DOCSLIB.ORG

The Case for YES in the 2020 Referendum on Cannabis

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Case for YES in the 2020 Referendum on Cannabis The case for YES in the 2020 referendum on cannabis BY KATHERINE ERRINGTON, PAUL SMITH AND GEORGIA LALA CONTENT 04 ABOUT THE HELEN CLARK FOUNDATION 05 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 06 RECOMMENDATIONS 07 INTRODUCTION 08 HARMS CAUSED BY EXISTING CANNABIS POLICY IN NEW ZEALAND 16 HOW WILL REGULATION WORK? 21 Q AND A WITH CHLÖE SWARBRICK 24 CONCLUSION 26 APPENDIX: DEFINITION OF KEY TERMS 27 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Auckland University of Technology is partnering with The Helen Clark Foundation while the Foundation becomes established. This aligns with the University’s commitment to research for the public good, and public communication of research. The University supports the Foundation’s aim to fund and facilitate research on a range of topics; however its support is not an endorsement of any individual item of work, output or statement made by the Foundation’s staff, directors or patron. This paper is covered by the Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0 International. When reproducing any part of this report, including tables, full attribution must be given to the report author. ABOUT THE EXECUTIVE HELEN CLARK FOUNDATION SUMMARY The Helen Clark Foundation is an In 2020, New Zealanders will have the chance to continue for those unlucky enough to get caught. independent public policy think tank make a historic decision about whether or not to The current approach to cannabis inflicts excessive based in Auckland, at the Auckland change the way we regulate personal cannabis punishment on those users who face prosecution use. If we miss this opportunity, the chance may who, in turn, are disproportionately Māori. University of Technology. It is funded by pass for a generation. members and donations. We advocate In this paper, we argue that New Zealanders for ideas and encourage debate, we do Cannabis use is a reality in New Zealand, and the of all political persuasions should follow the not campaign for political parties or results of our current policy approach damage evidence of what works and what doesn’t. The candidates. Launched in March 2019, the our health, worsen social equity, and drive evidence points to a vote in support of cannabis foundation issues research and discussion crime. This paper argues that the status quo is legalisation and regulation in 2020. papers on a broad range of economic, unacceptable, and seeks to ask how we can do better? Our answer is that we should move to a Our view is that the New Zealand Government social and environmental issues. health-based approach with robust regulation, should adopt an approach to cannabis use which effective public health education, and adequate sees it as a health and social issue and not a service provision. criminal one. Regulation should seek to prevent the emergence of major corporate interests Our key criteria for any policy in the market which would have a profit are: what will best improve motive to undermine public health objectives. OUR PHILOSOPHY OUR PURPOSE health and equity while In this respect New Zealand can learn from its experience with regulating tobacco and alcohol. New problems confront our society and The Foundation publishes research that aims reducing harm? our environment, both in New Zealand and to contribute to a more just, sustainable and Overall our analysis argues that the internationally. Unacceptable levels of peaceful society. Our goal is to gather, interpret Evidence suggests that up to eighty per cent disproportionately adverse effects of current inequality persist. Women’s interests remain and communicate evidence in order to both of New Zealanders will use cannabis at least policies on cannabis use justify putting in place underrepresented. Through new technology we diagnose the problems we face and propose once before turning 25, making cannabis legalisation and effective regulation. are more connected than ever, yet loneliness is new solutions to tackle them. We welcome the most commonly used illicit drug in New increasing, and civic engagement is declining. your support, please contact info@helenclark. Zealand.1 Yet cannabis remains an illegal drug, Environmental neglect continues despite greater foundation for more information about getting and prosecutions for possession and use alone awareness. We aim to address these issues in a involved. manner consistent with the values of former New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark, who serves as our patron. 1 Boden JM, Fergusson DM, Horwood LJ. Illicit drug use and dependence in a New Zealand birth cohort. