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THE FETHA NAGAST the Law of the Kings THE FETHA NAGAST The Law of the Kings Translated from the Ge’ez by ABBA PAULOS TZADUA LL.D., Dr. Pol. Sc. Edited by PETER L. STRAUSS Faculty of Law Haile Sellassi I University Carolina Academic Press Durham, North Carolina Copyright © 2009 by the Faculty of Law, Addis Ababa University All rights reserved, including the right to reproduce this book or portions thereof in any form. Originally published in 1968 by the Faculty of Law, Haile Sellassie I University Second printing, 2009 ISBN 978-1-59460-661-8 LCCN 2008938349 Carolina Academic Press 700 Kent Street Durham, NC 27701 USA Telephone (919) 489-7486 Fax (919) 493-5668 www.cap-press.com Printed in the United States of America PREFACE TO THE FIRST PRINTING v TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface to the First Printing v Foreword xv Translator’s Note xxx Editor’s Note xxxii Preface to the Second Printing xxxiii Abba Paulos Tzadua, Fetha Nägäst xxxvii P.H. Sand, Roman Origins of the Ethiopian “Law of the Kings” (Fetha Nagast) xxxix Footnote Conventions li [PREFACE] 1 [PART ONE] CHAPTER I: THE CHURCH AND WHAT CONCERNS IT 11 CHAPTER II: THE DIVINE BOOKS WHICH MUST BE ACCEPTED BY THE HOLY CHURCH AND WHICH ARE EIGHTY-ONE IN NUMBER 13 CHAPTER III: BAPTISM AND THOSE WHO EMBRACE THE FAITH 14 CHAPTER IV: PATRIARCHS 17 Part I, [taken] from [various] books 17 Part II, [arrived at] by reasoning 20 CHAPTER V: BISHOPS 24 I. [Before his election and consecration] 24 II. His consecration 27 III. After his consecration 28 CHAPTER VI: PRIESTS 43 I. The requirements 43 II. On ordination 43 III. The rank 43 IV. The precepts pertinent to him 44 V. The part which deals with the causes that bring about a priest’s deposition 45 VI. On one who is not impeded from performing his duties 47 CHAPTER VII: DEACONS 48 Part I. The requirements necessary to appointment 48 Part II. Ordination of deacons 48 Part III. Provisions regarding deacons 49 Part IV. On obedience 50 Part V. Causes for deposing a deacon from his rank 51 CHAPTER VIII: SUBDEACONS, THE ANAGNOSTES OR LECTORS, DOORKEEPERS, SINGERS, AND DEACONESSES 52 Section I. The requirements necessary for appointment 52 Section II. On their ordination 52 vii PREFACE TO THE SECOND PRINTING Forty years ago, a modest Roman Catholic priest and scholar completed work on his English translation of the Fetha Nagast,1 the traditional source of law for Ethiopia’s Coptic Christian com- munity and, thus, for its imperial courts as well. Fluent in most of the languages needed for the task,2 Abba Paulos Tzadua had learned English when he was forced to flee his seminary for Eng- land (where he was ordained) during the Italian occupation; returning to Asmara to direct the Cathedral school, in the late 1950s he earned degrees in Law and in Political and Social Sciences from the Catholic University of Milan. By 1967 he was in Addis Ababa (where in 1977 he would become Archbishop) and had completed his translation. He asked James CN Paul, the founding Dean of Ethiopia’s national law school, for help in finalizing it; and Dean Paul honored me, then a young lecturer at the law school, with the request to be his editor. Abba Paulos and I spent af- ternoons during the better part of a year discussing this storied document and the best way of ren- dering it into what remains, to date, its final language. A gentle, unassuming man of remarkable intelligence, Abba Paulos would rise through the Catholic hierarchy to the rank of Cardinal—the first Ethiopian to attain that rank in the history of his church, remembered by Pope John Paul II in his homily as “a zealous priest and Bishop,” a pastor of “outstanding concern for lay people.” This translation is only a part of the rich legacy he left behind when, in 2002, he passed away. Only in his absence would I dare to write an introduction to this printing of the Fetha Nagast. His scholarship shines through the translation itself, and through the original preface to the trans- lation, faithfully reproduced in the following pages. What appears to have been his last published work was an essay on its history that is attached as an appendix to these paragraphs. Among my colleagues in Addis Ababa at the time, Peter Sand (a young German scholar) was the one who es- sayed independent scholarship on this remarkable manuscript. Deeply familiar with civil and Roman Law, as I am not, and with easy linguistic access to German and other European scholar- ship about the Fetha Nagast, he contributed important analyses of its origins that remain among its more important glosses, and that have greatly informed the paragraphs that follow. His short essay on the sources of the Fetha Nagast is also appended here. Finally, the reader interested gen- erally in the history of law in Ethiopia