DOCSLIB.ORG

The Greek “Proto-Question” and the Birth of Modern Citizenship

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Greek “Proto-Question” and the Birth of Modern Citizenship Chapter 1 The Greek “Proto-Question” and the Birth of Modern Citizenship 1 Natives and Foreigners under the Old Regime In 1611 a group of Wallachian boyars, led by the mare stolnic (High Steward) Bărcan of Merișani, plotted the assassination of the ruling Prince Radu Mihnea (r. 1611–1616). The attack was intended as retaliation for the fact that Radu Mihnea “surrounded them with numerous Greeks from Istanbul and Rumeli,” as a local chronicler reported.1 The plot was soon discovered by the Prince, who decapitated Bărcan along with eight other great boyars. This dramatic episode—the first instance in the Principalities’ history when “blood was spilled because of the Greeks,” as the historian A. D. Xenopol put it—marked the outbreak of what, in retrospect, Romantic historiography would term the “Greek Question” in Moldavia and Wallachia.2 Over the next two centuries (1611–1821), this “question” unfolded as a succession of violent anti-Greek plots, uprisings and legal campaigns by the local nobility and merchants against the unchecked political penetration and dominance of Ottoman Greeks. After the initial 1611 plot, a second major anti-Greek uprising took place during the reign of Alexandru Iliaș (r. 1616–1618); a third under Alexandru Coconul (r. 1623–1627); a fourth under Leon Tomșa (r. 1629–1632); a fifth under Matei Basarab (r. 1632–1654); a sixth under Radu Leon (r. 1664–1669); a seventh under Nicolae Mavrocordat (r. 1716–1717); and, finally, an eighth under Ioan Gheorghe Caragea (r. 1812–1818). This last uprising culminated with the 1821 failed coop- eration and eventual conflict between Tudor Vladimirescu and the Greek un- derground organization Philiki Hetaireia (Society of Friends), leading to the end of Phanariot rule. The Greek “proto-question” in the Principalities has been subjected to in- tensive research over several centuries.3 Due to its far-reaching implications, 1 Istoria Țării Româneșci 1290–1690. Letopisețul Cantacuzinesc, ed. by C. Grecescu and D. Simionescu (Bucharest: Editura Academiei Republicii Populare Române, 1960), 90. 2 A. D. Xenopol, Istoria românilor din Dacia Traiană (Iași: Tipo-litografia H. Goldner, 1890), vol. 3, 448–449. 3 From the huge bibliography on the topic, I mention selectively: A. D. Xenopol, Istoria românilor din Dacia Traiană; A. D. Xenopol, “Les Roumains et les Grecs,” Revue de géographie 28 (January–June 1891): 38–50; and A. D. Xenopol, Epoca fanarioților 1711–1821 (Iași: Goldner, © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2019 | doi:10.1163/9789004401112_003 32 Chapter 1 the topic has been heavily politicized, as early historiography became a major terrain of political confrontation between rival local and Ottoman Greek po- litical factions. More recently, the topic has been approached by Romanian, Greek and foreign historians from new theoretical and methodological per- spectives.4 This chapter is in line with these recent historiographical trends, but approaches the Greek “proto-question” in the Principalities from a differ- ent analytical angle, regarding it as an outcome of a power struggle between two competing oligarchies: a local one and an Ottoman imperial one. The analysis focuses on the emergence of modern citizenship as a product of this oligarchic struggle for political preeminence in Moldavia and Wallachia, two tributary states on the Ottoman Empire’s European border. It is argued that, in its initial stage, the development of modern citizenship legislation in Moldavia and Wallachia was triggered by the two Principalities’ complex in- teraction with the Ottoman Empire, as a reaction to the substantial increase in the economic and financial burden placed on them by the imperial center; and to the gradual penetration of Ottoman subjects into the Principalities and 1892); Nicolae Iorga, Cultura română supt fanarioți (Bucharest: Socec, 1898); Nicolae Iorga, Istoria literaturii române în secolul al XVIII-lea (1688–1821), 2 vols. (Bucharest: Minerva, 