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Pan-Germanism: Its Methods and Its Fruits
384 Pan-Ge,.ma"ism. [July, ARTICLE III. PAN-GERMANISM: ITS METHODS AND ITS FRUITS. BY CHARLES W. SUPER, ATHENS, OHIO. THE cataclysmic war that broke out in Europe in 1914 will furnish all future historians of civilization with phases of group-psychology wholly new. Moreover, they will have at their command a wealth of material far greater than all their predecessors. For one thing, we see at the head of the cen tral alliance a people who in the past made notable contribu tions to the arts and sciences, to literature and philosophy, and especially to music, joining hands with another people who never contributed anything whatever to the progress of the world, whose slow march across the world's stage has been marked with destruction only. For another, we see a people who have developed an educational system that has been admired and copied by other countries for several de cades, and by means of which it has brought its entire pop ulation to the highest pitch of collective efficiency, but whose moral standard has not advanced beyond what it was three, perhaps thirteen, centuries ago. We have here a demonstra tion that a state system of education may become a curse quite as much as a blessing to mankind. Ever since the foundation of our RepUblic it has been proclaimed from pul pit and platform, in books and periodicals without number, that its perpetuity depends upon popular education. It has been assumed, because· regarded as needing no proof, that Digitized by Google 1918.] Pan-G ermanism. 385 an educated people is also an enlightened people, a humane people, a moral people. -
Germania TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 16 TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 17
TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 15 Part I Germania TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 16 TEG1 8/2/2004 2:52 PM Page 17 1 Land and People The Land The heartland of the immense area of northern Europe occupied by the early Germanic peoples was the great expanse of lowland which extends from the Netherlands to western Russia. There are no heights here over 300 metres and most of the land rises no higher than 100 metres. But there is considerable variety in relief and soil conditions. Several areas, like the Lüneburg Heath and the hills of Schleswig-Holstein, are diverse in both relief and landscape. There was until recent times a good deal of marshy ground in the northern parts of the great plain, and a broad belt of coastal marshland girds it on its northern flank. Several major rivers drain the plain, the Ems, Weser and Elbe flowing into the North Sea, the Oder and the Vistula into the Baltic. Their broad valleys offered attrac- tive areas for early settlement, as well as corridors of communication from south to north. The surface deposits on the lowland largely result from successive periods of glaciation. A major influence on relief are the ground moraines, comprising a stiff boulder clay which produces gently undu- lating plains or a terrain of small, steep-sided hills and hollows, the latter often containing small lakes and marshes, as in the area around Berlin. Other features of the relief are the hills left behind by terminal glacial moraines, the sinuous lakes which are the remains of melt-water, and the embayments created by the sea intruding behind a moraine. -
Cgpt1; MAGNA GERMANIA; CLAUDIUS PTOLEMY BOOK 2, CHAPTER 10; FACT OR FICTION
cgPt1; MAGNA GERMANIA; CLAUDIUS PTOLEMY BOOK 2, CHAPTER 10; FACT OR FICTION SYNOPSIS The locations of some +8000 settlements and geographical features are included within the text of Claudius Ptolemy‟s „Geographia‟. To control the text and ensure readers understood the methodology there-in utilised it is evident that Claudius Ptolemy determined a strict order and utilisation of the information he wished to disseminate. That strict methodology is maintained through the first 9 chapters of Book 2, but the 10th chapter breaks all of the rules that had been established. Chapters 11 to 15 then return to the established pattern. Magna Germania was basically unknown territory and in such a situation Claudius Ptolemy was able to ignore any necessity to guess thus leaving an empty landscape as is evinced in Book 3, chapter 5, Sarmatian Europe. Why in an unknown land there are 94 settlements indicated in Germania when the 3 provinces of Gallia have only a total of 114 settlements, is a mystery? And, why does Claudius Ptolemy not attribute a single settlement to a tribal group? It appears there are other factors at play, which require to be investigated. BASIC PTOLEMY When analysing a map drawn from the data provided by Claudius Ptolemy it is first necessary to ensure that it is segregated into categories. Those are; 1) reliable information i.e. probably provided via the Roman Army Cosmographers and Geometres; 2) the former information confirmed or augmented by various itineraries or from Bematists; 3) the possibility of latitudinal measurements from various settlements (gnomon ratios); 4) basic travellers tales with confirmed distances „a pied‟; 5) basic sailing distances along coastlines and those which can be matched to land distances; 6) guesses made by travellers who did not actually record the days travelled but only the length of time for the overall journey; 7) obscure references from ancient texts which cannot be corroborated. -
