone who was not born 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cimbri of Denmark, the Norse and Danish Vikings, and Y-DNA Haplogroup R-S28/U152 - (Hypothesis A)
    The Cimbri of Denmark, the Norse and Danish Vikings, and Y-DNA Haplogroup R-S28/U152 - (Hypothesis A) David K. Faux The goal of the present work is to assemble widely scattered facts to accurately record the story of one of Europe’s most enigmatic people of the early historic era – the Cimbri. To meet this goal, the present study will trace the antecedents and descendants of the Cimbri, who reside or resided in the northern part of the Jutland Peninsula, in what is today known as the County of Himmerland, Denmark. It is likely that the name Cimbri came to represent the peoples of the Cimbric Peninsula and nearby islands, now called Jutland, Fyn and so on. Very early (3rd Century BC) Greek sources also make note of the Teutones, a tribe closely associated with the Cimbri, however their specific place of residence is not precisely located. It is not until the 1st Century AD that Roman commentators describe other tribes residing within this geographical area. At some point before 500 AD, there is no further mention of the Cimbri or Teutones in any source, and the Cimbric Cheronese (Peninsula) is then called Jutland. As we shall see, problems in accomplishing this task are somewhat daunting. For example, there are inconsistencies in datasources, and highly conflicting viewpoints expressed by those interpreting the data. These difficulties can be addressed by a careful sifting of diverse material that has come to light largely due to the storehouse of primary source information accessed by the power of the Internet. Historical, archaeological and genetic data will be integrated to lift the veil that has to date obscured the story of the Cimbri, or Cimbrian, peoples.
    [Show full text]
  • Harttimo 1.Pdf
    Beyond the River, under the Eye of Rome Ethnographic Landscapes, Imperial Frontiers, and the Shaping of a Danubian Borderland by Timothy Campbell Hart A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2017 Doctoral Committee: Professor David S. Potter, Co-Chair Professor Emeritus Raymond H. Van Dam, Co-Chair Assistant Professor Ian David Fielding Professor Christopher John Ratté © Timothy Campbell Hart [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0002-8640-131X For my family ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Developing and writing a dissertation can, at times, seem like a solo battle, but in my case, at least, this was far from the truth. I could not have completed this project without the advice and support of many individuals, most crucially, my dissertation co-chairs David S. Potter, and Raymond Van Dam. Ray saw some glimmer of potential in me and worked to foster it from the moment I arrived at Michigan. I am truly thankful for his support throughout the years and constant advice on both academic and institutional matters. In particular, our conversations about demographics and the movement of people in the ancient world were crucial to the genesis of this project. Throughout the writing process, Ray’s firm encouragement towards clarity of argument and style, while not always what I wanted to hear, have done much to make this a stronger dissertation. David Potter has provided me with a lofty academic model towards which to strive. I admire the breadth and depth of his scholarship; working and teaching with him have shown me much worth emulating.
    [Show full text]
  • Alfred the Great: the Oundf Ation of the English Monarchy Marshall Gaines
    Eastern Michigan University DigitalCommons@EMU Senior Honors Theses Honors College 2015 Alfred the Great: The oundF ation of the English Monarchy Marshall Gaines Follow this and additional works at: http://commons.emich.edu/honors Recommended Citation Gaines, Marshall, "Alfred the Great: The oundF ation of the English Monarchy" (2015). Senior Honors Theses. 459. http://commons.emich.edu/honors/459 This Open Access Senior Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College at DigitalCommons@EMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@EMU. For more information, please contact lib- [email protected]. Alfred the Great: The oundF ation of the English Monarchy Abstract Alfred the Great, one of the best-known Anglo-Saxon kings in England, set the foundation for the future English monarchy. This essay examines the practices and policies of his rule which left a asl ting impact in England, including his reforms of military, education, religion, and government in the West Saxon Kingdom. Degree Type Open Access Senior Honors Thesis Department History and Philosophy First Advisor Ronald Delph Keywords Anglo-Saxon, Vikings, Ninth Century, Burgh, Reform This open access senior honors thesis is available at DigitalCommons@EMU: http://commons.emich.edu/honors/459 ALFRED THE GREAT: THE FOUNDATION OF THE ENGLISH MONARCHY By Marshall Gaines A Senior Thesis Submitted to the Eastern Michigan University Honors College in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation with Honors in History Approved at Ypsilanti, Michigan, on this date 12/17/15 Alfred the Great: The Foundation of the English Monarchy Chapter I: Introduction Beginning in the late eighth century, Northern Europe was threatened by fearsome invasions from Scandinavia.
