DOCSLIB.ORG

Download File

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Download File Columbia University Graduate School of Arts & Sciences Human Rights Studies Master of Arts Program Natural Resource Control and Indigenous Rights in Bolivia’s Santa Cruz Department: Post-neoliberal Rhetoric and Reality Hannah Howroyd Thesis adviser: Dr. Inga T. Winkler Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts October 2017 ii Acknowledgements: Thank you to the Columbia Global Policy Initiative, with support of The Endevor Foundation, for providing me with the Graduate Global Policy Award. I want to additionally thank my adviser, Dr. Inga T. Winkler, for her assistance and support throughout the thesis process. iii Abstract: In 2006, the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) government led by Evo Morales took power in Bolivia. This government, supported by a pro-indigenous, anti-neoliberal electorate, has espoused indigenous rights and protections against neoliberal development in Bolivia’s national policies and Constitution. Through a case study of Bolivia’s Santa Cruz department, this paper examines Bolivia’s evolving state-social relationship and its increasingly divergent policies on economic development and indigenous rights. Santa Cruz’ marked presence of the transnational soy industry demonstrate the economic, social, and cultural rights challenges of a post- neoliberal, pro-indigenous Bolivia. This research investigates the nexus between transnational agribusiness and the indigenous rights movement in the Bolivian context, and the social movement strategies and response to the MAS’ contradictory policies. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 SECTION 1: RESEARCH STRATEGY 2 OBJECTIVE 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 3 SELECTION AND METHODS 6 CURRENT RESEARCH 9 HUMAN RIGHTS INSTRUMENTS 13 SECTION 2: POWER ASYMMETRIES AND REGIMES 14 STATE-SOCIAL RELATIONSHIP 14 CONSULTATION AND CONTESTATION 16 CIVIL SOCIETY AND OPPOSITION SUPPRESSION 19 REGIONAL SOCIAL TENSIONS: CRUCEÑO CONTEXT 21 SECTION 3: SOY IN SANTA CRUZ 24 INDUSTRY BACKGROUND 24 INDUSTRY COMPOSITION 26 IMPLICATIONS 28 SMALLHOLDER IMPLICATIONS 28 RIGHT TO FOOD AND SANTA CRUZ’ AGRIBUSINESS 30 ENVIRONMENTAL IMPLICATIONS 32 HARBINGERS FOR INCREASED PRODUCTION 35 SECTION 4: ANALYSIS 37 MOBILIZATION STRATEGIES: PAST 37 MOBILIZATION STRATEGIES: PRESENT 40 STATE RESPONSE 43 SECTION 5: CONCLUSION 45 v LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS CEJIS CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS JURÍDICOS E INVESTIGACIÓN SOCIAL CSUTCB CONFEDERACIÓN SINDICAL ÚNICA DE TRABAJADORES COMPESINOS DE BOLIVIA CIDOB CONFEDERACIÓN DE PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS DE BOLIVIA CONAMAQ ORGANIZACIÓN EL CONSEJO NACIONAL DE AYLLUS Y MARCAS DEL QULLASUYU CSO CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATION FAO UN FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION FPIC FREE, PRIOR, AND INFORMED CONSENT ILO INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION INRA NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF THE AGRARIAN REFORM LPP LAW OF POPULAR PARTICIPATION MAS MOVEMENT FOR SOCIALISM RPE REGLAMETO DE LA PAUSA ECOLÓGICA SD SUPREME DECREE SRA STRATEGIC RELATIONAL APPROACH TCO COMMUNAL LANDS OF ORIGIN TIPNIS ISOBORE SECURE NATIONAL PARK AND INDIGENOUS TERRITORY UNDRIP UN DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES 1 Over the past decade in Latin America, a countercurrent to the neoliberal model of the late twentieth century has been termed the post-neoliberal “pink” tide. In this wave, burgeoning social movements and corresponding electoral shifts throughout Latin America have demanded an end the exploitative, globalized neoliberal model in favor of a new paradigm in which resource allocation and trade would be determined by the local, not the global. In 2006, Evo Morales and the Movement for Socialism (MAS) party came to power in Bolivia. The party ran on the platform of indigenous rights and a rejection of the neoliberal development model, and its electoral success was intrinsically tied to Morales’ coalescing of two main electorates: indigenous groups and peasant unions. This coalition took on a pro-indigenous platform (backed by the indigenous social movement base) and an anti-neoliberalism platform (backed by the peasant union base). In 2009, a pinnacle of this movement was seen with the newly adopted Constitution of the Plurinational State of Bolivia that enshrined the ethos of post-neoliberalism. The