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16476134 4 The case for YES in the 2020 referendum on cannabis The Helen Clark Foundation 5 RECOMMENDATIONS INTRODUCTION We recommend that New • Develop a structure for a legal market which At present in New Zealand, cannabis is an illegal Additionally, at the time of writing, Mexico is Zealanders vote ‘Yes’ in the prevents and/or discourages the emergence of drug under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1975. Under the exploring decriminalisation of cannabis, in the large, commercial, for-profit cannabis producers Act, cannabis is classified as a Class B or C drug, wake of a supreme court ruling.6 2020 cannabis referendum. and retailers.2 depending on its form (resin, oil, or dried plant). Slowly, New Zealand’s approach to drug policy Penalties linked to the drug range from a $500 fine In addition, we recommend that the New Zealand • Ensure that the needs of the individuals and has been taking small steps away from simple for possession to fourteen years imprisonment for Government: communities most affected by the current prohibition. Prosecutions for cannabis use or supply.3 policy of prohibition on cannabis use are possession alone have fallen over the past decade, • Expunge prior minor cannabis offences from the carefully considered when implementing In late 2020, New Zealanders will vote in a despite there being no evidence of an actual record, and also remove past convictions for and monitoring the legal market, and that nationwide referendum on whether the personal decline in use.7 For those requiring palliation, supply where there was no compounding factor these communities have equitable access to use of cannabis and its supply should be legalised medicinal cannabis is being made somewhat associated with the conviction, such as firearm becoming producers and retailers within the and regulated. Voters will be presented with draft more accessible following legislation passed in use or violence. legal market. legislation detailing how the new system would 2018 which makes palliation a legal defense to • Legislate for the regulation of, and access to, a operate, and will be asked to vote ‘yes’ or ‘no’ on possession charges.8 Furthermore, quality standards legal cannabis market. Models from both Uruguay that basis. for medicinal cannabis are currently under review. and North America should be seriously studied. A Cabinet paper released by the Minister of Justice, Prosecution, conviction, and imprisonment numbers Hon Andrew Little, provides an outline of what the for cannabis use and possession should drop draft legislation will contain.4 Its provisions include: further following the passage through Parliament of the Misuse of Drugs Amendment Act in August. • A minimum age of twenty for the purchase and It directs police not to prosecute for possession personal use of cannabis and use of drugs unless there is a public interest • Regulations and commercial supply controls in doing so. The legislation essentially formally • Limited home-growing options affirms the police discretion that already exists. • A public education programme The emphasis on police discretion, however, means • Stakeholder engagement that prosecutions for cannabis use or possession Around the world there is a steady shift away from would still remain possible. the ‘war on drugs’-style prohibitionist approach Without legalisation, ethnic disparities in arrest, which seeks to deter drug use through criminal prosecution, and conviction are likely to persist. penalties. While the precise number of countries At this critical juncture, New Zealand should with formal decriminalisation or legalisation take heed of drug policy successes and failures policies is not clear, it is likely to be slightly above domestically and in other jurisdictions as it looks thirty, depending on which definitions are used.5 to reform. Image credit: Michal Klajban. 3 Misuse of Drugs Act 1975 4 Andrew Little. “New Zealanders to make the decision in cannabis referendum.” Beehive Press Release, (May 7, 2019) 5 Niamh Eastwood, Ari Rosmarin and Edward Fox, 2016. A Quiet Revolution: Drug Decriminalisation across the Globe, page 6. 6 https://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/05/world/americas/mexico-supreme-court-marijuana-ruling.html 2 Licence limits should be considered for companies and individuals if New Zealand pursues a North American-style model. The benefits of the Uruguay model (where the government has a monopoly on cannabis supply through registered pharmacies, and 7 Ministry of Justice statistics, Cannabis offences, https://www.justice.govt.nz/justice-sector-policy/research-data/justice-statistics/ some home growing is permitted) in regard to public health should be seriously analysed. The decision about market structure data-tables/#offence warrants serious consideration. 8 Misuse of Drugs (Medicinal Cannabis) Amendment Act 2018 6 The case for YES in the 2020 referendum on cannabis The Helen Clark Foundation 7 HARMS CAUSED BY EXISTING CANNABIS POLICY IN NEW ZEALAND As stated above, cannabis is the In 2013, eleven per cent of people
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Clark Vader and the Helengrad Labour Lesbians