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN History of the German Language 1 Indo
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN History of the German Language 1 Indo-European and Germanic Background Indo-European Background It has already been mentioned in this course that German and English are related languages. Two languages can be related to each other in much the same way that two people can be related to each other. If two people share a common ancestor, say their mother or their great-grandfather, then they are genetically related. Similarly, German and English are genetically related because they share a common ancestor, a language which was spoken in what is now northern Germany sometime before the Angles and the Saxons migrated to England. We do not have written records of this language, unfortunately, but we have a good idea of what it must have looked and sounded like. We have arrived at our conclusions as to what it looked and sounded like by comparing the sounds of words and morphemes in earlier written stages of English and German (and Dutch) and in modern-day English and German dialects. As a result of the comparisons we are able to reconstruct what the original language, called a proto-language, must have been like. This particular proto-language is usually referred to as Proto-West Germanic. The method of reconstruction based on comparison is called the comparative method. If faced with two languages the comparative method can tell us one of three things: 1) the two languages are related in that both are descended from a common ancestor, e.g. German and English, 2) the two are related in that one is the ancestor of the other, e.g. -
Mapping Ancient Germania
Mapping Ancient Germania Berlin Researchers Crack the Ptolemy Code By Matthias Schulz , 10/01/2010 A 2nd century map of Germania by the scholar Ptolemy has always stumped scholars, who were unable to relate the places depicted to known settlements. Now a team of researchers have cracked the code, revealing that half of Germany's cities are 1,000 years older than previously thought. The founding of Rome has been pinpointed to the year 753. For the city of St. Petersburg, records even indicate the precise day the first foundation stone was laid. Historians don't have access to this kind of precision when it comes to German cities like Hanover, Kiel or Bad Driburg. The early histories of nearly all the German cities east of the Rhine are obscure, and the places themselves are not mentioned in documents until the Middle Ages. So far, no one has been able to date the founding of these cities. Our ancestors' lack of education is to blame for this dearth of knowledge. Germanic tribes certainly didn't run land survey offices -- they couldn't even write. Inhabitants this side of the Rhine -- the side the Romans never managed to occupy permanently -- used only a clumsy system of runes. According to the Roman historian Tacitus, people here lived in thatched huts and dugout houses, subsisting on barley soup and indulging excessively in dice games. Not much more is known, as there are next to no written records of life within the barbarians' lands. Astonishing New Map That may now be changing. A group of classical philologists, mathematical historians and surveying experts at Berlin Technical University's Department for Geodesy and Geoinformation Science has produced an astonishing map of central Europe as it was 2,000 years ago. -
Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths. -
Tacitus, Germania, 98 CE Tacitus Was Probably Born in 56 Or 57 CE in Northern Italy Into an Equestrian (Minor Noble) Family. He