new Constitution was landmark for its inclusion and enumeration of extensive indigenous rights that mirrored international human rights instruments.1 A decade later, it is an opportune time to reflect on how much has truly changed for the human rights and livelihoods of indigenous people in in Bolivia. Bolivia’s economic development model is at odds with its pro-indigenous, post-neoliberal rhetoric promulgated by the Morales administration at international fora2 and enshrined in the Constitution. Increasingly, domestic and foreign capital flows into the country’s extractives industry3, a sector that hinges on the global capital market and its subsequent volatile prices. This research explores the human rights implications on indigenous peoples in the context of this paradox of reality vs. rhetoric of Bolivian 1 Radoslaw Powęska, “State-led Extractivism and the Frustration of Indigenous Self-Determined Development: Lessons from Bolivia,” The International Journal of Human Rights 21, no. 4 (2017): 450, doi: 10.1080/13642987.2017.1284446. 2 U.N. General Assembly, 69th Session. 7th Plenary Meeting. 24 Sept 2014 (A/69/PV.7) Official Record. 3 Radoslaw Powęska, “State-led Extractivism and the Frustration of Indigenous Self-Determined Development: Lessons from Bolivia,” The International Journal of Human Rights 21, no. 4 (2017): 452, doi: 10.1080/13642987.2017.1284446. Powęska notes that the extractives sector generated 70% of all export value in 2013. Additionally, the overall area of gas and oil exploration has grown eightfold from 2006-2012 comprising about 22.5% of total national territory. 2 post-neoliberalism. Bolivia’s natural resource development as an economic pillar brings resource extraction and its impact on societies to the fore. This research will focus particularly on the burgeoning agro-industrial soy industry in the Santa Cruz region. The case study of Santa Cruz analyzes the various internal tensions that are coupled with the global soy complex.4 Bolivia was a foremost actor in the indigenous rights movement of the twentieth century. During this movement, indigenous groups formed part of the opposition, predominantly stressing claims to indigenous land and education.5 However, at present they are part of Morales’ MAS coalition in power. It is therefore essential to analyze and understand how Bolivia’s modern indigenous rights movement is responding to these new economic trends of natural resource extraction in a “post-neoliberal” Bolivia under a central government that purportedly represents their demands. Power asymmetries, lack of implementation and enforcement of indigenous and ecological rights protections, and foreign investment interests form a nexus that leads to infringements on human rights and livelihoods. This research explores the space between economic development and human rights practice in Santa Cruz, and what is being done by local social movement actors to reverse these dangerous trends. I. Research Strategy Objective Bolivia has espoused indigenous rights and protections in its national policies and discourse. Yet, in Santa Cruz, the state’s divergent policies on economic development and indigenous rights come to a head. Santa Cruz’ evolving socio-political tensions and the marked presence of the transnational soy industry demonstrate the human rights contradictions and challenges of a post-neoliberal, pro-indigenous Bolivia. 4 Saturnino M. Borras Jr. and Jennifer C. Franco, “Global Land Grabbing and Trajectories of Agrarian Change: A Preliminary Analysis,” Journal of Agrarian Change 12, no. 1 (2012), 34, doi: 10.1111/j.1471-0366.2011.00339.x. As I define it, the global soy complex falls under Borras’ larger definition of land grabs and the “the explosion of (trans)national commercial land transactions and land speculation in recent years mainly, but not solely, around the large-scale production and export of food and biofuels.” 5 Bret Gustafson, "Manipulating Cartographies: Plurinationalism, Autonomy, and Indigenous Resurgence in Bolivia." Anthropological Quarterly 82, no. 4 (2009): 995, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20638677.995. 