    [Show full text]
  • Germania.Pdf
    Germania Magna is a game of shifting alliances. Each player represents a Germanic tribe raiding various provinces of the struggling Roman Empire, and competing among themselves for loot and glory. HOW TO USE THIS BOOK The Rules section familiarizes players with the basic rules of Ger- mania Magna. The Glossary (p.15) provides an alphabetical list of definitions and explanations of important terms, phrases, and sit- uations. It is not necessary to read the entire Glossary; it is an aid to resolve questions as they occur during play or while reading the Rules. On p. 19 you will find an extended example of a game round. COMPONENTS Military Military Military Military Military Strength Strength Strength Strength Strength 5 10 15 20 25 1 5 10 15 20 25 player 2 players 4|1 7|3 10|5 13|7 16|9 3 players 3|2|0 6|3|1 8|5|2 11|6|3 13|8|4 4 – players 4|3|2|1 7|4|3|1 9|6|4|1 11|7|5|2 CHNODOMAR SCHOLAE PALATINAE TRIBAL UNIT WARBAND 4 Player Reference In a victorious clash, If this clash is victorious, you receive 3 additional . each participating player receives No eff ect. 3 additional . Cards King Chonodomarius was raising general disturbance and confusion, making his presence felt everywhere Under the disposition of the illustrious Their line of battle is drawn up without limit, a leader in dangerous enterprises, magister offi ciorum are: Scola scutariorum in a wedge-like formation. To give ground, lifting up his brows in pride, being as he was prima, Scola scutariorum secunda, Scola provided you return to the attack, conceited over frequent successes.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Roman Frontier1
    Rome and the Worlds Beyond Its Frontiers Impact of Empire Roman Empire, c. 200 B.C.–A.D. 476 Edited by Olivier Hekster (Radboud University, Nijmegen, The Netherlands) Editorial Board Lukas de Blois Angelos Chaniotis Ségolène Demougin Olivier Hekster Gerda de Kleijn Luuk de Ligt Elio Lo Cascio Michael Peachin John Rich Christian Witschel VOLUME 21 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/imem Rome and the Worlds Beyond Its Frontiers Edited by Daniëlle Slootjes and Michael Peachin LEIDEN | BOSTON This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the CC-BY-NC 4.0 License, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016036673 Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1572-0500 isbn 978-90-04-32561-6 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-32675-0 (e-book) Copyright 2016 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
    [Show full text]
  • Cimbri and Teutons
    Cimbri and Teutons http://www.unrv.com/empire/cimbri-teutons.php Home Forum Empire Government Military Culture Economy Books Shop Support Roman History Birth of Republic Conquest of Italy Punic Wars Late Republic Fall of Republic Early Empire Five Good Emperors Decline of Empire Late Republic: Gracchi Brothers Jugurthine War Gaius Marius Lucius Sulla Decline Gaius Marius: Rise of Marius Marius Reforms Cimbri and Teutons Political Turmoil The Social War The Fall of Marius Cimbri and Teutons Did you know? In, 105 BC, after his defeat at Just as Marius was coming to power as Consul Aurasio, Caepio was deprived of his proconsulship and his in 107 BC, a major migration by Germanic property confiscated; (perhaps Celtic) Cimbri was causing subsequently he was expelled consternation along Rome's northern frontier. from the senate, accused by the tribune Norbanus of Apparently under threat of starvation from poor embezzlement and misconduct harvests and from external threats by other during the war, condemned and tribes, the Cimbri were on the move looking for imprisoned. He either died during his confinement or escaped to new, more promising land. By 113 BC, the Smyrna. Germanics made their first appearance in Roman written history. These movements, and associated great losses in the Roman army stood as the main reason for Marius' military reforms, and not some great advocacy for the plebes, as the people of the time generally believed. Rome and the Barbarians, There is some evidence that the Germanics wanted little to do with the Romans, and that they 100 B.C.-A.... simply sought safe passage to better lands.
    [Show full text]