Tacitus, Germania, 98 CE As to the Germans themselves, I think it probable that they are Tacitus was probably born in 56 or 57 CE in Northern Italy into an indigenous and that very little foreign blood has been introduced either by equestrian (minor noble) family. He had quite a successful career in invasions or by friendly dealings with neighbouring peoples. For in former Roman public service, holding both military and civil offices, culminating in becoming the proconsul of the Roman province of Asia, 112-113 CE. He times it was not by land but on shipboard that would-be immigrants wrote a several literary and historical works, many of which criticize faults arrived; and the limitless ocean that lies beyond the coasts of Germany, and in Roman society by comparing them to others. Germania is not a travel as it were defies intruders, is seldom visited by ships from our part of the story, nor even a personal account. Instead, Tacitus drew upon earlier writers, and possibly talked to contemporaries who had been there to world. And to say nothing of the perils of that wild and unknown sea, who compile an ethnographic and geographical description of Germania would have been likely to leave Asia Minor, North Africa, or Italy, to go to (which includes parts of present-day France and Germany), especially the Germany with its forbidding landscapes and unpleasant climate - a country customs and culture of the various tribes who lived there, whom the Romans generally called “barbarians.”1 that is thankless to till and dismal to behold for anyone who was not born 1. -
Romans and Barbarians in Tacitus' Battle Narratives
ROMANS AND BARBARIANS IN TACITUS’ BATTLE NARRATIVES by RYAN MICHAEL SEEGER (Under the direction of Dr. Susan Mattern-Parkes) ABSTRACT The purpose of the study is to examine how Tacitus constructs ethnic stereotypes, namely those of the Romans and of the barbarians, in his battle narratives. The first section of the study explores his descriptions of technical aspects of the battle narrative, such as topography, use of weaponry, battle formations, and sieges. The second section examines the value judgments that Tacitus makes about the combatants and their actions, discussing the themes of discipline and virtus, as well as the leaders’ ability to lead by example and stifle dissent. In his descriptions of both the technical and the “moral” aspects of battle, Tacitus shapes his Romans quite differently from his barbarians. Tacitus constructs identities in his battle narratives possibly to satisfy his audience’s expectations or to make the scenes more understandable. Such constructions indicate that ethnocentrism plays an important role in Latin historiography, revealing racial prejudice in Roman society. INDEX WORDS: Tacitus, battle narratives, Roman army, barbarians, ethnicity. ROMANS AND BARBARIANS IN TACITUS’ BATTLE NARRATIVES by RYAN MICHAEL SEEGER B. A., Appalachian State University, 1998 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2002 © 2002 Ryan Michael Seeger All Rights Reserved ROMANS AND BARBARIANS IN TACITUS’ BATTLE NARRATIVES by RYAN MICHAEL SEEGER Approved: Major Professor: Susan Mattern-Parkes Committee: James Anderson Erika Thorgerson-Hermanowicz Electronic Version Approved: Gordhan L. Patel Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia August 2002 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Several people were instrumental in the completion of this thesis. -
The Cimbri of Denmark, the Norse and Danish Vikings, and Y-DNA Haplogroup R-S28/U152 - (Hypothesis A)
The Cimbri of Denmark, the Norse and Danish Vikings, and Y-DNA Haplogroup R-S28/U152 - (Hypothesis A) David K. Faux The goal of the present work is to assemble widely scattered facts to accurately record the story of one of Europe’s most enigmatic people of the early historic era – the Cimbri. To meet this goal, the present study will trace the antecedents and descendants of the Cimbri, who reside or resided in the northern part of the Jutland Peninsula, in what is today known as the County of Himmerland, Denmark. It is likely that the name Cimbri came to represent the peoples of the Cimbric Peninsula and nearby islands, now called Jutland, Fyn and so on. Very early (3rd Century BC) Greek sources also make note of the Teutones, a tribe closely associated with the Cimbri, however their specific place of residence is not precisely located. It is not until the 1st Century AD that Roman commentators describe other tribes residing within this geographical area. At some point before 500 AD, there is no further mention of the Cimbri or Teutones in any source, and the Cimbric Cheronese (Peninsula) is then called Jutland. As we shall see, problems in accomplishing this task are somewhat daunting. For example, there are inconsistencies in datasources, and highly conflicting viewpoints expressed by those interpreting the data. These difficulties can be addressed by a careful sifting of diverse material that has come to light largely due to the storehouse of primary source information accessed by the power of the Internet. Historical, archaeological and genetic data will be integrated to lift the veil that has to date obscured the story of the Cimbri, or Cimbrian, peoples. -
From Caesar to Tacitus: Changes in Early Germanic Governance Circa 50 BC-50 AD
