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Islam in the North Caucasus: a People Divided Yavus Akhmadov
Liberty University DigitalCommons@Liberty University Faculty Publications and Presentations Helms School of Government 2001 Islam in the North Caucasus: A People Divided Yavus Akhmadov Stephen R. Bowers Liberty University, [email protected] Marion T. Doss, Jr. Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs Part of the Other Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Akhmadov, Yavus; Bowers, Stephen R.; and Doss, Jr., Marion T., "Islam in the North Caucasus: A People Divided" (2001). Faculty Publications and Presentations. Paper 72. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs/72 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Helms School of Government at DigitalCommons@Liberty University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Liberty University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 124 Religious Brotherhoods of Chechnya collapse of state authority, (2) a lack of faith in state officials, (3) economic adversity, and (4) persistent intervention by Islamic groups from abroad. The violence that came in 1999 to Dagestan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikstan was driven by these factors and the Chechen situation is subject to the same factors. Connections with Taliban and Other Outside Groups Recognition of the fact that such an important and dynamic brotherhood can, like other Islamic movements for national liberation, pose a challenge to Western society prompts legitimate questions about their relationship with Islamic organizations outside the region. While Islam did much to provide spiritual comfort to Chechen soldiers during the 1994-96 war, it has undergone dramatic changes during the decade since the collapse of the USSR. -
Russia the Ingush-Ossetian Conflict in the Prigorodnyi Region
Russia Page 1 of 32 RUSSIA THE INGUSH-OSSETIAN CONFLICT IN THE PRIGORODNYI REGION Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Human Rights Watch New York · Washington · London · Brussels Copyright © May 1996 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalogue Number: 96-75960 ISBN: 1-56432-165-7 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report is based on a trip to the Republic of Ingushetiya, hereafter Ingushetiya, and the Republic of North Ossetia- Alaniya, hereafter North Ossetia, both states of the Russian Federation, from August 11-19, 1994. Until 1994, North Ossetia was the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), a part of the former Soviet Union. Until 1992, Ingushetiya was part of the Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), and was also part of the former Soviet Union. Human Rights/Helsinki representatives visited Vladikavkaz, Kartsa, Chermen, Tarskoye, Kurtat, Dachnoye, and Maiskii in North Ossetia and Nazran and Gaziyurt in Ingushetiya. Jeri Laber and Rachel Denber edited the report, and Shira Robinson provided production assistance for its publication. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki thanks both North Ossetian and Ingush authorities as well as officials from the Russian Temporary Administration (now the Temporary State Committee) for their cooperation with the mission participants. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki would like to express our appreciation to all those who read the report and commented on it, including Prof. John Collarusso of McMaster University. We would also like to thank the members of the Russian human rights group Memorial, who provided generous assistance and advice. In 1994 Memorial published an excellent report on the conflict in the Prigorodnyi region, "Two Years after the War: The Problem of the Forcibly Displaced in the Area of the Ossetian-Ingush Conflict." Finally, we would like to thank the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Henry Jackson Fund, the Merck Fund and the Moriah Fund for their support. -
State Report Azerbaijan
ACFC/SR(2002)001 ______ REPORT SUBMITTED BY AZERBAIJAN PURSUANT TO ARTICLE 25, PARAGRAPH 1 OF THE FRAMEWORK CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF NATIONAL MINORITIES ______ (Received on 4 June 2002) _____ TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I............................................................................................................................................ 3 II. Aggression of the Republic of Armenia against the Republic of Azerbaijan..................... 9 III. Information on the form of the State structure.................................................................. 12 IV. Information on status of international law in national legislation .................................... 13 V. Information on demographic situation in the country ...................................................... 13 VI. Main economic data - gross domestic product and per capita income ............................. 15 VII. State’s national policy in the field of the protection of the rights of persons belonging to minorities ...................................................................................................................................... 15 VIII. Population awareness on international treaties to which Azerbaijan is a party to........ 16 P A R T II..................................................................................................................................... 18 Article 1 ........................................................................................................................................ 18 Article -