1901); Constantin V. Obedeanu, Grecii în Țara-Românească cu o privire generală asupra stării cul- turale până la 1717 (Bucharest: I. V. Socecŭ, 1900), 12; Demostene Russo, Studii istorice greco- române. Opere postume, 2 vols. (Bucharest: Editura pentru Literatură și artă “Regele Carol II,” 1939); Andrei Pippidi, “Nicolas Soutzo (1798–1871) et la faillite du régime phanariote dans les Principautés Roumaines,” Revue des études sud-est européennes 6 (1968): 313–338. For the historiographical discourse, see Leonidas Rados, “Societatea Junimea și interesul pen- tru studiile bizantine,” Anuarul Institutului de Istorie “A. D. Xenopol” 41 (2004): 513–528; and Leonidas Rados, “Influența greacă în disputele istoriografice din spațiul românesc în a doua jumătate a secolului XIX,” Anuarul Institutului de Istorie “G. Barițiu, Cluj-Napoca” 47 (2008): 123–142. For recent works, see publications of the Omonia Publishing House, Bucharest: Stelian Brezeanu, Constantin Iordan, Horia C. Matei, Tudor Teoteoi and Gheorghe Zbuchea, Relațiile româno-elene: o istorie cronologică, 2003; Paula Scalcău, Grecii din România, 2nd ed., 2005; Paula Scalcău, Hellenism in Romania: A Chronological History, 2007; Leonidas Rados, ed., Școlile grecești în România (1857–1905). Restituții documentare, 2006; and Elena Lazăr, Interferențe literare româno-elene, 2007. 4 Paschalis M. Kitromilides, Anna Tabaki, eds., Relations gréco-roumaines. Interculturalité et identité nationale/Greek-Romanian Relations: Interculturalism and National Identity (Athens: Institute for Neohellenic Research, 2004); Nikos Panou, “Greek-Romanian Symbiotic Patterns in the Early Modern Period: History, Mentalities, Institutions—I,” Historical Review/La Revue Historique 3 (2006): 71–110; “Greek-Romanian Symbiotic Patterns in the Early Modern Period: History, Mentalities, Institutions—II,” Historical Review/La Revue Historique 4 (2007): 59–104; and Christine M. Philliou, Biography of an Empire: Practicing Ottoman Governance in the Age of Revolutions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010). For cultural developments in the Principalities during the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, see Alex Drace- Francis, The Making of Modern Romanian Culture: Literacy and the Development of National Identity (London: I. B. Tauris, 2012)..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Preda Buzescu – the Grand Ban of Craiova (1602-1608)
    SECTION: HISTORY AND CULTURAL MENTALITIES LDMD 2 PREDA BUZESCU – THE GRAND BAN OF CRAIOVA (1602-1608) Sorin Bulboacă, Assist. Prof. , PhD., ”Vasile Goldis” University of the West, Arad Abstract: During the 17th century, the grand ban of Craiova was the most important high official of Wallachia, most coveted by the big boyars, big dime with authority in the counties west of the river Olt. Preda Buzescu great dignity ban occupied briefly in the fall of 1600, called Michael the Brave Preda Buzescu Wallachian boyars filohabsburgice leader was an excellent military commander, who has proved his talent in fighting the Turks, decided partisan alliance with the Emperor Rudolf II. No other ban had the autority of Preda Buzescu, between 1602-1608, in the counties west of river Olt, during the 17th century. He had a chancellery that issued documents without invoking the authority of the prince regnant. Preda Buzescu has ordered the Wallachian*s army. For services faithful to the great dime Preda Buzescu full advantage of his generosity Radu Serban. Few months before his death Preda Buzescu, Radu Serban confirms his dominion over the villages Fauresti,, Novaci, Susani, Rudariu and Seaca. Keywords: ban, boyars, counties, millitary commander, Craiova În secolul al XVII-lea, în Ţara Românească, marea bănie a Craiovei este cea mai importantă dregătorie, cea mai râvnită de marii boieri, marele ban dispunând de o autoritate cvasidomnească în judeţele de la apus de râul Olt, cel puţin până la Matei Basarab. Marele ban al Craiovei este, de obicei, cel dintâi menţionat în lista martorilor din sfatul domnesc şi este singurul dregător care posedă o cancelarie proprie la Craiova, care emite documente, valabile în judeţele aflate la vest de Olt1.
