Parliament Hill, from the Top Down, Leaves Mps at the Bottom BOOK EXCERPT of the Government Caucus, Where They Going to Be “It’S Not Worth the Paper Tive

BOOK EXCERPT PASSAGES Parliament Hill, from the top down, leaves MPs at the bottom

Donald J. Savoie

MPs are elected in a bottom-up democratic process, vote-by-vote. But government is a top-down process, policy-by-policy, shaped by mandarins, determined by Cabinet, ultimately decided by the prime minister, and only nominally adopted by Parliament. Paul Martin has made much of the democratic deficit facing MPs on Parliament Hill, but as he becomes prime minister his own role will change, from one who proposes to one who decides. In this excerpt from his new book, Breaking the Bargain, Donald J. Savoie, one of Canada’s pre-eminent scholars on politics and government, examines the universe that Martin is inheriting and the roles and relations between parliamentarians, ministers and public servants.

Les députés sont élus un vote à la fois, selon un processus démocratique partant de la base. Mais le gouvernement fonctionne à l’inverse en partant du sommet, une politique à la fois, selon un processus élaboré par les hauts fonctionnaires, déterminé par le cabinet, définitivement arrêté par le premier ministre puis soumis pour la forme à l’approbation du Parlement. Paul Martin a fait grand cas de ce déficit démocratique qui touche les députés. Mais en devenant premier ministre, son rôle changera de celui qui propose à celui qui décide. Dans cet extrait de son dernier ouvrage, Breaking the Bargain, Donald J. Savoie, l’un de meilleurs spécialistes canadiens de l’État et des politiques gouvernementales, examine l’héritage qui échoit à Paul Martin et le rapport entre les rôles de parlementaire, de ministre et de fonctionnaire.

he worlds of politics and ception is reality. Impatience rules — horizontal (i.e., seeking policy coher- bureaucracy are so different to an outsider, things appear far easier ence for operations). It is a very patient T that one wonders how the two to fix than they do from within gov- realm, which values consensus and could possibly learn to work with one ernment departments. A long-term considers itself the permanent custodi- another. Politics is, by definition, bot- perspective in politics is four years, yet an of society’s problems. tom-up, with all voters having one its practitioners must always remain in The prime minister and the cabi- vote. Its boundaries are defined by tune with the voters, who may not net are expected somehow to bring geography, by a constituency with appreciate why solutions are not politics and bureaucracy together, and, community and regional interests to always at hand or being implemented. in conjunction with Parliament, to promote. All politicians, particularly in Government bureaucracy, in con- express the public will and to establish Canada, view things through regional trast, has until recently worked top- the broad duties of the civil service. or territorial lenses and look to the down and transmits decisions and How does Parliament relate to the democratic process for guidance and a directives from higher to lower ranks. government and to the public service? verdict on their performance. This is a It consists of skilled policy analysts How do ministers work with career world shaped by images and by ten- or and administrators, and its boundaries officials? How are policies struck? How fifteen-second linear bursts of bombast are defined by hierarchy, not by geog- do ministers and career officials deal on television or in question period. As raphy. Its perspective is sectoral (for with Parliament’s accountability many have observed, in politics per- example, agriculture and energy) and requirements?