History of Azerbaijan (Textbook)
DILGAM ISMAILOV HISTORY OF AZERBAIJAN (TEXTBOOK) Azerbaijan Architecture and Construction University Methodological Council of the meeting dated July 7, 2017, was published at the direction of № 6 BAKU - 2017 Dilgam Yunis Ismailov. History of Azerbaijan, AzMİU NPM, Baku, 2017, p.p.352 Referents: Anar Jamal Iskenderov Konul Ramiq Aliyeva All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means. Electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the copyright owner. In Azerbaijan University of Architecture and Construction, the book “History of Azerbaijan” is written on the basis of a syllabus covering all topics of the subject. Author paid special attention to the current events when analyzing the different periods of Azerbaijan. This book can be used by other high schools that also teach “History of Azerbaijan” in English to bachelor students, master students, teachers, as well as to the independent learners of our country’s history. 2 © Dilgam Ismailov, 2017 TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword…………………………………….……… 9 I Theme. Introduction to the history of Azerbaijan 10 II Theme: The Primitive Society in Azerbaijan…. 18 1.The Initial Residential Dwellings……….............… 18 2.The Stone Age in Azerbaijan……………………… 19 3.The Copper, Bronze and Iron Ages in Azerbaijan… 23 4.The Collapse of the Primitive Communal System in Azerbaijan………………………………………….... 28 III Theme: The Ancient and Early States in Azer- baijan. The Atropatena and Albanian Kingdoms.. 30 1.The First Tribal Alliances and Initial Public Institutions in Azerbaijan……………………………. 30 2.The Kingdom of Manna…………………………… 34 3.The Atropatena and Albanian Kingdoms…………. -
Chechnya's Status Within the Russian
SWP Research Paper Uwe Halbach Chechnya’s Status within the Russian Federation Ramzan Kadyrov’s Private State and Vladimir Putin’s Federal “Power Vertical” Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 May 2018 In the run-up to the Russian presidential elections on 18 March 2018, the Kremlin further tightened the federal “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has developed since 2000. In the North Caucasus, this above all concerns the republic of Dagestan. Moscow intervened with a powerful purge, replacing the entire political leadership. The situation in Chechnya, which has been ruled by Ramzan Kadyrov since 2007, is conspicuously different. From the early 2000s onwards, President Putin conducted a policy of “Chechenisation” there, delegating the fight against the armed revolt to local security forces. Under Putin’s protection, the republic gained a leadership which is now publicly referred to by Russians as the “Chechen Khanate”, among other similar expressions. Kadyrov’s breadth of power encompasses an independ- ent foreign policy, which is primarily orientated towards the Middle East. Kadyrov emphatically professes that his republic is part of Russia and presents himself as “Putin’s foot soldier”. Yet he has also transformed the federal subject of Chechnya into a private state. The ambiguous relationship between this republic and the central power fundamentally rests on the loyalty pact between Putin and Kadyrov. However, criticism of this arrange- ment can now occasionally be heard even in the Russian president’s inner circles. With regard to Putin’s fourth term, the question arises just how long the pact will last. -
Daghestan People Folklore Phenomenon As a Unity in Di- Versity
The Turkish Online Journal of Design, Art and Communication - TOJDAC ISSN: 2146-5193, March 2018 Special Edition, p. 475-481 DAGHESTAN PEOPLE FOLKLORE PHENOMENON AS A UNITY IN DI- VERSITY Abdulakim Magomedovich Adjiev Fatima Abdulovna Alieva Aida Ruslanovna Gasharova Yunus Murtuzalievich Murtuzaliev Fatyma Hamzaevna Mukhamedova Misay Rasulovna Khalidova Institute of Language, Literature and Art, G. Tsadasa,Dagestan Scientific Center, RAS, M. Gadgieva str., 45,367000, Makhachkala, Russian Federation ABSTRACT The article is a generalizing analysis of multinational Dagestani oral-poetic creativity, the statement of the positions and conclusions on the genesis and the centuries-old functioning of a unique folkloric unity in di- versity. The article focuses on the genetic relationship of Dagestani people majority, which was reflected in the archaic layer of culture, on the processes of interethnic historical and cultural interrelations, which are generally characterized with a sufficient intensity in Dagestan, as well as on general and regional typology. In the opinion of the article authors, the Dagestan folklore material makes it possible to draw important con- clusions concerning not only the features of folklore functioning in a particular region, as if projecting onto a small plane, but in some cases also the general theory of folklore. Despite some differences in the geograph- ic, socio-economic and cultural development of individual micro-regions, the peoples of Dagestan lived a single historical and cultural life, which predetermined the typological commonality of both individual gen- res and many genre varieties. This created an ethnic unity with the preservation of multiethnic, multilingual monuments, which are united by the main characterological features with all their national-specific charac- teristics. -
North Caucasus: Views from Within People’S Perspectives on Peace and Security
