Cold War Perceptions
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The Foreign Trade Regime in the Comecon Countries Today
THE FOREIGN TRADE REGIME IN THE COMECON COUNTRIES TODAY KAzmuExz GRzmows~i* I. THE ScoPE OF REFORM Recently, in three important aspects, foreign trade techniques in socialist Europe were changed significantly. Economic expan- sion, the growing sophistication of national economies in the en- tire area and the need for closer cooperation, both among the members of the Council for Mutual Economic Aid (hereinafter Comecon) and with the free economy countries, have rendered the system of artificial separation of import and export activities from the production of goods obsolete. Accordingly, foreign trade has been made largely the responsibility of the producers again in an effort to involve them directly in more efficient competition for foreign consumers.' Second, in the effort to promote growing effi- dency within the Eastern Bloc, the General Conditions of Delivery of 19582 and the international code of sales and deliveriess were * Professor of Law and Political Science, Duke University. This article is part of a forthcoming book entitled, East-West Economic Relations, to be published by the author in 1972. 1. See generally K. Grzybowski, Soviet Private International Law 46 (1965); K. Grzybowski, The Socialist Commonwealth of Nations: Organizations and Institutions 29, 57 (1964); S. Pisar, Coexistence and Commerce: Guidelines for Transactions between East and West 243-816 (1970); Hoya, The Comecon Gen- eral Conditions-A Socialist Unification of International Trade Law, 70 Colum. L. Rev. 253 (1970). 2. Obshchie Usloviia Postavok Tovarov mczhdu Vneshnetorgovymi Organi- zatsiiami Stran-Uchastnits Soveta Ekonomicheskoi Vraimopomoshchi (General Conditions for the Delivery of Goods Between Foreign Trade Organizations of Member-Countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance), in Mnogos- toronnee Ekonomicheskoe Sotrudnichestvo Sotsialisticheskikh Gosudantv 121, 297 (Institut Gosudarstvi Prava Ak-ademii Nauk SSR 1967). -
Mareşalul Alexandru Averescu, Un Om Pentru Istorie
Magazin al Fundaţiei “Mareşal Alexandru Averescu” Străjer în calea Cadranfurtunilor militar buzoian Anul III, nr. 5, 9 martie 2009 Mareşalul 150 de ani de la naştere Alexandru Averescu, un om pentru istorie http://www.jointophq.ro ------------------- Străjer în calea furtunilor Magazin trimestrial Numai generalii care fac jertfe folositoare pătrund în Adresa: Buzău, str. Independenţei nr. 24 sufletul maselor. Tel. 0238.717.113 www.jointophq.ro Director : gl. bg. Dan Ghica-Radu COLECTIVUL DE REDACŢIE Redactor-şef: Redactor-şef adjunct: mr. Romeo Feraru Secretar de redacţie: col. (r) Constantin Dinu Redactori: - col (r) Mihai Goia - col. (r) Mihail Pîrlog - preot militar Alexandru Tudose - Emil Niculescu - Viorel Frîncu Departament economie: lt. col. (r) Gherghina Oprişan Departament difuzare: plt. adj. Dan Tinca Tipar: ISSN: 1843-4045 Responsabilitatea pentru conţinutul materialelor publicate aparţine exclusiv autorilor, conform art. 205- 206 Cod penal. Reproducerea textelor şi fotografiilor este permisă numai în condiţiile prevăzute de lege. Manuscrisele nu se înapoiază. Revista pune la dispoziţia celor interesaţi spaţii de publicitate. Numărul curent al revistei se găseşte pe site-ul fundaţiei, în format pdf. Revista se difuzează- 2 la - toate structurile militare din judeţul Buzău, la asociaţiile şi fundaţiile militare locale, precum şi la instituţiile civile interesate de conţinutul său. ------------------- Străjer în calea furtunilor Pro domo Numai generalii Evocarea unor personalităţi ale istoriei naţionale, rescrierea biografiei lor, radiografierea epocii şi, mai ales, a faptelor săvârşite de ei, precum care fac jertfe şi consemnarea acestor întâmplări în documente, jurnale, memorii şi iconografie, contribuie, esenţial, la o mai atentă evaluare a ceea ce am folositoare reprezentat şi, încă, mai reprezentăm în această parte a Europei. -
The Chinese Civil War (1927–37 and 1946–49)