    [Show full text]
  • Restitutio Daciae Ii
    Texte digitizate la Biblioteca Judeţeană Mureş în cadrul proiectului "Mai aproape de lectură: biblioteca publică în serviciul studentilor". Proiect realizat cu sprijinul Administratiei Fondului Cultural Naţional. ŞTEFAN ANDREESCU RESTITUTIO DACIAE * * RELAŢIILE POLITICE DINTRE ŢARA ROMÂNEASCĂ, MOLDOVA ŞI TRANSILVANIA ÎN RĂSTIMPUL 1601-1659 EDITURA ALBATROS BUCUREŞTI 1989 CUPRINS CUVÎNT ÎNAINTE Capitolul I - „MOVILEŞTII” ÎN ŢARA ROMÂNEASCĂ Capitolul II - RADU MIHNEA CORVIN, DOMN AL MOLDOVEI ŞI ŢĂRII ROMÂNEŞTI Capitolul III - TRANSILVANIA LA ÎNCEPUTUL SECOLULUI XVII: ACŢIUNI ŞI PROIECTE PENTRU UNITATEA SPAŢIULUI CARPATO-DANUBIAN Capitolul IV - GÎNDUL ŞI FAPTELE LUI VASILE LUPU Capitolul V - ŢĂRILE ROMÂNE ŞI „CRUCIADA” DIN ANII 1645-1647 Capitolul VI - MOŞTENIREA POLITICĂ A LUI MTHAI VITEAZUL LA MIJLOCUL VEACULUI XVII Capitolul III TRANSILVANIA LA ÎNCEPUTUL SECOLULUI XVII: ACŢIUNI ŞI PROIECTE PENTRU UNITATEA SPAŢIULUI CARPATO-DANUBIAN Tratatul de pace de la Zsitvatorok, încheiat la 11 noiembrie 1606, pentru viitorii douăzeci de ani, între Imperiul romano-german şi cel otoman, a fixat în bună măsură cadrul extern în care vor evolua politic mai ales Transilvania şi Ţara Românească.1 Acest eveniment de răscruce a fost, însă, anticipat de o primă reglementare a raporturilor dintre cele două mici state de la Dunărea de Jos şi Poartă. Radu Şerban, domnul Ţării Româneşti, care încă în 1603, prin biruinţa dobîndită lîngă moara de hîrtie a Braşovului (17 iulie), în dauna lui Moise Szekely, protejatul turcilor, contribuise decisiv la restabilirea
    [Show full text]
  • Romania Redivivus
    alexander clapp ROMANIA REDIVIVUS nce the badlands of neoliberal Europe, Romania has become its bustling frontier. A post-communist mafia state that was cast to the bottom of the European heap by opinion- makers sixteen years ago is now billed as the success story Oof eu expansion.1 Its growth rate at nearly 6 per cent is the highest on the continent, albeit boosted by fiscal largesse.2 In Bucharest more politicians have been put in jail for corruption over the past decade than have been convicted in the rest of Eastern Europe put together. Romania causes Brussels and Berlin almost none of the headaches inflicted by the Visegrád Group—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia— which in 1993 declined to accept Romania as a peer and collectively entered the European Union three years before it. Romanians con- sistently rank among the most Europhile people in the Union.3 An anti-eu party has never appeared on a Romanian ballot, much less in the parliament. Scattered political appeals to unsavoury interwar traditions—Legionnairism, Greater Romanianism—attract fewer voters than do far-right movements across most of Western Europe. The two million Magyars of Transylvania, one of Europe’s largest minorities, have become a model for inter-ethnic relations after a time when the park benches of Cluj were gilded in the Romanian tricolore to remind every- one where they were. Indeed, perhaps the aptest symbol of Romania’s place in Europe today is the man who sits in the Presidential Palace of Cotroceni in Bucharest. Klaus Iohannis—a former physics teacher at a high school in Sibiu, once Hermannstadt—is an ethnic German head- ing a state that, a generation ago, was shipping hundreds of thousands of its ‘Saxons’ ‘back’ to Bonn at 4,000–10,000 Deutschmarks a head.
