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Bargaining, Nuclear Proliferation, and Interstate Disputes
Bargaining, Nuclear Proliferation, and Interstate Disputes Erik Gartzke 1 Dong-Joon Jo Word count: 10,833 Abstract Contrasting claims about the consequences of nuclear weapons rely on different interpretations about how leaders respond to risk, uncertainty, and the balance of power. Nuclear optimists use deterrence theory to argue that proliferation can promote stability and inhibit the use of force. Pessimists argue that proliferation precipitates nuclear hubris, accident, or anger that heighten the risk of war. It is also possible that nuclear weapons have no net effect on dispute propensity. Since states fashion their own bargains, nuclear status is bound to influence the distribution of influence. Proliferation also reflects existing tensions, biasing upward the apparent impact of nuclear weapons on conventional conflict. Instrumenting for the decision to proliferate, we find that nuclear weapons increase diplomatic status, without much affecting whether states fight. 1. Introduction Since the advent of the nuclear age, speculation has raged about whether taming the atom inflames or pacifies world politics. Optimists claim that nuclear weapons deter, and therefore stabilize the politics of nations (Mearsheimer 1984, 1993; Waltz 1981, 1990). Pessimists see nuclear weapons as inciting fear, hubris, and misperception (Jervis 1984, 1988, 1989; Sagan 1989). A third, somewhat neglected possibility is that both arguments are right, and wrong. Diplomatic bargains tend to dampen the observable impact of nuclear weapons, even as contrasting tendencies tend to cancel each other out. To the degree that nuclear weapons influence the concessions proliferators are likely to obtain in lieu of force, proliferation does much less to account for behavioral conflict. Possession of nuclear weapons increases the risks to opponents that choose to fight. -
Arctic Security and Outer Space
SCANDINAVIAN JOURNAL OF Byers, M. (2020). Arctic Security and Outer Space. Scandinavian MILITARY STUDIES Journal of Military Studies, 3(1), pp. 183–196. DOI: https://doi. org/10.31374/sjms.56 RESEARCH ARTICLE Arctic Security and Outer Space Michael Byers Global Politics and International Law, University of British Columbia, CA. This article was delivered in Nuuk, Greenland, as the keynote speech at the Signature Conference of the Royal Danish Defence College, on 2 October 2019. It builds on an earlier piece: ‘Cold, dark, and dangerous: international cooperation in the arctic and space,’ Polar Record 55(1), 32–47, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0032247419000160 [email protected] Journalists often portray the Arctic and Space as rife with economic competition, contested territorial claims, and impending conflicts. In actuality, there is extensive and ongoing coopera- tion between Russia and Western states in both regions. A number of factors common to the Arctic and to Space contribute to this ongoing cooperation, including ‘complex interdependence’ and widely agreed rules of international law. This article focuses on three further common factors: the ‘cold, dark, and dangerous’ character of the regions; the absence of substantial ‘weaponisation’; and the relative ease with which information about military activities may be gathered in the Arctic and Space, for instance through Space-based technologies. The latter factor enables Arctic and Space-faring states to avoid classic ‘security dilemmas’. Keywords: Arctic; Space; Security; International Cooperation; International Law; Russia; NATO 1. Introduction The Arctic is closely connected to Outer Space (‘Space’). The Arctic climate is a consequence of Earth’s orbital mechanics, most notably the tilt of the planet, which leads to the absence of sunlight in winter and to 24-hour sunlight in summer. -
Russia Outer Space Treaty Modifications
Russia Outer Space Treaty Modifications vengesTully still onside. refashions ineluctably while pleural Woodie libel that bullaries. Bothersome Sigfried coapt spikily. Occultist Ian The program enriched by further declares that during outer space station elements of the original of the initial major advances in space debris and, who put all personnel to And we thank those nations which have had the courage to do so already. The relevance of this case for the treatment of the space commons may be somewhat speculative since currently the General Agreement on Trade in Services does not apply to launch services. Outer Space Treaty have been expanded and reaffirmed into new specific international conventions and agreements, Dr. Special responsibility to russia under international laws or russia outer space treaty modifications to establish relevant to make its space. Bilibino Energy Hub, however, and the American environment that is conducive to innovation as well as private sector operations and growth is vital. Removing such weapons from Europe would not require NATO to eliminate either nuclear first use or response options. Supplementary Procedures for Large, the Outer Space Treaty and the UN Charter make its military UN applications clearly not inconsistent with its wider civil object and purposes. Party would be grouped into force application sponsored conference, modifications would be willing, mobilised one hundred options, russia outer space treaty modifications essential for. Moon Treaty which provides that the placing of vehicles on the surface of the moon does not constitute an appropriation. Despite ongoing problems which it free for outer space treaty modifications essential in russia outer space treaty modifications made. -