13 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 2: THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR (1927–37 AND 1946–49) As you read this chapter you need to focus on the following essay questions: • Analyze the causes of the Chinese Civil War. • To what extent was the communist victory in China due to the use of guerrilla warfare? • In what ways was the Chinese Civil War a revolutionary war? For the first half of the 20th century, China faced political chaos. Following a revolution in 1911, which overthrew the Manchu dynasty, the new Republic failed to take hold and China continued to be exploited by foreign powers, lacking any strong central government. The Chinese Civil War was an attempt by two ideologically opposed forces – the nationalists and the communists – to see who would ultimately be able to restore order and regain central control over China. The struggle between these two forces, which officially started in 1927, was interrupted by the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, but started again in 1946 once the war with Japan was over. The results of this war were to have a major effect not just on China itself, but also on the international stage. Mao Zedong, the communist Timeline of events – 1911–27 victor of the Chinese Civil War. 1911 Double Tenth Revolution and establishment of the Chinese Republic 1912 Dr Sun Yixian becomes Provisional President of the Republic. Guomindang (GMD) formed and wins majority in parliament. Sun resigns and Yuan Shikai declared provisional president 1915 Japan’s Twenty-One Demands. Yuan attempts to become Emperor 1916 Yuan dies/warlord era begins 1917 Sun attempts to set up republic in Guangzhou. -
TOWI Nw866 O Uj
TOWI Nw866 o uJ HAIII: 9 THE DECHOUKAOE HAS ONLY JUST BEOUN! PERU: IHIT BLOOD THAT HAS BEEI{ SPITT SHAtt NEUER BE FORGOIIE]II F{r**ffiffi sliti;::l$ 1986t6 Hoiti The Dechoukage Has Only Just Begun! Crisis in Haiti and the Tasks of Revolutionaries by the Haitian Internationalist Revolutionary- Group A Call to the Haitian Revolutionary Movement by the Haitian Revolutionary Internationalist Group and the Haitian Workers Party t6 People Are Disposed to Take Care of Business - Talks with Haitian Workers Party l8 Peru This Blood That Has Been Spilt Shall Never Be Forgotten 34 Flames Leap to Puno 37 Support for People's War in Peru Echoes on Every Continent 39 Excerpts From Worldwide Campaign Speech Five Years of People's War in Peru 44 RIM Committee Greets Peru Campaign 46 A "Shining Trench of Combat" Statement on the Massacre of Our Comrades in Peru's Prisons by the RIM Committee 28 "Day of Herois111" - Statement by the PCP Central Committee- 32 Forward Along the Path Charted by Mao Tsetung!42 Interview with Afghan Revolutionary 48 Romania: From Goulash Communism to Capitalist Austerity 58 The Weapon of Criticism: Book Reviews 64 A llorld to I,I4n is a quarterly published by World to Win, whose address is: BCM world to win London WCIN 3XX. U.K. This issue was printed by Russell Press, Bertrand Russeil House, Forest Road West, Nottingham, U.K. AUGUST, I986. Subscribe to A World to Win From Kurdiston to Colombio - people oll oround the world reod A World to Win Avoiloble in English, 'a.,ry%i_*{ Forsi, Sponish, ltolion, ond Turkish. -
Scientific Exorcisms? the Memory of the Communist Security Apparatus
285 Stefano Bottoni PhD University of Florence, Italy ORCID: 0000-0002-2533-2250 SCIENTIFIC EXORCISMS? ARTICLES THE MEMORY OF THE COMMUNIST SECURITY APPARATUS AND ITS STUDY IN ROMANIA AFTER 1989 Abstract This article discusses the institutional attempts to deal with the archival legacy of the Romanian communist security police, Securitate (1945–1989), during the democratic transition in post-communist Romania. The first part draws a short outline of Securitate’s history and activities as one of the main power instruments of the communist dictatorship. The second part of the article shows the development of political attitudes towards institutional attempts to deal with the communist past in the post-communist Romania. This paper describes the reluctant attitude of the ruling circles in the 1990s towards the opening of the Securitate archives and the lustration attempts. The formation of the National Council for the Study of Securitate Archives (Consiliul Național pentru Studierea Arhivelor Securității, CNSAS, legally established 1999) hardly