    Clark Vader and the Helengrad Labour Lesbians Anatomy of a political-symbolic hate campaign Lewis Stoddart – [email protected] 2008-07-20 (This is a slightly revised edition of a research paper submitted toward a graduate diploma in political science at Victoria University of Wellington on 15 October 2007) And yet the rage that one felt was an abstract, undirected emotion which could be switched from one object to another like the flame of a blowlamp. — George Orwell, Nineteen Eighty-Four Clark Vader and the Helengrad Labour Lesbians Lewis Stoddart – [email protected] – 2008-07-20 Contents Introduction 2 Methodology 3 Discourse . 3 Political symbols . 7 Communist lesbian dictator 9 Communist . 9 Feminazi . 10 Totalitarian . 10 Ideological conspiracy . 11 Information control . 12 Corruption . 14 Nanny State . 15 Violence . 17 Convergence . 18 Symbolic promotion 19 Hate................................................... 20 A theory of symbolic promotion . 21 Hope................................................... 22 Appendix A: Data collection 25 Appendix B: Symbolic vocabulary 26 Appendix C: Source audio 29 Bibliography 33 1 Clark Vader and the Helengrad Labour Lesbians Lewis Stoddart – [email protected] – 2008-07-20 Helen Clark, the first woman elected Prime Minister of New Zealand, has for decades been the subject of political attacks. These have been made on the basis of her history as an academic, her gender, domestic status and personal life, and not least her politics. John Banks and Lindsay Perigo, in their host roles on the Radio Pacific breakfast talk show The First Edition,1 crystallised various of these attack strategies into a characterisation which I describe as ‘communist lesbian dictator’. This is not to say that Banks or Perigo ever owned or controlled the discourse which feeds this charac- terisation; indeed it is quite widespread, enough so that caricatures of Clark2 routinely make fun of her ‘masculine’ characteristics, her ‘ruthlessness’, her tendency to wear red blazers, and other such symbolic matter.
    [Show full text]
  • 'About Turn': an Analysis of the Causes of the New Zealand Labour Party's
    Newcastle University e-prints Date deposited: 2nd May 2013 Version of file: Author final Peer Review Status: Peer reviewed Citation for item: Reardon J, Gray TS. About Turn: An Analysis of the Causes of the New Zealand Labour Party's Adoption of Neo-Liberal Policies 1984-1990. Political Quarterly 2007, 78(3), 447-455. Further information on publisher website: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com Publisher’s copyright statement: The definitive version is available at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923X.2007.00872.x Always use the definitive version when citing. Use Policy: The full-text may be used and/or reproduced and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not for profit purposes provided that: A full bibliographic reference is made to the original source A link is made to the metadata record in Newcastle E-prints The full text is not changed in any way. The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Robinson Library, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle upon Tyne. NE1 7RU. Tel. 0191 222 6000 ‘About turn’: an analysis of the causes of the New Zealand Labour Party’s adoption of neo- liberal economic policies 1984-1990 John Reardon and Tim Gray School of Geography, Politics and Sociology Newcastle University Abstract This is the inside story of one of the most extraordinary about-turns in policy-making undertaken by a democratically elected political party.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender Stereotypes and Media Bias in Women's
    Gender Stereotypes and Media Bias in Women’s Campaigns for Executive Office: The 2009 Campaign of Dora Bakoyannis for the Leadership of Nea Dimokratia in Greece by Stefanos Oikonomou B.A. in Communications and Media Studies, February 2010, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens A Thesis submitted to The Faculty of College of Professional Studies of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Professional Studies August 31, 2014 Thesis directed by Michael Cornfield Associate Professor of Political Management Acknowledgments I would like to thank my parents, Stella Triantafullopoulou and Kostas Oikonomou, to whom this work is dedicated, for their continuous love, support, and encouragement and for helping me realize my dreams. I would also like to thank Chrysanthi Hatzimasoura and Philip Soucacos, for their unyielding friendship, without whom this work would have never been completed. Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to Professor Michael Cornfield for his insights and for helping me cross the finish line; Professor David Ettinger for his guidance during the first stage of this research and for helping me adjust its scope; and the Director of Academic Administration at The Graduate School of Political Management, Suzanne Farrand, for her tremendous generosity and understanding throughout this process. ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………..ii List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………….vi List of Tables…………………………………………………………………………….vii
    [Show full text]
  • What Makes a Good Prime Minister of New Zealand? | 1 Mcguinness Institute Nation Voices Essay Competition
