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From Marginalization to Bounded Integration From Marginalization to Bounded Integration Reassessing the Compatibility of Religion and Democracy: A Comparison of the State-Religion Relationship in Turkey and Israel Aviad Rubin, Department of Political Science, McGill University, Montreal January 2010 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Copyright © Aviad Rubin 2010 From Marginalization to Bounded Integration January 2010 Abstract There is an inherent tension in the relationship between religion and democracy. While religion generally adheres to a single ultimate set of values, democracy requires political tolerance and the recognition of the coexistence of several truths. This is why, both intuitively and according to influential theories of modernization, the separation of religion and the state has been seen as a pre-condition for successful democratization. Yet a comparison of Israel and Turkey challenge the validity of such alleged ―truths.‖ This is because existing theories cannot adequately account for the dynamic nature of the state-religion relations. Israel, which assigned a formal role to religion in the state, was able to maintain stable democratic rule despite some major internal and external political challenges. Nevertheless, after three decades of constructive collaboration between the state and religious actors, the latter have increased their demands on the state in a manner that challenged the foundations of the regime, although so far the state has been successful in effectively containing them. In contrast, the Turkish state attempted to enforce strict secularization on society by marginalizing religion from public affairs through constitutional measures and military repression. Yet after eight decades trying, Turkish society remained far from being truly secular and the attempts to enforce secularism seriously undermined Turkish democracy. To understand why this has been the case, the dissertation develops a model for the state-religion relationship, the Bounded Integration Model (BIM), that overcomes the over simplistic, static and deterministic nature of existing theories. The model demonstrates that religious actors should be understood as potential members in civil society, the dynamic interaction of which with the state determines the boundaries of civil society and the prospects for stable democratic governance. The study concludes that there is a need to re-evaluate the relationship between the state and religion over time, and reconsider deterministic conclusions about the ability of some religions - Islam in particular - to peacefully co-exist with democratically governed states. 2 From Marginalization to Bounded Integration January 2010 Abstract Il existe une crispation inhérente de la relation entre la religion et la démocratie. La religion, pour sa part, adhère à un seul et unique code de valeurs, tandis que la démocratie, elle, nécessite une tolérance politique et l‘acceptation de la coexistence de plusieurs vérités. C‘est pour ces raisons que non seulement intuitivement, mais également selon les théories influentes de la modernisation, la séparation de la religion et de l‘État est regardée comme la pierre angulaire d‘une démocratisation réussie. Toutefois, une comparaison entre l‘Israël et la Turquie conteste la validité de ces présumées vérités, et ce, parce que les théories actuelles ne peuvent expliquer convenablement la dynamique de la nature des relations entre la religion et l‘État. D‘une part, l‘Israël, consacrant au sein de l‘État un rôle officiel à la religion, a été en mesure de maintenir un gouvernement démocratique stable malgré certains enjeux politiques, internes et externes, importants. Néanmoins, après trois décennies de collaboration fructueuse entre l‘État et les acteurs religieux, ces derniers ont augmenté leurs demandes envers l‘État de sorte qu‘elles s‘opposaient aux assises du régime; jusqu‘à maintenant, l‘État a toutefois réussi à les limiter. D‘autre part, l‘État turque a tenté d‘appliquer une sécularisation absolue en marginalisant la religion des affaires publiques par l‘entremise de mesures constitutionnelles et de répression militaire. Pourtant, après huit années de persévérance, la Turquie demeure loin d‘être un État réellement laïque et les efforts déployés dans le but d‘appliquer ce laïcisme ont grandement nui à la démocratie. Afin de comprendre le pourquoi de tels aboutissements, la présente dissertation propose un modèle intitulé le Modèle d‘intégration limitée (MIL) illustrant la relation entre l‘État et la religion en palliant la nature simpliste, statique et déterministe des théories actuelles. Ce modèle démontre que les acteurs religieux doivent être considérés comme étant des membres potentiels de la société civile dont l‘interaction dynamique avec l‘État déterminerait les limites de la société civile et les aspirations à une gouvernance démocratique stable. Cette étude conclue qu‘une réévaluation de la relation entre l‘État et la religion au fil du temps est nécessaire et remet en question les conclusions déterministes sur la capacité de certaines religions – notamment l‘Islam – de pouvoir coexister en paix avec des États gouvernés démocratiquement. 3 From Marginalization to Bounded Integration January 2010 Table of contents Abstract …2 Table of Contents …4 Acknowledgements …5 Chapter 1. Introduction …6 Chapter 2. Re-conceptualizing the Role of Religion in Democratic …23 Regimes: From Marginalization to Bounded Integration Turkey Chapter 3. Religion and State in Turkey's Pre-Republican Era …54 Chapter 4. Turkey's Authoritarian Laicism 1923 – 1950 …80 Chapter 5. Democratic Challenges to Kemalist Hegemony 1950-2007 …106 Israel Chapter 6. Zionism and Religion Pre-Independence …171 Chapter 7. An Era of Constructive Collaboration 1948-1967 …197 Chapter 8. Democratic Containment of Religious Challenges 1967- …232 2007 Chapter 9. Religion in Democratic Regimes: Preliminary …285 Conclusions Bibliography …300 4 From Marginalization to Bounded Integration January 2010 Acknowledgements This study is a product of a long and challenging journey. Along this journey I was assisted, guided and inspired by many, to whom I am deeply thankful. First and foremost, I would like to express my gratitude to Phil Oxhorn, a true mentor and an academic role model who guided me skillfully throughout this project and helped in crystallizing my ideas. I would also like to thank Harold Waller and Juliet Johnson for serving in the advisory committee of this study and for providing thoughtful advice and support whenever needed. I am also honored to thank Professor Michael Brecher, a scholar of rare quality who has been a source of inspiration throughout the course of my studies at McGill University. The department of political science at McGill provided an unparalleled stimulating intellectual environment. In particular I would like to thank my peers in the department – Daniel, Francoise, Amy, Kate, Donald, Rob, and Dan who were supportive, intellectually invigorating and good company in leisure times whenever the weight of the task became too heavy. This research was conducted in two countries that are a lot more than mere case studies for me. Israel is my homeland and this research was motivated by a personal commitment to make it a better a more just place. I was lucky to be hosted at the Gilo Center for Democracy and Civic Education at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem which provided a pleasant working environment during my field research in Israel, for which I would like to thank its staff. Along this study I came to know Turkey in an intimate way. Turkey is one of the most fascinating places in the world, and its welcoming people made my research there a unique and unforgettable experience. I would like to express special thanks to Canan Aslan from Middle East Technical University for her tireless help in organizing contacts and interviews and to my dedicated friend and assistant Onur Kara for an invaluable work. This research would not have made possible without generous funding from the Steinberg Fellowship of the Jewish Federation in Montreal, The Rabin Scholarship of the Canadian Friends of Hebrew University and the Demirel fellowship of the Moshe Dayan Center. I thank them all. Finally, I would like to thank my family. To my parents who made my dreams come true, my children Shai and Alon who are the source of joy in my life, and my partner and dearest friend Shelly, without whom this road would have been much harder. 5 From Marginalization to Bounded Integration January 2010 Chapter 1: Introduction And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. George Washington, 1796 Recent events in the Middle East and the growing entanglement of religion in politics throughout the region focus new attention on the role religion might play in transitions to democracy and its impact on the stability of democratic regimes. For many decades, dominant theories such as modernization theory and the ―clash of civilizations‖ have advocated the secularization thesis which argues that religion and democracy are incompatible - the former is about an ultimate divine truth whereas the latter is based on the peaceful coexistence of different truths and the art of bargaining and compromise. The policy
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