REPORT North Caucasus: views from within People’s perspectives on peace and security March 2012 North Caucasus: views from within People’s perspectives on peace and security SAFERWORLD MARCH 2012 Acknowledgements This report was written by Anna Matveeva, Honorary University Fellow, University of Exeter, with contributions from Igor Savin, Research Fellow, the Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences. It was edited by Craig Oliphant (Senior Advisor, Saferworld). Editorial contributions and comments were also provided by Luitgard Hammerer (Head of Europe and Central Asia, Saferworld). The report draws on participatory research conducted in five North Caucasus republics by Zhanna Khamdokhova (Kabardino-Balkaria), Igor Dulaev (North Ossetia), Musa Yusupov (Chechnya), Akhmet Yarlykapov (Dagestan), Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin (Ingushetia). The methodology for the research was developed by Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin with contributions from the Institute of Oriental Studies, Saferworld and the four researchers from the North Caucasus. For further reading, case studies from the individual republics can be accessed on the Saferworld website: www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/chechnya www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/northossetia www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/kabardino-balkaria www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/ingushetia www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/dagestan The republic chapters were translated from Russian into English by Sophia Matveeva. John Newman copy-edited the report. The research was a collaboration between Saferworld and the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The People’s Peacemaking Perspectives project The People’s Peacemaking Perspectives project is a joint initiative implemented by Conciliation Resources and Saferworld and financed under the European Commission’s Instrument for Stability. -
Sources of Public Support for Xenophobic Voting in Post- Soviet Russia
Alexseev, “The Number Game”-1 The “Number Game:” Sources of Public Support for Xenophobic Voting in Post- Soviet Russia Mikhail A. Alexseev San Diego State University Political Science Department 5500 Campanile Dr. MC 4427 Nasatir Hall 105 San Diego, CA 92182-4427 (619) 594-0190 [email protected] Prepared for delivery at the Conference on Post-Soviet In/Securities at the Mershon Center, Ohio State University, October 7-8, 2005. * * * To what extent is xenophobic voting—defined as voting for parties with anti- immigrant, exclusionist agendas— by members of majority ethnic groups within a state a public response to changes in ethnic composition within their state? At first glance, rigorous large-scale studies of voting for the extreme right-wing parties in Western Europe offer an unambiguous answer: the larger the percentage of citizens of immigrant stock in any given state or province within a state, the more ballots are likely to be cast for the extreme right (Lubbers, Gijsberts and Scheepers 2002, Lubbers and Scheepers 2002, Golder 2003). Moreover, Golder’s (2003) study of 165 national elections in 19 West European countries from 1970 to 2000 found that immigration levels were a statistically significant predictor for a combined sample of the new populist and older neofascist parties—all advocating restrictions on immigration and expulsion of migrants. Other studies have established that immigration is likely to galvanize public support for a wide spectrum of the extreme right parties, transcending diverse academic sub-categorizations (e.g., Kitschelt 1997). Golder and Lubbers et al. also found that immigration scale was the strongest predictor of electoral support for strongly anti-migrant parties defined as “populist” or the “new right” (Betz 1994, Taggart 1996, Ignazi 1992)—such as the Front National of Jean- Marie Le Pen in France, the Republicans in Germany, the Freedom Party in Austria, or the Fortuyn Bloc in the Netherlands. -
General Comparison of Ethnic Georgians' Attitudes Towards Armenians and Azerbaijanis
General Comparison of ethnic Georgians’ attitudes towards Armenians and Azerbaijanis Center for Social Sciences Foreign Policy & Security Program Irine Osepashvili, Researcher Lia Tsuladze, Academic Supervisor 2013 Based on the data gained from 16 focus-groups (8 in Tbilisi, 4 in Marneuli da 4 in Akhaltsikhe) we can identify certain differences between Georgians’ perception towards Azerbaijanis and Armenians. Despite the topic is Azerbaijanis for half of the focus groups and Armenians - for another, each includes additional part of discussion over another significant minority, Armenians in Azerbaijani- themed focus-groups and Azerbaijanis in Armenian-themed focus groups. Therefore this additional part also serves as some kind of brief examination of the data that was gained in same-themed focus groups. General observation of everyday situations shows that Armenians are perceived far more negatively than Azerbaijanis. Media, which on one hand feeds the opinions of the society and on the other hand is fed by those opinions, covers Armenians more frequently compared to other ethnic minorities and often uses term ‘Armenian’ as a swear word1. The same attitude is also apparent among our focus-groups. First of all, compared to Azerbaijanis Armenians are more familiar for participants (apart from Marneuli groups naturally, where local Azeris could be considered as ethnic majority). This can be explained by the comparative number of those minorities itself. While generally the number of Azerbaijanis exceeds the number of Armenians in Georgia, the situation is not the same in the capital. In Tbilisi Armenians make 7.6%, while Azeris – only 1%. Consequently Tbilisians, especially younger groups, mostly find it harder to talk about Azeris than about Armenians. -