10. Ballistic Missile Defence and Nuclear Arms Control
10. Ballistic missile defence and nuclear arms control SHANNON N. KILE I. Introduction In 2001 the international controversy over the United States’ missile defence plans and the future of the 1972 Treaty on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems (ABM Treaty) came to a head. On 13 December, President George W. Bush announced that the USA would withdraw from the ABM Treaty. Bush’s announcement was widely expected and did not undermine commitments made by Russia and the USA the previous month to further reduce their nuclear arsenals. Against the background of improving political relations, Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin had pledged to make significant new cuts in US and Russian strategic nuclear forces. As the year ended, however, there was disagreement between Russia and the USA over whether these reductions would be made within the framework of an arms control treaty or as parallel, non-legally binding initiatives. This chapter reviews the principal developments in missile defence and nuclear arms control in 2001. Section II describes the US administration’s decision to withdraw from the ABM Treaty and assesses the reaction of Russia and other states. It also examines changes in the US programme to develop and deploy a missile defence system designed to protect the United States and its allies from a limited ballistic missile attack. Section III examines the Russian and US commitments to make further nuclear force reductions. It also notes the completion of the reductions in strategic nuclear delivery vehicles (SNDVs) and accountable warheads mandated by the 1991 Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START I Treaty). -
Arms Control – II
CSIS_______________________________ Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street N.W. Washington, DC 20006 (202) 775-3270 For Additional material see: CSIS.ORG Comment to: [email protected] Concepts of Arms Control – II Global Controls and East- West Agreements Anthony H. Cordesman Senior Fellow for Strategic Assessment May 2000 Copyright Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. Concepts of Arms Control II – Key Agreements 5/17/00 Page 2 Table of Contents Part One: The Global Tools at Hand: Strategic Nuclear Forces and the Impact of START ......................................................................................................................................4 The Nuclear Dimension ..........................................................................................................5 US, Russian, and Ukrainian Strategic Nuclear Forces Declared for Start I...............................7 The US, Russian, and Ukrainian Strategic Nuclear Triad Declared for Start I..........................8 US and Russian Deployed Strategic Nuclear Forces................................................................9 US, Russian, and Ukrainian ICBMs Declared for Start I .......................................................10 US and Russian Deployed ICBM Missiles ............................................................................11 US, Russian, and Ukrainian ICBM Warheads Declared for Start I.........................................12 US, Russian, and Ukrainian SLBMs Declared for Start I.......................................................13 -
Understanding the Nuclear
understanding the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty NPT a publication of the Medical Association for Prevention of War (Australia) September 2007 print version September 2007 | Medical Association for Prevention of War (Australia) Based on the 2005 MAPW publication “Australia and the NPT 2005, Getting serious about ridding the world of WMDs” Principal authors: Dr Sue Wareham, Dimity Hawkins and Loretta O’Brien. With assistance from Dr Marianne Hanson and members of the MAPW National Council 2007 edition: the updated edition and layout by Dimity Hawkins. Redrafting assistance from Dr Sue Wareham OAM, Associate Professor Tilman Ruff, Felicity Hill, Nancy Atkin, Jessica Morrison. Editing by Dr Cath Keaney. Artwork © Dimity Hawkins. About the Medical Association for Prevention of War The Medical Association for Prevention of War (MAPW) Australia is an organisation of health professionals dedicated to the prevention of armed conflict and the abolition of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. It is affiliated with International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW), recipient of the 1985 Nobel Peace Prize. MAPW PO Box 1379 Carlton VIC 3053 Phone: +61 (03) 8344 1637 Fax: +61 (03) 8344 1638 [email protected] www.mapw.org.au About ICAN ICAN is the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, initiated by MAPW and IPPNW. ICAN focuses on the roots of the nuclear weapons problem - the continued possession of nuclear weapons by a small minority of countries, who risk their use by design, accident, miscalculation or by terrorists, and whose weapons are an incentive to others to also become nuclear armed. ICAN aims to achieve a Nuclear Weapons Convention to ban the development, possession and use of nuclear weapons. -