    [Show full text]
  • Frontiers of Romania: Nationalism and the Ideological Space of the Roman Limes
    Print: ISBN 978-1-78491-763-0 Online: ISSN 2531-8810 EX NOVO Journal of Archaeology, Volume 2, December 2017: 63-83 63 Published Online: Dec 2017 Frontiers of Romania: Nationalism and the Ideological Space of the Roman Limes Emily R. Hanscam Dept. of Archaeology, Durham University Abstract Modern Romania is a nation-state containing space which has long been considered marginal - first as part of the Roman Empire and now within the European Union. The national narrative of Romania highlights this liminality, focusing on the interactions between the Romans and the local Dacians on the northeastern border regions of the Empire. Romania still contains significant material remnants of the Iron Age, including the Roman Limes, a series of fortifications on the Danube River meant to protect the Roman borders. As such, the archaeological tradition of this geographic space is heavily entangled with Romania’s identity as a frontier region. This paper outlines the formation of Romanian national space, focusing on the period between the seventeenth century and 1918. It considers the relationship between the materiality of the Roman Limes and ideological frontiers in Romania, examining the role of archaeology in the sustainment of the Romanian nation space. Keywords: Romania, Frontiers, Roman Limes, Ideological Space, Nationalism Introduction The foundation of the Romanian nation-state in the nineteenth century was a declaration that the intellectual elite of southeast Europe chose to orient themselves towards the West rather than the Ottoman East. Romania (Figs. 1, 2) achieved international recognition of political sovereignty in 1881, escaping subjugation by the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Russian Empire as well as the Ottomans.
    [Show full text]
  • Click Pentru a Rasfoi Volumul 3
    ISTORIA ROMÂNILOR Constantin C. Giurescu Copyright © 2007, 2010, 2013, 2015, 2019 Editura ALL Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naționale a României GIURESCU, CONSTANTIN C. Istoria românilor / Constantin C. Giurescu; ed. îngrij. de Dinu C. Giurescu. – Ed. a 6-a, reviz.. – București: Editura ALL, 2019 3 vol. ISBN 978-606-587-521-0 Vol. 3: De la moartea lui Mihai Viteazul până la sfârșitul epocii fanariote (1601-1821): cu 233 de fi guri în text și 10 hărți afară din text. – 2019. – Conţine bibliografi e. – ISBN 978-606-587-537-1 I. Giurescu, Dinu C. (ed.) 94 Toate drepturile rezervate Editurii ALL. Nicio parte din acest volum nu poate fi copiată fără permisiunea scrisă a Editurii ALL. Drepturile de distribuție în străinătate aparțin în exclusivitate editurii. All rights reserved. The distribution of this book outside Romania, without the written permission of ALL, is strictly prohibited. Copyright © 2007, 2010, 2013, 2015, 2019 by ALL. Editura ALL : Bd. Constructorilor nr. 20A, et. 3, sector 6, cod 060512 – București Tel. : 021 402 26 00 Fax : 021 402 26 10 Distribuție : 021 402 26 30 ; 021 402 26 33 Comenzi : [email protected] www.all.ro Redactare : Lia Decei, Diana Mandache Design copertă : Andra Penescu Cu 233 de fi guri în text și 10 hărți afară din text EDIȚIE ÎNGRIJITĂ DE DINU C. GIURESCU IV Cuprins Interior_vol3.pdf 4 11/26/2010 12:00:40 AM Cuprins V CUPRINS Partea întâi Prefaþã la ediþia a doua ..................................................................................... 3 Prefaþã ................................................................................................................ 5 Abrevieri .............................................................................................................. 7 Radu ªerban....................................................................................................... 9 Luptele pentru tron. Simion Movilã 9. Relaþiile cu Ardealul. Rãzboiul cu Moise Székely 11.