3 The indigenous social movement that propelled the Morales government to power in 2006 is now at a crossroads. How are the indigenous social movement actors in Santa Cruz mobilizing to realize their indigenous and socio-economic rights? Are their previous social movement models and strategies deployed to propel the MAS to power in 2006 sufficient? Or, given the evolving state-social relationship between themselves and the Morales administration, are these local social movement actors engaging and organizing differently? If new strategies are being adopted, to what aim, and with what success? Theoretical Framework To frame the research, three conceptual frames will be applied: global economic development models, the state-social relationship, and indigenous challenges to extractivism. This thesis builds off of definitions of neoliberalism and post-neoliberalism in the Latin American context. Latin American-style neoliberalism can be defined as the wave of structural adjustment policies and reforms that injected an ethos of the market-led incentives and social and economic policies.6 Bolivian neoliberalism in particular followed this definition and was typified by trade liberalization, privatization of industries, deregulation, and social spending
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Analytical Issues in Latin American Politics Spring 2019 Government 390L, Unique 38560 LAS 384L, Unique 39760 TH 12:30-3:30 PM, Batts 1.104
    Analytical Issues in Latin American Politics Spring 2019 Government 390L, Unique 38560 LAS 384L, Unique 39760 TH 12:30-3:30 PM, Batts 1.104 Professor: Wendy Hunter Email: [email protected] Office: 3.138 Batts Hall, Department of Government Office Hours: Monday 10:00 am–1:00 p.m. and by appointment Course Description This course is a graduate-level introduction to Latin American politics. It is designed to provide students with the theoretical and analytical tools to engage in cross-national study and research of political processes in Latin America. It explores alternative theoretical approaches as well as substantive topics of major importance studied by scholars in the field. Priority will be placed on critically examining the strengths and weaknesses of various approaches to understanding political, social, and economic change in the region. The debates and theoretical currents that we will examine have been central not only to the study of Latin American politics but also to the development of the sub-discipline of Comparative Politics over the last thirty years. No prerequisites are necessary. Required Texts for Purchase (available at the University Co-op) *Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies, by Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986. *The Resurgence of the Latin American Left, edited by Steven Levitsky and Kenneth M. Roberts. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011. *The Resilience of the Latin American Right, edited by Juan Pablo Luna and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014. *Democracy and the Left: Social Policy and Inequality in Latin America, by Evelyne Huber and John D.
    [Show full text]
  • Rebel Cities: from the Right to the City to the Urban Revolution
    REBEL CITIES REBEL CITIES From the Right to the City to the Urban Revolution David Harvey VERSO London • New York First published by Verso 20 12 © David Harvey All rights reserved 'Ihe moral rights of the author have been asserted 13579108642 Verso UK: 6 Meard Street, London WI F OEG US: 20 Jay Street, Suite 1010, Brooklyn, NY 1120 I www.versobooks.com Verso is the imprint of New Left Books eiSBN-13: 978-1-84467-904-1 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Harvey, David, 1935- Rebel cities : from the right to the city to the urban revolution I David Harvey. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-84467-882-2 (alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-1-84467-904-1 I. Anti-globalization movement--Case studies. 2. Social justice--Case studies. 3. Capitalism--Case studies. I. Title. HN17.5.H355 2012 303.3'72--dc23 2011047924 Typeset in Minion by MJ Gavan, Cornwall Printed in the US by Maple Vail For Delfina and all other graduating students everywhere Contents Preface: Henri Lefebvre's Vision ix Section 1: The Right to the City The Right to the City 3 2 The Urban Roots of Capitalist Crises 27 3 The Creation of the Urban Commons 67 4 The Art of Rent 89 Section II: Rebel Cities 5 Reclaiming the City for Anti-Capitalist Struggle 115 6 London 201 1: Feral Capitalism Hits the Streets 155 7 #OWS: The Party of Wall Street Meets Its Nemesis 159 Acknowledgments 165 Notes 167 Index 181 PREFACE Henri Lefebvre's Vision ometime in the mid 1970s in Paris I came across a poster put out by S the Ecologistes, a radical neighborhood action movement dedicated to creating a more ecologically sensitive mode of city living, depicting an alternative vision for the city.