START II Treaty*
552 THE INTERNATIONAL LAWYER the Tribunal should be deemed equivalent to requests by a foreign government under such a treaty and as authorizing extradition to the Tribunal; (2) incorpo- rate the pertinent language of selected articles of a modern extradition treaty relating to the issues requiring particular regulation; and (3) preclude the denial of extradition on the basis that the crimes charged before the Tribunal are "political offenses." III. Conclusion The Section of International Law and Practice believes that the ABA should support the establishment of the Tribunal and urge Congress to promptly adopt implementing legislation to enable the President of the United States to give full support to the Tribunal. The Section further believes that the ABA should urge that every effort be made to assure that due process and procedural guarantees are fully respected in the implementation of the Tribunal's mandate. Endorsement of the Tribunal through adoption of the accompanying recom- mendation by the American Bar Association will further the process begun by the United Nations to prosecute those responsible for violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia. In addition, it will strengthen the ability of the U.S. Government to effect the implementation of the Tribunal's mandate in a manner consistent with due process and procedural guarantees and will lend support to the U.S. Congress in adopting appropriate implementing legislation. Such an endorsement by the ABA will thus further Goal VIII of the Association-to advance the rule of law in the world. Respectfully submitted, Louis B. Sohn Chair Section of International August 1993 Law and Practice II. -
44 Nuclear Proliferation and Declining U.S. Hegemony Richard Maass
Nuclear Proliferation and Declining U.S. Hegemony Richard Maass Introduction On August 29, 1949, The Soviet Union successfully tested its first nuclear fission bomb, signaling the end of U.S. hegemony in the international arena. On September 11th, 2001, the world’s single most powerful nation watched in awe as the very symbols of its prosperity fell to rubble in the streets of New York City. The United States undisputedly “has a greater share of world power than any other country in history” (Brooks and Wolforth, 2008, pg. 2). Yet even a global hegemon is ultimately fallible and vulnerable to rash acts of violence as it conducts itself in a rational manner and assumes the same from other states. Conventional strategic thought and military action no longer prevail in an era of increased globalization. Developing states and irrational actors play increasingly influential roles in the international arena. Beginning with the U.S.S.R. in 1949, nuclear proliferation has exponentially increased states’ relative military capabilities as well as global levels of political instability. Through ideas such as nuclear peace theory, liberal political scholars developed several models under which nuclear weapons not only maintain but increase global tranquility. These philosophies assume rationality on the part of political actors in an increasingly irrational world plagued by terrorism, despotic totalitarianism, geo-political instability and failed international institutionalism. Realistically, “proliferation of nuclear [weapons]…constitutes a threat to international peace and security” (UN Security Council, 2006, pg. 1). Nuclear security threats arise in four forms: the threat of existing arsenals, the emergence of new nuclear states, the collapse of international non-proliferation regimes and the rise of nuclear terrorism. -
An Assessment of Gaddis' Suggestion That MAD Secured a 'Long Peace'
An assessment of Gaddis' suggestion that MAD secured a ‘long peace' Written by Seamus Peter Johnstone Macleod This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. An assessment of Gaddis' suggestion that MAD secured a ‘long peace' https://www.e-ir.info/2011/11/02/a-critical-assessment-of-gaddis-suggestion-that-mutually-assured-destruction-secured- a-%e2%80%98long-peace/ SEAMUS PETER JOHNSTONE MACLEOD, NOV 2 2011 John Lewis Gaddis attributes the lack of pyrexia in the relations between the great powers in the post-war period to, among other factors, the fearsome and unprecedented destructive power each side had at its disposal. He attributes the “long peace” of the Cold War to the transparent balance of power created nuclear weapons. This essay will briefly examine the nature of this “long peace” since the latter half of the twentieth century cannot be said to have been without bloodshed. This will be followed by an appraisal of the effects – or lack thereof – of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) in sustaining “peace” and a re-evaluation of the supposed stabilising effect of bipolarity. Gaddis’s emphasis on nuclear weapons and neorealist notions of a balance of power are shown to fail in explaining the temperature of relations between Moscow and Washington. This essay concludes that whilst the destructive power of the atom bomb is significant, its contribution to stability in the latter half of the twentieth century is not. -