    NATION VOICES ESSAY COMPETITION What makes a good About the author Brad is studying towards a BCom/ Prime Minister of BA majoring in Economics, Public Policy, International New Zealand? Relations and Political Science. He is a 2016 Brad Olsen Queen’s Young Leader for New Zealand after his work with territorial authorities, central government organizations and NGOs. He’s passionate about youth voice and youth participation in wider society. Leadership is a complex concept, necessitating vast amounts of patience, determination, and passion to work with others towards a position of improvement in the chosen field of expertise or service. Leaders not only bear the burden of setting the direction of actions or inactions for their team, but are also often accountable to stakeholders, with varying degrees of accountability and size of the cohort to which a leader is accountable. However, there is no more complex job in existence than the leadership of a country like New Zealand — this burden falls squarely on the Prime Minister, in charge of policy both foreign and domestic, all the while totally accountable to each and every citizen in his or her realm. Unsurprisingly, some make a better fist of it than others, with the essence of this good leadership a highly sought commodity. Three areas are critical to ensuring a Prime Minister can effectively lead — a measurement of how ‘good’ they are at their job — these fall under the umbrellas of political, social, and economic leadership ability. Politically, Prime Ministers must have foreign credibility, alongside the ability to form a cohesive support team. Socially a Prime Minster must not only recognize and promote popular ideas, but must also be relatable in part to the people.
    [Show full text]
  • Rt Hon. Helen Clark Former Administrator of UNDP Former Prime Minister of New Zealand
    Rt Hon. Helen Clark Former Administrator of UNDP Former Prime Minister of New Zealand Helen Clark was Prime Minister of New Zealand for three successive terms from 1999–2008. She was the first woman to become Prime Minister following a General Election in New Zealand and the second woman to serve as Prime Minister. Throughout her tenure as Prime Minister and as a Member of Parliament over 27 years, Helen Clark engaged widely in policy development and advocacy across the international affairs, economic, social, environmental, and cultural spheres. She advocated strongly for a comprehensive programme on sustainability for New Zealand and for tackling the challenges of climate change. She was an active leader of her country’s foreign relations, engaging in a wide range of international issues. In April 2009, Helen Clark became Administrator of the United Nations Development Programme. She was the first woman to lead the organisation, and served two terms there. At the same time, she was Chair of the United Nations Development Group, a committee consisting of all UN funds, programmes, agencies, and departments working on development issues. As Administrator, she led UNDP to be ranked the most transparent global development organisation. She completed her tenure in April 2017. Helen Clark came to the role of Prime Minister after an extensive parliamentary and ministerial career. Prior to entering the New Zealand Parliament, Helen Clark taught in the Political Studies Department of the University of Auckland, from which she earlier graduated with her BA and MA (Hons) degrees. Helen continues to speak widely and be a strong voice on sustainable development, climate action, gender equality and women’s leadership, peace and justice, and action on non-communicable diseases and on HIV.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Leadership—Perspectives and Practices
    Public Leadership Perspectives and Practices Public Leadership Perspectives and Practices Edited by Paul ‘t Hart and John Uhr Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/public_leadership _citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Public leadership pespectives and practices [electronic resource] / editors, Paul ‘t Hart, John Uhr. ISBN: 9781921536304 (pbk.) 9781921536311 (pdf) Series: ANZSOG series Subjects: Leadership Political leadership Civic leaders. Community leadership Other Authors/Contributors: Hart, Paul ‘t. Uhr, John, 1951- Dewey Number: 303.34 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by John Butcher Images comprising the cover graphic used by permission of: Victorian Department of Planning and Community Development Australian Associated Press Australian Broadcasting Corporation Scoop Media Group (www.scoop.co.nz) Cover graphic based on M. C. Escher’s Hand with Reflecting Sphere, 1935 (Lithograph). Printed by University Printing Services, ANU Funding for this monograph series has been provided by the Australia and New Zealand School of Government Research Program. This edition © 2008 ANU E Press John Wanna, Series Editor Professor John Wanna is the Sir John Bunting Chair of Public Administration at the Research School of Social Sciences at The Australian National University. He is the director of research for the Australian and New Zealand School of Government (ANZSOG).