    [Show full text]
  • The Culture of Democracy and Bolivia's Indigenous Movements
    Article The Culture of Democracy and Bolivia’s Indigenous Movements Robert Albro The George Washington University Abstract ■ This article describes the participation of Bolivia’s indigenous move- ments in encompassing popular protest coalitions of the last five years. Pointing to the importance of cultural heritage in current social movement efforts to revi- talize Bolivian democracy, this argument examines the importance of the ‘terms of recognition’ in the negotiation of the very meaning of democratic partici- pation, between the traditional political class and popular protesters, but also within protesting coalitions. As both indigenous and popular traditions of struggle increasingly make common cause, Bolivia’s indigenous movements are providing the cultural resources that frame the terms of popular protest. At the same time, the terms of indigenous identity are also changing form, becoming more available to growing urban-indigenous and non-indigenous popular social sectors now willing to claim or reclaim an indigenous heritage. This article also explores key transnational and national networks now involved in this transform- ation of the terms of indigenous cultural heritage, making it the basis of an alternative democratic public in Bolivia. Keywords ■ Bolivia ■ democratization ■ indigenous movements ■ publics ■ recognition ‘Looking back, we will move forward.’ Carlos Mamani Condori (1992), Aymara activist and historian ‘We need a space where the people can talk not about the past, but the future.’ Oscar Olivera (2004), social movement spokesperson On 6 June 2005, Bolivian president Carlos Mesa resigned for the second time, citing his inability to govern while mired in another round of large- scale social mobilizations that had paralyzed the country since mid-May.
    [Show full text]
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science the Gap Between
    The London School of Economics and Political Science The Gap between Legality and Legitimacy The Bolivian State Crisis (2000-2008) in Historical and Regional Perspective Gustavo Bonifaz Moreno A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, March 2017 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my written consent. I declare that my thesis consists of 100,000 words. 2 Abstract The present thesis investigates the causes of the Bolivian state crisis (2000-2008). The case study is intriguing because, compared to other countries in the region, Bolivia appeared to successfully implement competitive elections and neo-liberal reforms. Nevertheless, by 2008 the country was on the verge of civil war. This sudden political collapse, I argue, shows that Bolivia represents an extreme case of a regional trend, namely the periodic opening of a gap between legality and legitimacy in periods of social change, punctuated by external shocks. Most accounts of the crisis try to explain it based on the historical prevalence of ethnic, regional or class cleavages within the Bolivian society.
    [Show full text]
  • Playing Politics – Warfare in Virtual Worlds
    1 Playing politics – warfare in virtual worlds Robert John Young Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Politics and International Studies May 2018 2 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement The right of Robert John Young to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Design and Patents Act 1988. 3 Acknowledgements So who knew that these would be the most difficult words to put down on the page? Thank you to everyone who has helped in the completion of this process – I’m so grateful for you all! Particular thanks to my two supervisors, Dr Nick Robinson and Professor Graeme Davies, whose continuing advice and guidance has been invaluable. My thanks also to Dr Brad Evans, for his contribution to the early stages of this process. Thanks to my parents, and my brother, for their support throughout this process. To Susanne, without whom this process could never even have begun, thank you for your faith in me! Thank you also to my fellow Planeswalkers – may you never need to mulligan again! Particular thanks to James and Sam, for your continued friendship and support over the years. Also to Kristen, for her advice and insightful critique! Thanks also to Tom! Looks like we did make it through this! To my customers and colleagues at Co-Op Roundhay, many of whom have served as the guinea-pigs for new ideas and arguments - thank you for your continued interest and support! In memory of Jean, who would have been as thrilled as anyone to see this day finally arrive.
    [Show full text]
  • Territories and Citizenship: the Revolution of the Chiquitanos
    Territories and citizenship: the revolution of the Chiquitanos Eduardo Cáceres On 3 July 2007, after 12 years of frustration and persistent struggle, President Evo Morales handed over the legal titles to the indigenous million-hectare territory of Monte Verde to the Chiquitano people (numbering an estimated 120,000). Morales also gave land titles to the Chiquitanos of Lomerío (259.188 hectares) and Bajo Paragua (200 hectares). The event was attended not only by Evo Morales, the first indigenous president of Bolivia, but also by several ministers, three elected mayors (of San Javier, Concepción, and San Miguel), ten local councillors, a senator, a congressman, and two members of the constituent assembly, all of them Chiquitanos. 1980 All this sounds impressive. But the depth and speed of change can only be understood by taking account of the situation a few years ago. José Bailaba, who is one of the leaders of Chiquitano movements and was elected senator in 2002, remembers that until the 1980s: …everyone used to have to work for free for three days on road maintenance service, paying for our food and everything. We were forced to do the work that they, the authorities and the Catholic Church, used to assign us…1 Younger than Bailaba, Justo Seoane (a leader and elected major of Concepción) recalled that: …the Monsignor had to call the townspeople of Concepción by ringing the bells. ‘Neither paicos nor cunumis2 can own land,’ they said…they thought we were only fit to obey orders from the authorities.3 Colonial condition Inhabitants of Bolivian lowlands, the Chiquitanos originally occupied the semi-humid forest of El Chaco.
