Parliament Hill, from the Top Down, Leaves Mps at the Bottom BOOK EXCERPT of the Government Caucus, Where They Going to Be “It’S Not Worth the Paper Tive

BOOK EXCERPT PASSAGES Parliament Hill, from the top down, leaves MPs at the bottom Donald J. Savoie MPs are elected in a bottom-up democratic process, vote-by-vote. But government is a top-down process, policy-by-policy, shaped by mandarins, determined by Cabinet, ultimately decided by the prime minister, and only nominally adopted by Parliament. Paul Martin has made much of the democratic deficit facing MPs on Parliament Hill, but as he becomes prime minister his own role will change, from one who proposes to one who decides. In this excerpt from his new book, Breaking the Bargain, Donald J. Savoie, one of Canada’s pre-eminent scholars on politics and government, examines the universe that Martin is inheriting and the roles and relations between parliamentarians, ministers and public servants. Les députés sont élus un vote à la fois, selon un processus démocratique partant de la base. Mais le gouvernement fonctionne à l’inverse en partant du sommet, une politique à la fois, selon un processus élaboré par les hauts fonctionnaires, déterminé par le cabinet, définitivement arrêté par le premier ministre puis soumis pour la forme à l’approbation du Parlement. Paul Martin a fait grand cas de ce déficit démocratique qui touche les députés. Mais en devenant premier ministre, son rôle changera de celui qui propose à celui qui décide. Dans cet extrait de son dernier ouvrage, Breaking the Bargain, Donald J. Savoie, l’un de meilleurs spécialistes canadiens de l’État et des politiques gouvernementales, examine l’héritage qui échoit à Paul Martin et le rapport entre les rôles de parlementaire, de ministre et de fonctionnaire. he worlds of politics and ception is reality. Impatience rules — horizontal (i.e., seeking policy coher- bureaucracy are so different to an outsider, things appear far easier ence for operations). It is a very patient T that one wonders how the two to fix than they do from within gov- realm, which values consensus and could possibly learn to work with one ernment departments. A long-term considers itself the permanent custodi- another. Politics is, by definition, bot- perspective in politics is four years, yet an of society’s problems. tom-up, with all voters having one its practitioners must always remain in The prime minister and the cabi- vote. Its boundaries are defined by tune with the voters, who may not net are expected somehow to bring geography, by a constituency with appreciate why solutions are not politics and bureaucracy together, and, community and regional interests to always at hand or being implemented. in conjunction with Parliament, to promote. All politicians, particularly in Government bureaucracy, in con- express the public will and to establish Canada, view things through regional trast, has until recently worked top- the broad duties of the civil service. or territorial lenses and look to the down and transmits decisions and How does Parliament relate to the democratic process for guidance and a directives from higher to lower ranks. government and to the public service? verdict on their performance. This is a It consists of skilled policy analysts How do ministers work with career world shaped by images and by ten- or and administrators, and its boundaries officials? How are policies struck? How fifteen-second linear bursts of bombast are defined by hierarchy, not by geog- do ministers and career officials deal on television or in question period. As raphy. Its perspective is sectoral (for with Parliament’s accountability many have observed, in politics per- example, agriculture and energy) and requirements? POLICY OPTIONS 101 DECEMBER 2003 – JANUARY 2004 Donald J. Savoie PASSAGES Most Canadians now hold federal pened, there is every indication that the campaign decisions to the professionals politicians of all parties in low regard. Conservatives would have coasted in Ottawa — who, they are told, are Nearly two-thirds believe that MPs home to victory.’ Chrétien’s handlers, in always in a better position to see region- misuse their office to secure personal contrast, were relieved after the 1993, al trade-offs, understand the national benefits, and many MPs themselves 1997, and 2000 debates that he did not interest, and protect the party leader. often lament the fact that they no fare as badly as some had feared. longer command respect in society. Voter perception, often shaped by good number of aspiring and Local candidates do not have the media, help establish leaders’ cred- A even some sitting MPs in Canada much say in putting together their ibility and competence. Campaign regard their lack of national political party’s electoral platform. Pollsters, mistakes widely reported on television experience as a plus. American politics advertising and marketing specialists, news also influence perception. has