POLICY OPTIONS 101 DECEMBER 2003 – JANUARY 2004 Donald J. Savoie PASSAGES Most Canadians now hold federal pened, there is every indication that the campaign decisions to the professionals politicians of all parties in low regard. Conservatives would have coasted in Ottawa — who, they are told, are Nearly two-thirds believe that MPs home to victory.’ Chrétien’s handlers, in always in a better position to see region- misuse their office to secure personal contrast, were relieved after the 1993, al trade-offs, understand the national benefits, and many MPs themselves 1997, and 2000 debates that he did not interest, and protect the party leader. often lament the fact that they no fare as badly as some had feared. longer command respect in society. Voter perception, often shaped by good number of aspiring and Local candidates do not have the media, help establish leaders’ cred- A even some sitting MPs in Canada much say in putting together their ibility and competence. Campaign regard their lack of national political party’s electoral platform. Pollsters, mistakes widely reported on television experience as a plus. American politics advertising and marketing specialists, news also influence perception. has influenced in Canada, and just as close associates of the party leader, and Stockwell Day experienced this at first many US presidential and congression- a handful of senior party activists, all hand in the 2000 campaign when he al candidates have since the 1970s ‘run working closely with the leader, pro- forgot that Lake Erie was part of the against Washington,’ some Canadian duce the national platform and retain Great Lakes, as did Kim Campbell in MPs take considerable pride in bashing a central role in the campaign organi- 1993, when she declared that the Ottawa. This is obviously the case for zation and running of the national unemployment rate would probably Bloc Québécois candidates, but it is campaign. This is true even of the gov- not drop below 10 percent before the also true of the Canadian Alliance and erning Liberals, notwithstanding a turn of the century. This pessimistic even some Liberal backbenchers. strong caucus and cabinet min- Many newly elected MPs isters from which to draw ideas. Party leaders appear increasingly to arrive in Ottawa uncertain about be the only substantial candidates in their role, the role of the House, arty leaders appear increas- the election race. The national and its relation to government. P ingly to be the only substan- They may not fully appreciate tial candidates in the election media focus on them rather than on that the role of government is to race. The national media focus selected candidates, even those govern and that of the Commons on them rather than on selected enjoying a high profile in their is to subject political power to candidates, even those enjoying regions. Journalists buy seats on certain controls, to provide legiti- a high profile in their regions. macy to government action and Journalists buy seats on their their chartered aircraft and follow activities, and to hold the execu- chartered aircraft and follow them everywhere. The media and, tive to account. them everywhere. The media by extension, the public focus on The government party in and, by extension, the public the clash of party leaders. the Commons has a different focus on the clash of party lead- relation between MPs and ers. The leaders debate on national tele- statement sounded the starting gun of political power from that of opposi- vision, in both English and French. How the campaign and dogged her party’s tion MPs and power. A government a leader does there can affect — or be campaign to the end. Similarly, it was party with a majority mandate has its perceived to do so — the campaign if she alone, not other party candidates, hands on all the levers of power to not the election itself. It is now widely who was left to explain and later apol- decide, to appoint, to finance, and to accepted in the literature that ‘debates ogize for her party’s television ad high- produce legislation. are more about accidents and mistakes lighting Jean Chrétien’s partial facial The difference is this: some gov- than about enlightenment on the capa- paralysis. The incident was replayed ernment MPs have access to power, bilities of candidates to govern.’ When on the news for several days, seriously while the rest have access only to Brian Mulroney told John Turner in the damaging Tory chances. The Canadian levers of influence. Neither of these is 1984 campaign, ‘You had an option, sir’ Alliance saw its advantage on health available to opposition MPs. — referring to Turner’s decision after care during the 2000 campaign turned Something like one in five govern- taking office to proceed with Pierre on its head when Jason Kenny, former- ment MPs will be ministers, about Trudeau’s patronage appointments — ly Stockwell Day’s key campaign strate- twenty will be parliamentary secre- or, when Turner told Mulroney in 1988 gist, opened up the issue of two-tier taries, twenty will chair a committee, that he was standing up for Canada in medical care with some ‘poorly chosen one will be Speaker, and another debating the free-trade agreement, the words’ on television. government whip. All in all, some sev- exchanges left party handlers scram- Today, the local candidate is expect- enty or more government MPs hold a bling to minimize political damage. A ed to campaign hard, to keep his or her position of power or influence. The widely read study of the 1988 campaign name out of the limelight, to avoid get- rest enjoy a privileged position in suggests that ‘had the debates not hap- ting the party in trouble, and to leave the Parliament because they are members