must read Prof. Aberra Jemberra’s remarkable book, An Introduction to the Legal History of Ethiopia, 1434–1974.3 As sub-Saharan Africa became a destination for European missionaries, merchants, and the colonizing soldiers who followed in their wake, it was surely wonderful to find a part of the con- tinent that was already Christian in substantial part—that had, indeed, survived its own bloody encounters with Muslim antagonists—and that, through Egypt and its churches, enjoyed regular, if somewhat tenuous, contacts with rest of the Christian world. It may even have been some con- solation to the European powers that, even during the Nineteenth Century’s “scramble for Africa,” 4 remarkably failed to reduce the Ethiopian empire to colonial status that this part of Africa was Chris- tian Africa on its own account. To have found there, in the Fetha Nagast, a document with an ap- 1. “Fetha Nagast” is the spelling that will be used in this preface, corresponding to that chosen for this translation. The researcher will also find it referred to in the literature as “Fetha Negest” and “Fetha Negast,” and in quotations the spelling used in the material quoted will be repeated. 2. In addition to Ge’ez, the language of the traditional text, and his native Tigrinya, Abba Paulos was fluent in Amharic (the language of a local translation and much commentary), Arabic (the language from which the work had been trans- lated into Ge’ez), Italian (the language of the existing European translation, by Guidi), Latin (Roman law sources) and, of course, English—thus permitting him ready access to most of the source documents of the Fetha Nagast. 3. Published by the African Study Center of Leiden University, The Netherlands (Lit Verlag 2000). 4. The history is well told in Richard Pankhurst, The Ethiopians (Blackwell 1998). Battles with English expeditionaries, xxxiii parent European heritage, with roots in the same Roman law traditions as underlay the law of all Europe, suggested that Ethiopia might already be civilized, as Europeans understood what that meant. It produced a fascination with the Fetha Nagast, with translations and scholarly analysis quite stressing the northern connection. There is general agreement that the Fetha Nagast had its immediate source in a compilation made in Arabic from the original Greek for use of the Egyptian Coptic Church, by a thirteenth cen- tury Christian Egyptian jurist usually referred to as Ibn Al’-Assal. (Until recent times, the Ethiopian Coptic Church was a dependency of the Egyptian church and, at least in name, its prelates came from there.) Ethiopian tradition traces the Fetha Nagast’s origins back as far as the 318 sages of the Council of Nicea, during the reign of the (Christian) Roman Emperor Constantine. Just when it came to Ethiopia and was translated into Ge’ez (the Ethiopian ecclesiastical language equiva- lent to Latin) is uncertain, but accounts that seem to have a fair grounding in historic fact have it brought up the Nile at the request of the mid-fifteenth century emperor Zara Yacob, seeking a written basis for law by which to govern. What he received was a document at least as concerned with ecclesiastical as secular matters, and it may well have had more use in church than official circles. Indeed, on some accounts it was treated as a document only the elect were privileged to know of and consult. Little is known about its actual use in connection with Ethiopian law-administration. There are accounts of consulting it in important criminal contexts from the moment of its arrival. Prof. Aberra Jembere reports: When exactly the Fetha Negest became an integral part of the Ethiopian legal system is not yet definitely established. Nor is it known when it started to be cited as an authority in the process of adjudication of cases by courts.... Even though the Fetha Negest can- not be said to have been codified on the basis of the objective realities existing in Ethiopia, it was put into practice as well as interpreted in the context of Ethiopian thinking, and all this has given it an Ethiopian flavor. It was, however, formally incorporated into the legal system of Ethiopia only in 1908 by Emperor Menelik II, when he established min- istries for the first time in Ethiopia. The law that established ministries and defined their powers and duties laid down the following as one of the functions of the minister of jus- tice: “He shall control whether any decision has been given in accordance with the rules incorporated in the Fetha Negast.”... The criminal provisions of the Fetha Negest were applied in Ethiopia until they were replaced by the 1930 Penal Code of Ethiopia.5 That code, like those produced in mid-century at the behest of Emperor Haile Selassie, took the Fetha Nagast as a starting point.
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