changed the general situation: the archives of the Securitate were transferred to CNSAS with significant delays, and the 2008 ruling of the constitutional court limited its lustration competences. The establishment of the Institute for the Investigation of Communist Crimes and the Memory of the Romanian Exile (Institutul de Investigare a Crimelor Comunismului şi Memoria Exilului Românesc, IICCMER, established 2005) and formation in 2006 of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship Institute of National Remembrance 2/2020 286 in Romania led by renowned political scientist Vladimir Tismăneanu together with the research and legal activities of CNSAS contributed to a broader evaluation of the communist regime (although its impact seems to be limited). -
Communism and Post-Communism in Romania : Challenges to Democratic Transition
TITLE : COMMUNISM AND POST-COMMUNISM IN ROMANIA : CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AUTHOR : VLADIMIR TISMANEANU, University of Marylan d THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of th e Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East European Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants, contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made unde r its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writin g by the parties thereto . PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : University of Marylan d PR1NCIPAL 1NVEST1GATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 81 1-2 3 DATE : March 26, 1998 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded by contract with the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research . However, the Council and the United States Government have the right to duplicate an d disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to the Council under thi s Contract, as follows : Such dissemination may be made by the Council solely (a) for its ow n internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) for its own internal use ; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities an d individuals to serve official United States Government purposes ; and (3) for dissemination i n accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United State s Government granting the public rights of access to documents held by the United State s Government. -
Vladimir Tismăneanu As Historian of Romanian Communism Petrescu, Cristina; Petrescu, Dragoş
www.ssoar.info How communism turned into history: Vladimir Tismăneanu as historian of Romanian communism Petrescu, Cristina; Petrescu, Dragoş Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Petrescu, C., & Petrescu, D. (2005). How communism turned into history: Vladimir Tismăneanu as historian of Romanian communism. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 5(3), 727-732. https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-56301-8 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/1.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/1.0/deed.de How Communism Turned into History 727 How Communism Turned into History Vladimir Tism˙neanu as Historian of Romanian Communism CRISTINA PETRESCU, DRAGOŞ PETRESCU Vladimir Tismăneanu needs no introduction to the Romanian public: his name is unequivocally linked with the post-communist (re)birth of political science in this country. After many years of ideological submission, political science was es- tablished as an academic discipline in post-communist Romania through the joint efforts of some émigré specialists and a few innovative local scholars. If from the latter category, the new generation of political scientists is intellectually indebted to professors such as Alexandru Duţu and Daniel Barbu, from the former, aside Ghiţă Ionescu, Vladimir Tismăneanu features prominently as a mentor of the post-1989 generation of students in the field. -
Maoism Versus Opportunism in Turkey