From Caesar to Tacitus: Changes in Early Germanic Governance circa 50 BC-50 AD Andrew T. Young College of Business and Economics West Virginia University Morgantown, WV 26506-6025 ph: 304 293 4526 em: [email protected] Latest Version: November 2014 JEL Codes: D72, N43, N93, P16, Keywords: governance institutions, constitutional exchange, antiquity, early Germanic peoples, the Roman Empire, political economy, Julius Caesar, Tacitus, roving versus stationary bandits, ancient economic history 0 From Caesar to Tacitus: Changes in Early Germanic Governance circa 50 BC-50 AD Abstract: Julius Caesar and Cornelius Tacitus provide characterizations of early Germanic (barbarian) society around, respectively, 50 BC and 50 AD. The earlier date corresponds to expansion of Rome to the Rhine and Danube. During the subsequent century Germanic governance institutions changed in a number of ways. In particular, (1) temporary military commanders elected from the nobility gave way to standing retinues under the leadership of professional commanders, (2) public assemblies met more frequently and regularly, (3) councils made up of nobility gained agenda control in the assemblies, and (4) these councils relinquished their control over the allocations of land. I account for these constitutional exchanges in light of Rome’s encroachment upon Germania. In particular, it brought new sources of wealth and also constraints on the expansion of Germans into new lands. Incentives favored a reallocation of resources away from pastoralism and towards both sedentary farming and raids across the frontier. JEL Codes: D72, N43, N93, P16, Keywords: governance institutions, constitutional exchange, antiquity, early Germanic peoples, the Roman Empire, political economy, Julius Caesar, Tacitus, roving versus stationary bandits, ancient economic history 1 1. -
Cimbri and Teutons
Cimbri and Teutons http://www.unrv.com/empire/cimbri-teutons.php Home Forum Empire Government Military Culture Economy Books Shop Support Roman History Birth of Republic Conquest of Italy Punic Wars Late Republic Fall of Republic Early Empire Five Good Emperors Decline of Empire Late Republic: Gracchi Brothers Jugurthine War Gaius Marius Lucius Sulla Decline Gaius Marius: Rise of Marius Marius Reforms Cimbri and Teutons Political Turmoil The Social War The Fall of Marius Cimbri and Teutons Did you know? In, 105 BC, after his defeat at Just as Marius was coming to power as Consul Aurasio, Caepio was deprived of his proconsulship and his in 107 BC, a major migration by Germanic property confiscated; (perhaps Celtic) Cimbri was causing subsequently he was expelled consternation along Rome's northern frontier. from the senate, accused by the tribune Norbanus of Apparently under threat of starvation from poor embezzlement and misconduct harvests and from external threats by other during the war, condemned and tribes, the Cimbri were on the move looking for imprisoned. He either died during his confinement or escaped to new, more promising land. By 113 BC, the Smyrna. Germanics made their first appearance in Roman written history. These movements, and associated great losses in the Roman army stood as the main reason for Marius' military reforms, and not some great advocacy for the plebes, as the people of the time generally believed. Rome and the Barbarians, There is some evidence that the Germanics wanted little to do with the Romans, and that they 100 B.C.-A.... simply sought safe passage to better lands. -
Part 1 Politics & Military
Part 1 Politics & Military ∵ Toni Ñaco del Hoyo and Isaías Arrayás-Morales - 9789004326750 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 10:11:16AM via free access Toni Ñaco del Hoyo and Isaías Arrayás-Morales - 9789004326750 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 10:11:16AM via free access CHAPTER 1 Rome, Pontus, Thrace and the Military Disintegration of the World Beyond the Hellenistic East Toni Ñaco del Hoyo1 and Isaías Arrayás-Morales The aftermath of the Gracchan crisis was a period of intense turmoil in many regions of Roman domain, East and West, although the loss of historical narra- tives such as those of Polybius and Livy have managed to shadow the scope of the troubles faced by the Republic during this period. Whereas the Cimbrian and Teutonic invasions and some regional conflicts in Sicily, Sardinia, Spain and Gaul kept the Roman armies busy in the West, in the East Macedonia, the Balkans and Asia, things were also extremely unsettled. It is possible to observe how the aftermath of certain dynastic conflicts and the ambitious political programmes endeavoured by some rulers in pursue of hegemonic dreams, as well as the continuous raids of nomadic peoples from beyond the Roman bor- ders, directly agitated the entire region for decades. Specifically, Mithridates VI Eupator king of Pontus and several Thracian kings envisioned Rome’s more active presence in Macedonia and Asia during the final decades of the second century BC as a threat to their military supremacy. Thus far, they had displayed garrisons and colonies, organized looting expeditions and systematically recruited foreign mercenaries for their reinforced armies.