Irish Soldiers and Desertion in the Ranks of the Eighteenth-Century French Army

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Irish Soldiers and Desertion in the Ranks of the Eighteenth-Century French Army Irish Soldiers and Desertion in the Ranks of the Eighteenth-Century French Army Colm James Ó Conaill The article will begin with a general overview of the Irish regiments in French service during the eighteenth century. The study will focus on those Irish soldiers and their followers who went to France after the defeat of the Catholic forces of James II and the assumption of power by William of Orange. The second part of the study will analyse the phenomenon of military desertion from the ranks of the Irish regiments in French service. The primary sources used, troop registers from the Archives de Guerre (Service Historique de l’Armée de Terre) at Vincennes, provide detailed information on the service record of the soldiers, including their first and last names, the rank of NCOs, and their place of birth. The records also give detailed physical descriptions of the soldiers which often include their height, physical appearance and their hair and eye colour. Crucially, the records also tell us when and why soldiers left the army. The importance of the contrôles de troupe, established after a royal decree of 2 July 1716, cannot be overstated as they leave us a comprehensive record for thousands of Irish migrants as well as for French soldiers in the ranks.1 1. For the establishment of the contrôles de troupe, see André Corvisier, trans. Abigail T. Siddall, Armies and Societies in Europe, 1494-1789 (Bloomington and London, Indiana University Press, 1979), pp. 64-5. See also Colm James Ó Conaill, ‘The Irish Regiments in France. An Overview of the Presence of Irish soldiers in French Service, 1716-1791’, in Eamon Maher and Grace Neville (eds.), France-Ireland: Anatomy of a Relationship (Frankfurt-am-Main, Peter Lang, 2004), pp. 329-42. For an example of the historical uses of the source, see Eoghan Ó hAnnracháin, ‘An Analysis of the Fitzjames Cavalry Regiment, 1737’, The Irish Sword, 19:78, Winter 1995. IJFrS 5 (2005) 104 O CONAILL The eighteenth-century records differ from earlier sources as they contain the exact number of soldiers at a given time in the regiments. Therefore it is more accurate than earlier estimates of troop strength or the reports of officers who might artificially inflate their troop strength for financial gain. The soldiers referred to in this article are all drawn from the post-1716 records, although some claim to have enrolled as early as 1691.2 Even with such a comprehensive and detailed study, one must be cautious when approaching the material. In the 1747 contrôle for the Rothe regiment there are 1,972 different entries. This figure only indicates that up to 1,972 soldiers joined the regiment between 1742 and 1756 (the dates of the earliest and latest recruitment according to the troop register dated 1747). The size of the regiment at any given time during this period was significantly smaller as some soldiers transferred from one company to another and others left the regiment and rejoined. For example, there are two references for the seventeen-year old Guillaume Rogan in the 1747 inspection. He first joined the Colonelle company on 20 August 1749 and then transferred to Dorrington’s company in August 1750. When we calculate the troop strength for a given date, we get a more 2. For the problems involved in calculating army size, see John A. Lynn, ‘Recalculating French Army Growth during the Grand Siècle, 1610-1715’, French Historical Studies, vol. 18, no. 4, Autumn 1994. See p. 884 for the importance of recognising the difference between the size of field armies (normally one force gathered under one commander) and the entire army (including reserves, militia, garrisons, and coastal defences). Peacetime forces were also much smaller than warring armies. There is also important information about the different sources on pages 885 to 886 and a table of French army growth between the years 1445 and 1750 (p. 902). By only using the post-1716 contrôles de troupe, the troop analysis compares like with like and should be accurate (or at least as accurate as the source material). The records include soldiers who joined as far back as 1691. The cut-off point for the study is 1791, the year when foreign regiments were abolished. On 21 July 1791, the Assemblée Nationale decreed that all foreign regiments, with the exception of the Swiss, should be placed on the same footing as French troops. See John Cornelius O’ Callaghan, A History of the Irish Brigades in the Service of France (1870; Shannon, Irish University Press, 1968), p. 633. IRISH SOLDIERS AND DESERTION 105 accurate idea of the strength of the Rothe regiment. Major Bagot counted 427 soldiers in the regiment on 3 August 1747.3 The phenomenon of Irish migration to Europe and France in