Maoism Versus Opportunism in Turkey The article below is excerpted from a letter written by the Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (CoRIM) to the Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist (TKP/ML) in mid-2001. The TKP/ML is one of several political centres that emerged from the formerly united Communist Party of Turkey Marxist-Leninist (TKPML), which was a founding participant of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement in 1984. During the course of a series of splits and realignments among Party forces, several centres of the TKPML have emerged, each of which continues to use the name of the Party and claim its heritage. The names of the two largest groupings that exist today are distinguished only by punctuation marks: the TKP(ML) and the TKP/ML. In the RIM Committee letter, reference is made to other centres that have existed in the course of the Party’s history, in particular the TKP/ML (Maoist Party Centre), which continues today, and the TKP/ML East Anatolia Regional Committee, usually referred to by its Turkish initials DABK, which merged with the TKP/ML Central Committee to form the TKP/ML Provisional United Central Committee in 1994 and which subsequently split into the above-mentioned TKP/ML, which publishes Ozgur Gelecek, and TKP(ML). To minimise confusion concerning the names of the different Party centres, no punctuation is used when referring to the previously united TKPML of 1984 and earlier, and the other centres are referred to by the punctuation they use themselves. As the letter makes clear, from the formation of RIM onwards serious differences emerged between the TKPML and RIM, and a long process of discussion and struggle has gone on involving the different centres that emerged from the previously united TKPML. -
Romania Redivivus
alexander clapp ROMANIA REDIVIVUS nce the badlands of neoliberal Europe, Romania has become its bustling frontier. A post-communist mafia state that was cast to the bottom of the European heap by opinion- makers sixteen years ago is now billed as the success story Oof eu expansion.1 Its growth rate at nearly 6 per cent is the highest on the continent, albeit boosted by fiscal largesse.2 In Bucharest more politicians have been put in jail for corruption over the past decade than have been convicted in the rest of Eastern Europe put together. Romania causes Brussels and Berlin almost none of the headaches inflicted by the Visegrád Group—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia— which in 1993 declined to accept Romania as a peer and collectively entered the European Union three years before it. Romanians con- sistently rank among the most Europhile people in the Union.3 An anti-eu party has never appeared on a Romanian ballot, much less in the parliament. Scattered political appeals to unsavoury interwar traditions—Legionnairism, Greater Romanianism—attract fewer voters than do far-right movements across most of Western Europe. The two million Magyars of Transylvania, one of Europe’s largest minorities, have become a model for inter-ethnic relations after a time when the park benches of Cluj were gilded in the Romanian tricolore to remind every- one where they were. Indeed, perhaps the aptest symbol of Romania’s place in Europe today is the man who sits in the Presidential Palace of Cotroceni in Bucharest. Klaus Iohannis—a former physics teacher at a high school in Sibiu, once Hermannstadt—is an ethnic German head- ing a state that, a generation ago, was shipping hundreds of thousands of its ‘Saxons’ ‘back’ to Bonn at 4,000–10,000 Deutschmarks a head. -
The Greek “Proto-Question” and the Birth of Modern Citizenship
Chapter 1 The Greek “Proto-Question” and the Birth of Modern Citizenship 1 Natives and Foreigners under the Old Regime In 1611 a group of Wallachian boyars, led by the mare stolnic (High Steward) Bărcan of Merișani, plotted the assassination of the ruling Prince Radu Mihnea (r. 1611–1616). The attack was intended as retaliation for the fact that Radu Mihnea “surrounded them with numerous Greeks from Istanbul and Rumeli,” as a local chronicler reported.1 The plot was soon discovered by the Prince, who decapitated Bărcan along with eight other great boyars. This dramatic episode—the first instance in the Principalities’ history when “blood was spilled because of the Greeks,” as the historian A. D. Xenopol put it—marked the outbreak of what, in retrospect, Romantic historiography would term the “Greek Question” in Moldavia and