    [Show full text]
  • Genocide As Social Practice Genocide, Political Violence, Human Rights Series
    Genocide as Social Practice Genocide, Political Violence, Human Rights Series Edited by Alexander Laban Hinton, Stephen Eric Bronner, and Nela Navarro Alan W. Clarke, Rendition to Torture Lawrence Davidson, Cultural Genocide Daniel Feierstein, Genocide as Social Practice: Reorganizing Society under the Nazis and Argentina’s Military Juntas Alexander Laban Hinton, ed., Transitional Justice: Global Mechanisms and Local Realities after Genocide and Mass Violence Alexander Laban Hinton, Thomas La Pointe, and Douglas Irvin-Erickson, eds., Hidden Genocides: Power, Knowledge, Memory Irina Silber, Everyday Revolutionaries: Gender, Violence, and Disillusionment in Postwar El Salvador Samuel Totten and Rafiki Ubaldo, eds., We Cannot Forget: Interviews with Survivors of the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda Ronnie Yimsut, Facing the Khmer Rouge: A Cambodian Journey Genocide as Social Practice Reorganizing Society under the Nazis and Argentina’s Military Juntas DANIEL FEIERSTEIN Translated by Douglas Andrew Town RUTGERS UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW BRUNSWICK, NEW JERSEY, AND LONDON LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Feierstein, Daniel, 1967– [Genocidio como práctica social. English] Genocide as social practice : reorganizing society under the Nazis and Argentinás military juntas / Daniel Feierstein ; translated Douglas Andrew Town. pages cm. — (Genocide, political violence, human rights series) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978–0–8135–6318–3 (hardcover : alk. paper) — ISBN 978–0–8135–6317–6 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 978–0–8135–6319–0 (e-book) 1. Genocide. 2. Holocaust, Jewish (1939–1945) 3. Genocide—Argentina. I. Title. HV6322.7.F4213 2014 304.6Ј630943—dc23 2013033862 A British Cataloging-in-Publication record for this book is available from the British Library. First published in Spanish as El genocidio como práctica social: Entre el nazismo y la experiencia argentina (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2007).
    [Show full text]
  • Indigenous Bolivia and Global Activism Concerning Climate Change in the Twenty First Century
    1 The „Guardians of the Earth‟: Dustin Foskett The ‘Guardians of the Earth’: Indigenous Bolivia and Global Activism Concerning Climate Change in the Twenty First Century A Senior Honors Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for graduation with research distinction in History in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University By Dustin Foskett The Ohio State University 27 May 2011 Project Advisor: Dr. Alcira Dueñas, Department of History 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. Alcira Dueñas for her guidance and encouragement to push me to the next level of my academic career. Dr. Elizabeth Weiser and Dr. Stephanie Brown very graciously helped me with their editing expertise and recommendations. Finally, I want to thank my loving wife Camille and two beautiful daughters Caroline and Cecilia. 3 Introduction After more than a century of industrialization and global capitalism, scientists and conscious citizens in every country recognize that the planet is going through anthropogenic warming and that in the near future major environmental catastrophes will threaten much of life on Earth. If we are to prevent major global climate upheavals the way industry and commercial practices interact with the environment must be redefined. Such practices destroy large tracts of natural areas and eventually kill off entire ecosystems. In scientific literature, scientists and environmental activists worldwide now demand changes in our environmental practices. In Bolivia, where this global phenomenon is turning some regions into desert, these alarming effects have prompted the Bolivian indigenous government to take a fast-track approach to reforming the economic and environmental practices that dominate the world today.