    [Show full text]
  • Silks and Stones: Fountains, Painted Kaftans, and Ottomans in Early Modern Moldavia and Wallachia*
    SILKS AND STONES: FOUNTAINS, PAINTED KAFTANS, AND OTTOMANS IN EARLY MODERN MOLDAVIA AND WALLACHIA* MICHAŁ WASIUCIONEK** Buildings are arguably the last thing that comes to our mind when we talk about circulation of luxury goods and diffusion of consumption practices. Their sheer size and mass explain their tendency to remain in one place throughout their existence and bestow upon them an aura of immutability. This “spatial fix” of the built environment, both in terms of individual buildings and architectural landscapes, means that while they may change hand, they are unable to move across space. This immobility is by no means absolute, as shown by the well-known relocation of the Pergamon altar from western Anatolia to the Museum Island in Berlin, or shorter distances covered by dozens of churches in Bucharest, displaced from their original sites during the urban reconstruction of the 1980s. However, these instances do not change the fact that while both buildings and smaller luxury items constitute vehicles conveying their owners’ wealth and social status, they seemingly belong to two different realms, with little overlap between them. However, as scholarship produced in recent decades has shown, approaching these two spheres of human activity as a dynamic and interactive whole can produce valuable insights into how architecture and luxury commodities construed and expressed social and political identity. As Alina Payne pointed out, buildings and whole sites could become portable and travel by proxy, in the form of drawings, descriptions, and fragments of buildings.1 At the same time, the architectural environment provides the spatial frame for the social and cultural life of humans and objects alike: the spatial distribution of luxury items within the household allows us to reconstruct the topography of conspicuous display and everyday * This study was supported by the ERC-2014-CoG no.
    [Show full text]
  • Proquest Dissertations
    LITERATURE, MODERNITY, NATION THE CASE OF ROMANIA, 1829-1890 Alexander Drace-Francis School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD June, 2001 ProQuest Number: U642911 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest U642911 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT The subject of this thesis is the development of a literary culture among the Romanians in the period 1829-1890; the effect of this development on the Romanians’ drive towards social modernization and political independence; and the way in which the idea of literature (as both concept and concrete manifestation) and the idea of the Romanian nation shaped each other. I concentrate on developments in the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia (which united in 1859, later to form the old Kingdom of Romania). I begin with an outline of general social and political change in the Principalities in the period to 1829, followed by an analysis of the image of the Romanians in European public opinion, with particular reference to the state of cultural institutions (literacy, literary activity, education, publishing, individual groups) and their evaluation for political purposes.
    [Show full text]
  • Cold War Perceptions
    Cold War Perceptions Cold War Perceptions Romania’s Policy Change towards the Soviet Union, 1960-1964 By Elena Dragomir Cold War Perceptions: Romania’s Policy Change towards the Soviet Union, 1960-1964 By Elena Dragomir This book first published 2015 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2015 by Elena Dragomir All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-7073-0 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-7073-3 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables ............................................................................................. vii Abstract .................................................................................................... viii Acknowledgements ..................................................................................... x Abbreviations ............................................................................................ xii Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 The research problem Theory and method Previous research Sources of the study Structure of the study Chapter One ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Romanian-German Relations Before and During the Holocaust
    ROMANIAN-GERMAN RELATIONS BEFORE AND DURING THE HOLOCAUST Introduction It was a paradox of the Second World War that Ion Antonescu, well known to be pro- Occidental, sided with Germany and led Romania in the war against the Allies. Yet, Romania’s alliance with Germany occurred against the background of the gradually eroding international order established at the end of World War I. Other contextual factors included the re-emergence of Germany as a great power after the rise of the National Socialist government and the growing involvement of the Soviet Union in European international relations. In East Central Europe, the years following the First World War were marked by a rise in nationalism characterized by strained relations between the new nation-states and their ethnic minorities.1 At the same time, France and England were increasingly reluctant to commit force to uphold the terms of the Versailles Treaty, and the Comintern began to view ethnic minorities as potential tools in the “anti-imperialist struggle.”2 In 1920, Romania had no disputes with Germany, while its eastern border was not recognized by the Soviet Union. Romanian-German Relations during the Interwar Period In the early twenties, relations between Romania and Germany were dominated by two issues: the reestablishment of bilateral trade and German reparations for war damages incurred during the World War I German occupation. The German side was mainly interested in trade, whereas the Romanian side wanted first to resolve the conflict over reparations. A settlement was reached only in 1928. The Berlin government acted very cautiously at that time.