Wallachia.2 Over the next two centuries (1611–1821), this “question” unfolded as a succession of violent anti-Greek plots, uprisings and legal campaigns by the local nobility and merchants against the unchecked political penetration and dominance of Ottoman Greeks. After the initial 1611 plot, a second major anti-Greek uprising took place during the reign of Alexandru Iliaș (r. 1616–1618); a third under Alexandru Coconul (r. 1623–1627); a fourth under Leon Tomșa (r. 1629–1632); a fifth under Matei Basarab (r. 1632–1654); a sixth under Radu Leon (r. 1664–1669); a seventh under Nicolae Mavrocordat (r. 1716–1717); and, finally, an eighth under Ioan Gheorghe Caragea (r. 1812–1818). This last uprising culminated with the 1821 failed coop- eration and eventual conflict between Tudor Vladimirescu and the Greek un- derground organization Philiki Hetaireia (Society of Friends), leading to the end of Phanariot rule. -
Anexă La Dispoziţia Nr. SECTORUL 1 AL MUNICIPIULUI BUCUREŞTI
Anexă la dispoziţia nr. SECTORUL 1 AL MUNICIPIULUI BUCUREŞTI DELIMITAREA ŞI SEDIUL SECŢIILOR DE VOTARE Secţia de votare nr. 1 cu sediul în LICEUL TEORETIC "NICOLAE IORGA" din Bld. Ion Mihalache Nr. 126; CP 011203, unde vor vota alegătorii domiciliaţi pe arterele: Int. 1 MAI Pța. DOMENII Bld. ION MIHALACHE, (fost 1 MAI) nr. 64-96, 75-113 Str. Adresă inexistentă, cu domiciliul pe raza sec. 1 Nr. 0 Secţia de votare nr. 2 cu sediul în LICEUL TEORETIC " NICOLAE IORGA " din Bld. Ion Mihalache Nr. 126; CP 011203, unde vor vota alegătorii domiciliaţi pe arterele: Bld. ION MIHALACHE, (fost 1 MAI) nr. 98-146A, 115-299B, 299 BIS Secţia de votare nr. 3 cu sediul în LICEUL TEORETIC " NICOLAE IORGA " din Bld. Ion Mihalache Nr. 126; CP 011203, unde vor vota alegătorii domiciliaţi pe arterele: Bld. ION MIHALACHE, (fost 1 MAI) nr. 148-148B, 301-319, 319 B Ale. Lt. GHEORGHE STÂLPEANU Secţia de votare nr. 4 cu sediul în LICEUL TEORETIC " NICOLAE IORGA " din Bld. Ion Mihalache Nr. 126; CP 011203, unde vor vota alegătorii domiciliaţi pe arterele: Bld. ION MIHALACHE, (fost 1 MAI) nr. 150-160A, 160B Secţia de votare nr. 5 cu sediul în LICEUL GRECO-CATOLIC "TIMOTEI CIPARIU" din Str. Bucegi Nr. 97; CP 012315, unde vor vota alegătorii domiciliaţi pe arterele: Int. ALPINIŞTILOR Str. BIRUINŢEI Str. Cpt. MIRCEA PETRE Str. DUMITRU FLORESCU Str. ELIE CARAFOLI, (fostă PENTELEU) Str. GALILEIA Str. IONEL FERNIC, (fostă FERMEI) Str. ISER IOSIF Str. Lt. GRIGORE STAMATESCU Str. Lt. VASILE FUICĂ Str. Mr. NICOLAE CAPŞA Str. PARÂNGULUI Str. POPIŞTEANU Str. -
YUGOSLAVIA's FIRST POST-TITO PARTY CONGRESS Part I: Problems on the Agenda
YUGOSLAVIA'S FIRST POST-TITO PARTY CONGRESS Part I: Problems on the Agenda by Dennison I. Rusinow 1982/No. 39 Europe [DIR-2-'82] The first post-Tito Party Con- been signs since the congress that gress emphasized continuity, this may happen sooner rather than later, but it had been clear for some despite the obvious fact that months before the comrades Tito's own guiding hand has assembled in Belgrade that it would been replaced by collective not happen then or without a few leadership. The political prob- more hard knocks from "life itself," lem attendant to this change in as Marxists are fond of calling the a conflict-prone multinational ultimate confounder of even best- society is equaled and reinforced laid schemes.- woes, by Yugoslavia's economic Continuity as the theme of the Con- gress was still unavoidable in June 1982 for a regime whose slogan since its founder's death has been "Continuity" was unavoidably, if "After Tito--Tito," and whose inappropriately, the name of the leaders have been unable to agree game for the Twelfth Congress of on reforms that they also fear would the League of Communists of be interpreted as the beginning of a Yugoslavia ("the Party") which met general "de-Titoization." in Belgrade from June 26 through It is generally and probably correctly 29, 1982. In the light of economic believed that even a widespread problems so grave that they ought suspicion that a general overhaul of to have serious social and political "Titoist" principles and institutions repercussions and the experience of is on theway would be singularly de- other countries after the passing of stabilizing.