    [Show full text]
  • INTRODUCTION Indigenous Peoples, Neo-Liberal Regimes, and Varieties of Civil Society in Latin America
    INTRODUCTION Indigenous Peoples, Neo-liberal Regimes, and Varieties of Civil Society in Latin America Edward F. Fischer Abstract: Emerging from the convergence of neo-liberal reforms, demo- cratic openings, and an increase of interest in indigenous issues among international organizations, the growth of civil society in recent years has dramatically altered the political-economic landscape of Latin Amer- ica. For a number of Latin American indigenous causes, civil society’s surge in importance has been empowering, allowing access to funds, national and international attention, and in some cases increases in de facto and de jure autonomy. At the same time, the rise in the impor- tance of civil society goes hand in hand with the rise of neo-liberal political and economic reforms that threaten the material bases of indigenous culture and expose populations to the vagaries of private funding. In this way, civil society also serves as an arena for neo-liberal forms of governmentality. Keywords: citizenship, civil society, ethnic movements, governmentality, identity politics, indigenous rights, Latin America, neo-liberalism Civil society is a slippery concept, and therein lies much of its appeal. By mean- ing many things to many people, it is one of those frequently invoked yet stra- tegically ambiguous ideas that have real traction, not only in the rarefied world of professional journals, but also in the arena of public policy and political practice. Much of the recent literature on civil society has come from political science. But anthropology (ethnography in particular) has a lot to offer by docu- menting the on-the-ground diversity of civil society.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Incorporation in Measures of Democracy: A
    www.ssoar.info Political incorporation in measures of democracy: a missing dimension (and the case of Bolivia) Wolff, Jonas Postprint / Postprint Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (HSFK) Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Wolff, J. (2018). Political incorporation in measures of democracy: a missing dimension (and the case of Bolivia). Democratization, 25(4), 692-708. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2017.1417392 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Institutions and the Paradox of Liberal
    PROGRAMA SUR-SUR La globalización, entendida como aumento de interconectividad e interdependencia entre países, es presentada como una de las características principales del período que se inicia a principio de los PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS años ’90. El flujo comercial, la circulación de capital, de objetos, de ideas, así como también el desplazamiento de personas constituyen la dimensión material de este fenómeno que representa un impor- AND THE PARADOX tante desafío para el derecho laboral OF LIBERAL El estudio que aquí presentamos se centra principalmente en el estudio de leyes, decretos de aplicación, debates parlamentarios y documentos de la OIT; así como también en datos secundarios DEMOCRACY producidos por organismos internacionales y nacionales. Igualmente, una parte de este amplio proceso de producción de regulación es A step toward heterodox reconstruido a partir de literatura especializada; particularmente, en el caso de la literatura jurídica. political science Abdourahmane Idrissa Research and Studies Serie La producción de estándares laborales para el trabajo doméstico Poblete PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS AND THE PARADOX OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY Idrissa, Abdourahmane Public institutions and the paradox of Liberal Democracy : a step toward heterodox political science / Abdourahmane Idrissa. - 1a ed . - Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires : CLACSO, 2016. Libro digital, PDF Archivo Digital: descarga y online ISBN 978-987-722-178-7 1. Instituciones Públicas. 2. Democracia. 3. Ciencia Política. I. Título. CDD 323 Other descriptors allocated by CLACSO:
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Civil Society in Competitive Authoritarian Legitimation Strategies: an Analysis of Venezuela and Bolivia
    THE ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIAN LEGITIMATION STRATEGIES: AN ANALYSIS OF VENEZUELA AND BOLIVIA Ashley P. Reaves A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science. Chapel Hill 2018 Approved by: Cecilia Martinez-Gallardo Graeme Robertson Ashley Anderson 2018 Ashley P. Reaves ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Ashley P. Reaves: The Role of Civil Society in Competitive Authoritarian Legitimation Strategies: An Analysis of Venezuela and Bolivia (Under the direction of Cecilia Martinez-Gallardo) An increasing amount of research analyzes the ways that various forms of hybrid regimes maintain stability in the face of regular elections and other domestic and international pressures. Within this literature, scholars emphasize three primary pillars of stability: repression, co-optation, and legitimation. While a significant amount of recent work has examined the role of repression and co-optation, legitimation has been largely put aside. Yet, scholars recognize the importance of legitimacy for regime stability. My research aims to contribute to our understanding of this third pillar through a qualitative analysis of the role of civil society in competitive authoritarian legitimation strategies. I focus on two recent cases in Latin America: Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Bolivia under Evo Morales. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES…………………………………………………………………………… vi CHAPTER 1: STABILITY IN NONDEMOCRATIC REGIMES…………………………… 1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….. 1 Hybrid Regimes...………………………………………………………...………...….. 3 Three Pillars of Regime Stability………………………………………………...……. 5 Civil Society and Legitimacy in Nondemocratic Regimes…….………...………..…... 7 CHAPTER 2: CIVIL SOCIETY IN LEGITIMATION STRATEGIES………...………..… 11 Civil Society as a Façade of Democracy…………………………….…...…………..
    [Show full text]