influenced in Canada, and just as close associates of the party leader, and Stockwell Day experienced this at first many US presidential and congression- a handful of senior party activists, all hand in the 2000 campaign when he al candidates have since the 1970s ‘run working closely with the leader, pro- forgot that Lake Erie was part of the against Washington,’ some Canadian duce the national platform and retain Great Lakes, as did Kim Campbell in MPs take considerable pride in bashing a central role in the campaign organi- 1993, when she declared that the Ottawa. This is obviously the case for zation and running of the national unemployment rate would probably Bloc Québécois candidates, but it is campaign. This is true even of the gov- not drop below 10 percent before the also true of the Canadian Alliance and erning Liberals, notwithstanding a turn of the century. This pessimistic even some Liberal backbenchers. strong caucus and cabinet min- Many newly elected MPs isters from which to draw ideas. Party leaders appear increasingly to arrive in Ottawa uncertain about be the only substantial candidates in their role, the role of the House, arty leaders appear increas- the election race. The national and its relation to government. P ingly to be the only substan- They may not fully appreciate tial candidates in the election media focus on them rather than on that the role of government is to race. The national media focus selected candidates, even those govern and that of the Commons on them rather than on selected enjoying a high profile in their is to subject political power to candidates, even those enjoying regions. Journalists buy seats on certain controls, to provide legiti- a high profile in their regions. macy to government action and Journalists buy seats on their their chartered aircraft and follow activities, and to hold the execu- chartered aircraft and follow them everywhere. The media and, tive to account. them everywhere. The media by extension, the public focus on The government party in and, by extension, the public the clash of party leaders. the Commons has a different focus on the clash of party lead- relation between MPs and ers. The leaders debate on national tele- statement sounded the starting gun of political power from that of opposi- vision, in both English and French. How the campaign and dogged her party’s tion MPs and power. A government a leader does there can affect — or be campaign to the end. Similarly, it was party with a majority mandate has its perceived to do so — the campaign if she alone, not other party candidates, hands on all the levers of power to not the election itself. It is now widely who was left to explain and later apol- decide, to appoint, to finance, and to accepted in the literature that ‘debates ogize for her party’s television ad high- produce legislation. are more about accidents and mistakes lighting Jean Chrétien’s partial facial The difference is this: some gov- than about enlightenment on the capa- paralysis. The incident was replayed ernment MPs have access to power, bilities of candidates to govern.’ When on the news for several days, seriously while the rest have access only to Brian Mulroney told John Turner in the damaging Tory chances. The Canadian levers of influence. Neither of these is 1984 campaign, ‘You had an option, sir’ Alliance saw its advantage on health available to opposition MPs. — referring to Turner’s decision after care during the 2000 campaign turned Something like one in five govern- taking office to proceed with Pierre on its head when Jason Kenny, former- ment MPs will be ministers, about Trudeau’s patronage appointments — ly Stockwell Day’s key campaign strate- twenty will be parliamentary secre- or, when Turner told Mulroney in 1988 gist, opened up the issue of two-tier taries, twenty will chair a committee, that he was standing up for Canada in medical care with some ‘poorly chosen one will be Speaker, and another debating the free-trade agreement, the words’ on television. government whip. All in all, some sev- exchanges left party handlers scram- Today, the local candidate is expect- enty or more government MPs hold a bling to minimize political damage. A ed to campaign hard, to keep his or her position of power or influence. The widely read study of the 1988 campaign name out of the limelight, to avoid get- rest enjoy a privileged position in suggests that ‘had the debates not hap- ting the party in trouble, and to leave the Parliament because they are members 102 OPTIONS POLITIQUES DÉCEMBRE 2003 – JANVIER 2004 Parliament Hill, from the top down, leaves MPs at the bottom BOOK EXCERPT of the government caucus, where they going to be “it’s not worth the paper tive. Second, an MP’s efforts on behalf hear about legislative proposals before it’s printed on,” and Brian practised of his or her constituency take place they are introduced into Parliament.

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