    [Show full text]
  • The Kiwi That Roared: Nuclear-Free New Zealand in a Nuclear-Armed World
    Wade Huntley THE KIWI THAT ROARED: NUCLEAR-FREE NEW ZEALAND IN A NUCLEAR-ARMED WORLD by Wade Huntley Dr. Wade Huntley is Program Director for Asia/Pacific Security at the Nautilus Institute for Security and Sustainable Development in Berkeley, California, where he produces the Northeast Asian Peace and Security Network’s Daily Report (www.nautilus.org). He has an article in the March 1996 issue of International Studies Quarterly and is working on a book based on his doctoral dissertation, “The Citizen and the Sword: Security and Democracy in the Liberal State.” The University of California’s Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation provided support for research on this article. n July 14, 1984, New policy was widely criticized as a evance to larger democracies, is that Zealand elected its fourth frivolous moral exercise indulging a mass public is ill-suited to make O Labour government and vocal anti-nuclear activists and play- wise and prudent decisions regard- thus brought into effect its policy de- ing on an impassioned and unin- ing state security. Recent research claring the country “nuclear free,” formed public, while needlessly on this subject indicates that popu- which included prohibiting port entry jeopardizing the country’s national lar opinion is not as volatile and in- by any ships either under nuclear interests and sacrificing its ANZUS coherent, nor its effects on security power or carrying nuclear weapons.1 alliance relationship with the United policy as pernicious, as once The government’s commitment to States.3 This judgment is rooted in thought. However, many of these this policy reached a moment of truth two converging claims.
    [Show full text]
  • Leaders' Debate – Don Brash and Helen Clark 22Nd
    LEADERS’ DEBATE – DON BRASH AND HELEN CLARK 22ND AUGUST 2005, TVONE PRESENTER: MARK SAINSBURY MARK SAINSBURY: Good evening. Welcome to this One News special – the Leaders’ Debate. I’m Mark Sainsbury. In less than four weeks, one of our two guests tonight will be destined to lead the country as Prime Minister for the next three years. They are, of course, Helen Clark, Labour’s leader and current Prime Minister – welcome. And welcome also to National’s Don Brash, currently Leader of the Opposition. Tonight for the first time, they meet in a televised debate. We’re here in our Auckland studios in front of an audience made up of an equal number of Labour supporters on one side, and on the other, those backing National this election. Before we begin, just a few rules – this will be a debate. We hope that the two leaders will engage with each other and not have to wait for me to invite them in, but I am here to moderate the discussion, to discourage overly lengthy answers and to make sure we hear from both. Now, we’ll be giving you at home a chance to participate in this debate as well. Go to the website www.tvnz.co.nz and type in the word ‘debate’ and you can email us till 9 o’clock tonight with your thoughts. We’ll be reporting that reaction later in the evening on Tonight and tomorrow on One News and Close Up at 7. Well, let’s get started. We’ve tossed a coin and the first speaker will be Don Brash.
    [Show full text]
  • New Zealand Hansard Precedent Manual
    IND 1 NEW ZEALAND HANSARD PRECEDENT MANUAL Precedent Manual: Index 16 July 2004 IND 2 ABOUT THIS MANUAL The Precedent Manual shows how procedural events in the House appear in the Hansard report. It does not include events in Committee of the whole House on bills; they are covered by the Committee Manual. This manual is concerned with structure and layout rather than text - see the Style File for information on that. NB: The ways in which the House chooses to deal with procedural matters are many and varied. The Precedent Manual might not contain an exact illustration of what you are looking for; you might have to scan several examples and take parts from each of them. The wording within examples may not always apply. The contents of each section and, if applicable, its subsections, are included in CONTENTS at the front of the manual. At the front of each section the CONTENTS lists the examples in that section. Most sections also include box(es) containing background information; these boxes are situated at the front of the section and/or at the front of subsections. The examples appear in a column format. The left-hand column is an illustration of how the event should appear in Hansard; the right-hand column contains a description of it, and further explanation if necessary. At the end is an index. Precedent Manual: Index 16 July 2004 IND 3 INDEX Absence of Minister see Minister not present Amendment/s to motion Abstention/s ..........................................................VOT3-4 Address in reply ....................................................OP12 Acting Minister answers question.........................