Do Nuclear Weapons Still Have a Role in International Relations in the Post-Cold War Era? Written by Martin Taggart
Do Nuclear Weapons still have a Role in International Relations in the Post-Cold War Era? Written by Martin Taggart This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Do Nuclear Weapons still have a Role in International Relations in the Post-Cold War Era? https://www.e-ir.info/2008/05/10/do-nuclear-weapons-still-have-a-role-in-international-relations-in-the-post-cold-war-era-2/ MARTIN TAGGART, MAY 10 2008 The First Nuclear Age ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 (Walton and Gray, 2007: 210). The end of bipolarity, arguably the most peaceful period in European history (Howard, 2001: 136), raised new questions about national security: specifically, the role of nuclear weapons in international relations. During this period nuclear weapons were not actually used per se, but used tacitly; as a means of deterrence (Segal, 1988: 13). We are now in the Second Nuclear Age, and the role of the nuclear weapon is still contested. Should they be retained or should they (or can they?) be abandoned? Is deterrence still a plausible strategy? Can we actually engage in international discourse without them? These questions, and many others, are debated by theorists, scholars, moralists, politicians and military commanders throughout the world; from Washington to Moscow, London to Beijing, and Paris to New Delhi. This essay will question the role of nuclear weapons in international society; namely, nuclear weapons as a deterrent, nuclear terrorism and proliferation. -
Nuclear Perils in a New Era Bringing Perspective to the Nuclear Choices Facing Russia and the United States
Nuclear Perils in a New Era Bringing Perspective to the Nuclear Choices Facing Russia and the United States Steven E. Miller and Alexey Arbatov Nuclear Perils in a New Era Bringing Perspective to the Nuclear Choices Facing Russia and the United States Steven E. Miller and Alexey Arbatov © 2021 by the American Academy of Arts & Sciences. All rights reserved. ISBN: 0-87724-139-2. This publication is available online at www.amacad.org/project/dialogue-arms-control -disarmament. Suggested citation: Steven E. Miller and Alexey Arbatov, Nuclear Perils in a New Era: Bringing Perspective to the Nuclear Choices Facing Russia and the United States (Cambridge, Mass.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 2021). Cover image: Helsinki, Finland, July 16, 2018: The national flags of Russia and the United States seen ahead of a meeting of Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and U.S. President Donald Trump. Photo by Valery Sharifulin/TASS/Getty Images. This publication is part of the American Academy’s project on Promoting Dialogue on Arms Control and Disarmament. The statements made and views expressed in this publication are those held by the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Officers and Members of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Please direct inquiries to: American Academy of Arts & Sciences 136 Irving Street Cambridge, MA 02138 Telephone: 617-576-5000 Fax: 617-576-5050 Email: [email protected] Web: www.amacad.org Contents Introduction 1 The Rise and Decline of Global Nuclear Order? 3 Steven E. Miller Unmanaged Competition, -
Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
2005 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons 2–27 May 2005 New York 2005 NPT Review Conference 2–27 May 2005, New York C O N T E N T S 1. THE 2005 NPT REVIEW CONFERENCE 2. ACTIVITIES OF THE IAEA IN RELATION TO THE NPT 3. CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS RELATING TO NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION 4. DECISIONS AND RESOLUTION ADOPTED AT THE 1995 NPT REVIEW AND EXTENSION CONFERENCE 5. FINAL DOCUMENT OF THE 2000 NPT REVIEW CONFERENCE 6. LIST OF STATES THAT HAVE RATIFIED OR ACCEDED TO THE NPT AS OF 1 MARCH 2005 7. TEXT OF THE TREATY ON THE NON-PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS 2005 NPT Review Conference 2–27 May 2005, New York Ambassador Sérgio de Queiroz Duarte (Brazil) President-designate of the 2005 NPT Review Conference Media Contacts for the 2005 NPT Review Conference Mr. Michael Cassandra Mr. Nikolai Rogosaroff United Nations Department for Disarmament Affairs United Nations Department for Disarmament Affairs S-3151A S-3170F Telephone: (212)963-7714 Telephone: 917-367-2158 Fax: (917)367-5369 Fax: 212-963-8892 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] 2005 NPT Review Conference 1 2–27 May 2005, New York THE 2005 REVIEW CONFERENCE OF THE PARTIES TO THE TREATY ON THE NON-PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS The 2005 Review Conference of the Parties to the terminated in 1949 without the achievement of this Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons objective, due to serious political differences between (NPT) will meet at the United Nations in New York from the major Powers.