particular was not uncommon before the 1690s.4 Nevertheless, the number of Irish military migrants who left for France in the last decade of the seventeenth century and early in the eighteenth century was enormous, and this is especially striking when we consider that the majority of military migrants to France were young healthy men. The presence of foreign mercenary troops in the French army dated from the wars of religion. André Corvisier, the authority on French military archives, estimates that foreigners accounted for around 12% of all French troops in peacetime and 20% of troops during warfare. Germans, Italians and Walloons all served in the French army but the most prized soldiers were Swiss. They received higher pay and served under different conditions to ordinary soldiers. For example, the Swiss wore red coats; they did not fight against opposing Swiss regiments from the same canton and did not serve outside continental Europe (outre mer). While the Irish regiments did not enjoy the same privileges as the Swiss, they too earned more than their French counterparts and wore the redcoat of the British army.5 Organized recruitment of Irish regiments to the French army dates from 1635 when seven regiments were recruited to fight in France. Harman Murtagh states that the Walls of Coolnamuck, Co. Waterford, played a crucial role in this recruitment. While numbers declined in the 1640s, eight regiments fought in French service after the Catholic defeat in Ireland. Wall’s own regiment passed to the 3. Rothe Hommes de Troupe Inspection 1747. 1 YC 786, Service Historique de l’Armée de Terre (henceforth SHAT), Vincennes. 4. See Harman Murtagh, ‘Irish Soldiers Abroad (1600-1800)’, in Thomas Bartlett and Keith Jeffery (eds.), A Military History of Ireland (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996). The presence of Irish soldiers in other European states in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is beyond the scope of this article. 5. André Corvisier (ed.), Dictionnaire d’Art et d’Histoire Militaire (Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1988), p. 295. 106 O CONAILL exiled James Stuart, Duke of York, and disbanded in 1664 (then called the Royal Irlandais).6 The most significant military migration to France occurred with the advent of the Williamite wars in the early 1690s, the defeat of James II’s army in Ireland, and the Treaty of Limerick (1691). The first mass military migration of troops that would later form the Régiments Irlandais or Irish regiments took place in 1690. In exchange for a contingent of French soldiers sent to Ireland, around 5,000 Irish soldiers sailed from Kinsale to Brest in France under the command of Justin MacCarthy, Viscount Mountcashel. This group formed a foreign brigade within the French army, receiving the higher rate of pay. Soldiers in French military service enlisted for a minimum of six years according to a law of 1682. This term of service was increased to eight years in 1762, but the reality was rather different. Terms of service lasted from a few weeks to decades.7 The wages of ordinary soldiers were fixed at six sous per day until 1762, when they were raised to eight sous. Foreign troops were paid one sou more per day. André Corvisier estimates these wages were equal to that of a tradesman or a peasant, but soldiers had the advantage of receiving pay on Sundays and holidays.8 Further migration of Irish troops took place after the defeat of the Jacobite forces, supported by Louis XIV in his European campaign against William of Orange. Under the Treaty of Limerick (1691), the Williamite commander, General Ginkel (1644-1703) allowed for the transport to France of all Irish forces who wished to leave. About 12,000 sailed for France and this group formed a separate army in France under the command of James II and then his son, James III. This army, unlike Mountcashel’s brigade, was not part 6. Harman Murtagh, op. cit., p. 297. See also John Mc Gurk, ‘Wild Geese. The Irish in European Armies (Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries)’, in Patrick O’ Sullivan (ed.), Patterns of Migration (Leicester, London, New York, Leicester University Press, 1992), vol. 1, p. 43. 7. André Corvisier, Armies and Societies in Europe, 1494-1789, op.cit., pp. 173-4. 8. Ibid., pp. 68-9. IRISH SOLDIERS AND DESERTION 107 of the French army although the French crown paid the troops.9 In the 1690s the Irish soldiers were divided into two distinct groups: the three regiments of Mountcashel’s Brigade under direct French control (Clare, Dillon and Lee), and James II’s army which was composed of ten regiments of foot, two regiments of horse and two horse troops. According to John Cornelius O’ Callaghan, the total strength of the combined Irish force was 18,365.10 With the return of peace after the Treaty of Ryswick (1697) the French army was reformed.
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