    [Show full text]
  • Melodrama and Gendered Mediation: Television Coverage of Women's Leadership “Coups” in New Zealand and Australia Linda Trimble Published Online: 15 Aug 2013
    This article was downloaded by: [Linda Trimble] On: 15 August 2013, At: 08:10 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Feminist Media Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rfms20 Melodrama and Gendered Mediation: Television Coverage of Women's Leadership “Coups” in New Zealand and Australia Linda Trimble Published online: 15 Aug 2013. To cite this article: Feminist Media Studies (2013): Melodrama and Gendered Mediation: Television Coverage of Women's Leadership “Coups” in New Zealand and Australia, Feminist Media Studies To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2013.826268 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.
    [Show full text]
  • GLOBALISATION, SOVEREIGNTY and the TRANSFORMATION of NEW ZEALAND FOREIGN POLICY Robert G
    Working Pape Working GLOBALISATION, SOVEREIGNTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF NEW ZEALAND FOREIGN POLICY Robert G. Patman Centre for Strategic Studies: New Zealand r Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand. No.21/05 CENTRE FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES NEW ZEALAND Working Papers The Centre for Strategic Studies Working Paper series is designed to give a forum for scholars and specialists working on issues related directly to New Zealand’s security, broadly defined, and to the Asia-Pacific region. The Working Papers represent ‘work in progress’ and as such may be altered and expanded after feedback before being published elsewhere. The opinions expressed and conclusions drawn in the Working Papers are solely those of the writer. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Centre for Strategic Studies or any other organisation with which the writer may be affiliated. For further information or additional copies of the Working Papers please contact: Centre for Strategic Studies: New Zealand Victoria University of Wellington PO Box 600 Wellington New Zealand. Tel: 64 4 463 5434 Fax: 64 4 463 5737 Email: [email protected] Website: www.vuw.ac.nz/css/ Centre for Strategic Studies Victoria University of Wellington 2005 © Robert G. Patman ISSN 1175-1339 Desktop Design: Synonne Rajanayagam Globalisation, Sovereignty, and the Transformation of New Zealand Foreign Policy Working Paper 21/05 Abstract Structural changes in the global system have raised a big question mark over a traditional working principle of international relations, namely, state sovereignty. With the end of the Cold War and the subsequent break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991, the US has been left as the world’s only superpower.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Zealand Connection
    Chapter Eleven: The New Zealand Connection Professor Bob Catley A few weeks ago I sat ruminating with a very influential New Zealander. He mused that the Romans had controlled Britain for 400 years but that, when they left, within a short time little was left of them, other than ruins. This may be a parable applicable to New Zealand.1 The British abandoned New Zealand to its fate and joined the European Union in 1973. It is now rapidly becoming a Pacific country. In itself, this may be no bad thing. But the accompanying characteristics include: 〈 Its per capita income is now slipping quickly out of the high income or First World category, and stood in May, 2001 at $US11,200, when the World Bank cut-off point is around $US10,000. It has dropped from $US13,700 in 1999; 〈 Its demographic structure is increasingly non-European and Third World in origin and, despite having recently been the most British of Her Majesty’s Dominions, it may have a bare European majority within a generation; New Zealanders – mostly European – left at the rate of over two per cent a year (79,000) in May, 2000-01 and will not now naturally replace themselves; 〈 It has little control over its major institutions: its banking, other finance, media, energy and transportation systems are almost entirely run, and often are run badly, by foreigners; its universities, health system and housing stock decline to Second or Third World standards; and its crime, youth suicide and social dissonance rates rise to developed world record levels; 〈 Its remaining private corporations
    [Show full text]