Conflicts in the North Caucasus
Central Asian Survey, (1998), 17(3), 409-441. Conflicts in the North Caucasus SVANTE E. CORNELL* Although the conflicts that have attracted most international attention in the post- cold war era have been those of the Transcaucasus, another area of both potential and actual turmoil is the North Caucasus. The first example of serious conflicts in the area, naturally, is the war in Chechnia. However, the existence of this war, and its astonishing cruelty and devastation, has been instrumental in obscuring the other grievances that exist in the area, and that have the potential to escalate into open conflict. These can be divided into two main categories, which however spill over into one another. The first type of conflicts are those among the peoples of the region; the second type is conflicts between these peoples and Russia. Doubtlessly, the main example of the unrest in the North Caucasus has been the short but bloody war between the Ingush and the Ossetians. However, this war distinguishes itself only by being the only one of the conflicts in the region that has escalated into war. Among the other known problems, three issues call for special attention: First and perhaps most pressingly, the bid for unity of the Lezgian people in Dagestan and Azerbaijan; Second, the latent problem between the Turkic Karachai and the Circasssian peoples in the two neighbour republics of Karachaevo-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria; and thirdly the condition of the most complex of all the North Caucasian republics: Dagestan. It seems logical in this study to start with the most well-known of these issues: the war that raged in November 1992 in the Prigorodniy raion between the Ingush and the North Ossetians. -
Ingushetia: Building Identity, Overcoming Conflict
INGUSHETIA: BUILDING IDENTITY, OVERCOMING CONFLICT Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin Introduction The Republic of Ingushetia is the smallest in terms of territory of Russia’s republics, and numbers 412,997 inhabitants. 1 It was established on 4 June 1992 as a result of the separation from the dual-nationality Checheno-Ingushetia. A large part of the republic is taken by high mountains, the highest peak is 4451m, and the remaining part has a high population density. Birth rates are high and having six or seven children is common in rural areas. All Ingushetia’s leaders came from a security background. General Ruslan Aushev became the first president, but in 2001 was removed by Moscow and replaced with Murat Zyazikov, who was elected to the presidency in controversial circumstances in May 2002. In October 2008 Zyazikov was dismissed. General Yunus-Bek Yevkurov was nominated by President Medvedev and approved as president by the People’s Assembly of Ingushetia. Ethnic Ingush oligarch in Moscow Mikhail Gutseriyev, co- owner of Russneft, and his relatives are among the richest people in Russia. There is no major industry or budget revenue source in the republic, and it is subsidised by the federal centre. Local opinions perceive the republic’s facilities and infrastructure as backward, although field observation did not confirm this. Roads and public buildings have been constructed, communication systems work and housing is of good standard. Consumer goods are on sale and people appear able to buy them. However, there are fewer municipal buildings, such as social clubs and libraries, and overwhelming dissatisfaction with medical facilities. -
The Formation of Azerbaijani Collective Identity in Iran
Nationalities Papers ISSN: 0090-5992 (Print) 1465-3923 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cnap20 The formation of Azerbaijani collective identity in Iran Brenda Shaffer To cite this article: Brenda Shaffer (2000) The formation of Azerbaijani collective identity in Iran, Nationalities Papers, 28:3, 449-477, DOI: 10.1080/713687484 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687484 Published online: 19 Aug 2010. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 207 View related articles Citing articles: 5 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cnap20 Download by: [Harvard Library] Date: 24 March 2016, At: 11:49 Nationalities Papers, Vol. 28, No. 3, 2000 THE FORMATION OF AZERBAIJANI COLLECTIVE IDENTITY IN IRAN Brenda Shaffer Iran is a multi-ethnic society in which approximately 50% of its citizens are of non-Persian origin, yet researchers commonly use the terms Persians and Iranians interchangeably, neglecting the supra-ethnic meaning of the term Iranian for many of the non-Persians in Iran. The largest minority ethnic group in Iran is the Azerbaijanis (comprising approximately a third of the population) and other major groups include the Kurds, Arabs, Baluchis and Turkmen.1 Iran’s ethnic groups are particularly susceptible to external manipulation and considerably subject to in uence from events taking place outside its borders, since most of the non-Persians are concen- trated in the frontier areas and have ties to co-ethnics in adjoining states, such as Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Pakistan and Iraq.