    [Show full text]
  • God, Mythology, Nationalism and Romanian Identity
    GOD, MYTHOLOGY, NATIONALISM AND ROMANIAN IDENTITY: THE POST-COMMUNIST TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY by Kenneth Allen Adams A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies Spring 2016 Copyright 2016 Kenneth Allen Adams All Rights Reserved Pro Que st Num b e r: 10156501 A ll rig hts re se rve d INFO RMA TION TO A LL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will b e no te d . Also , if m a te ria l ha d to b e re m o ve d , a no te will ind ic a te the d e le tio n. Pro Que st 10156501 Pub lishe d b y Pro Que st LLC (2016). Co p yrig ht o f the Disserta tio n is he ld b y the Autho r. A ll rig hts re se rve d . This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. Pro Q u e st LLC . 789 East Eisenho we r Pa rkwa y P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arb o r, MI 48106 - 1346 GOD, MYTHOLOGY, NATIONALISM AND ROMANIAN IDENTITY: THE POST-COMMUNIST TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY by Kenneth Allen Adams Approved: __________________________________________________________ D. Heyward Brock, Ph.D. Professor in charge of thesis on behalf of the Advisory Committee Approved: __________________________________________________________ Jeffrey L.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Brill.Com09/26/2021 11:27:31AM Via Free Access
    fascism 3 (2014) 117-151 brill.com/fasc Approaching the Social History of Romanian Fascism The Legionaries of Vâlcea County in the Interwar Period Oliver Jens Schmitt Professor, Institute of East European History, University of Vienna, Austria [email protected] Abstract This article explores fascist mobilization in Romania on a regional and local level. Focusing on the south-western Romanian county of Rîmnicu Vâlcea it combines quali- tative analysis with the quantitative analysis of approximately 1,350 members of the Legionary Movement. Vâlcea provides an example of a district which was not a fascist stronghold: the fascist leader Corneliu Zelea Codreanu failed to establish a stable orga- nizational network. Only when the local bishop actively supported small circles of young village intellectuals did fascist mobilization gain momentum. The overwhelm- ing peasant majority of members joined the movement rather late (1937). This article concludes that there were differences between village intellectuals who believed in an ideological community of creed and peasant members who strove for social revolution. Keywords fascism – Romania – Legionary Movement – social history – Vâlcea Comparative studies of European fascism in the interwar period have obtained an impressive level of sophistication. Over the last twenty years special atten- tion has been paid to the analysis of fascist ideology and to theoretical inter- pretations of ‘generic fascism’. The field of fascist studies is dominated by the * This article was supported by the Open Access Publishing Fund of the University of Vienna. © Oliver Jens Schmitt, 2014 | doi 10.1163/22116257-00302005 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported (CC-BY-NC 3.0) License.
    [Show full text]
  • Intellectuals and Romanian Communism
    Intellectuals and Romanian Communism Andrei-Tudor Man This paper tries to illuminate one’s of the most important parts of the contemporary Romanian society conditions of possibility1 of identity, i.e. the intellectuals. The difference forms the identity and, that is why, in order to understand the contemporary condition of the Romanian intellectual, one has to illuminate the oppositions suffered by the intellectual in the communist society, when, within the society without classes, the working class was imposed as the dominant class and the intelligentsia was labeled as bourgeois. The fall of the communism brought the illusion of retrocession to the intellectuals of the roles held in the pre-communist monarchic society, but this, like the illusion of a flourishing economy without any sacrifices within the working class or the privatization by conserving the working places, caused many victims2. Wheter in 1990 the intellectuals were facing the society willing to serve the democratic reforms, twenty five years after the condition of the intellectual into one of a spectator or a commentator. In my opinion the current suspicion towards the intellectuals must be linked with the differences created by the communists between the intellectual bourgeoisie and the working class. In the following pages we will expose, by using examples of intellectuals, the social condition of the intellectual within all the three regimes that marked the Romanian modern state, i.e. the monarchy, the socialist republic and the democratic republic. In order to have a sharp contrast, we will begin with the condition of the intellectual within the Romanian monarchy and within the after 1989 democratic state, afterwards exposing the condition of the intellectual within the Romanian communist regime, all this in order to conclude on the conditions of possibility of the contemporary Romanian intellectual.
    [Show full text]