102 OPTIONS POLITIQUES DÉCEMBRE 2003 – JANVIER 2004 Parliament Hill, from the top down, leaves MPs at the bottom BOOK EXCERPT of the government caucus, where they going to be “it’s not worth the paper tive. Second, an MP’s efforts on behalf hear about legislative proposals before it’s printed on,” and Brian practised of his or her constituency take place they are introduced into Parliament. tearing it in half and in half again and away from the media, are usually non- More important, they have weekly throwing these bits of paper up into threatening, and are often one-on-one opportunities to challenge the prime the air; that was the TV clip.’ (an MP and the relevant minister or minister and ministers in private and Doug Young, while an opposition career official). The prime minister and to voice opinions about government MP, launched a high-profile campaign cabinet never feel threatened or even policies or operations. to fight the Mulroney government’s challenged by an MP working on The prospect of future rewards also strengthens Many newly elected MPs arrive in Ottawa uncertain about the hand of the prime min- their role, the role of the House, and its relation to ister. Although some MPs government. They may not fully appreciate that the role of are quite happy not to be in government is to govern and that of the Commons is to cabinet, they are very much in the minority. One minis- subject political power to certain controls, to provide ter suggested that ‘at least legitimacy to government action and activities, and to hold 90 percent of the govern- the executive to account. ment caucus, if not more, would welcome an opportunity to sit plan to reduce Via Rail services in behalf of the constituency. They see it in cabinet. For the great majority of us, Atlantic Canada and to introduce cuts as an important part of an MP’s work. that is why we run for Parliament.’ to the Unemployment Insurance (UI) When Prime Minister Chrétien was program. He urged New Brunswickers taken to task for intervening before a pposition MPs are also expected to help him stop the government dead crown corporation on behalf of a busi- O to embrace their party’s policies, in its tracks, on the grounds that both ness in his constituency (i.e., the so- to vote with the party on legislation, measures would hurt the provincial called Shawinigate scandal), or when and to fall in line behind the leader. economy. He even offered to organize he secured public funds to build a Opposition leaders can always hold public hearings to enable all New water fountain in the riding, he out the promise of appointment if Brunswickers to demonstrate their responded by saying that he was sim- they ever achieve power. In addition, opposition to the plans. Now, fast for- ply doing his work as an MP. they can remove some MPs from rela- ward to Chrétien’s first mandate, Robert Thibault, clerk-treasurer of tively high-profile ‘shadow-cabinet’ where that same Mr Young turned all Argyle, a small community in rural positions. MPs know that internal dis- his energy to fiscal concerns. He took Nova Scotia, was elected to Parliament sension can hinder their party’s to the program-review exercise with in 2000, and Jean Chrétien immediate- chances in the next election. gusto and promoted a policy to sell the ly appointed him to cabinet. Leaving Yet opposition MPs have a much country’s air navigation system, priva- his first cabinet meeting, he told jour- freer hand in speaking out on policy tize CN Rail, reduce still further subsi- nalists: ‘I finally know what paradigm issues and government operations dies to Via Rail, and do away shift means.’ Overnight Thibault than do government MPs, provided completely with freight rate subsidies became not only a member of the cab- that they do not harm their party’s for Atlantic manufacturers. Moreover, inet but also the minister responsible image. The goal is very often to humil- he came out in favour of substantial for the Atlantic Canada Opportunities iate the government and to gain a pro- cuts to UI. What explains his remark- Agency, which had a $400-million file in the media. Again, so long as one able about-face? One can only assume annual budget and a staff of over 300. does not embarrass his or her leader, that it was not political ideology or On the first day on the job, a min- everything seems to be fair game. John sound policy work. Rather, it was the ister meets his deputy minister who Nunziata, a former MP and a member pursuit of political power and a recog- hands over several thick briefing of the so-called rat pack of four Liberal nition of the reality of public policy books. These introduce departmental members who always taunted the once he was in power. policies, program objectives, key staff, Mulroney government in question and issues and challenges. The minis- period, explains: ‘We were carefree and overnment MPs will usually har- ter immediately becomes responsible at times careless. We were a hot com- G bour any political capital they for everything done in the depart- modity.’ He reported that fellow rat- have to promote their constituency, ment, past and present, and every- pack member Brian Tobin ‘repeatedly province, and region. First, a regional thing may be the object of rehearsed ripping up a report in pri- caucus encourages them to look at parliamentary scrutiny. He or she is vate before performing it publicly dur- government policies and programs accountable to Parliament and to the ing question period. The line was from a regional or territorial perspec- public. The minister can hire staff to

POLICY OPTIONS 103 DECEMBER 2003 – JANUARY 2004 Donald J. Savoie PASSAGES

CP Photo Many newly elected MPs arrive on Parliament Hill “uncertain about their role, the role of the House, and its relation to government,” writes Donald Savoie in Breaking the Bargain.

manage the office, to deal with the guage and on regional issues but rarely What matters to ministers who media, to advise on policy, to look from an ideological or policy perspec- decide simply to linger on is that they after political interests, and to deal tive. One former deputy minister retain a seat in cabinet or are able to with the party. Limousine and chauf- summed it up well: ‘My experience as win that prized possession again and feur are always at the ready to whisk often as not was that the minister had hold on to it. The key to success thus is him or her away to another meeting. no view on policy.’ In the absence of straightforward: stay out of trouble clear policy principles, the minister’s with the media, and handle question hat, then, makes a minister suc- objective is to survive, to protect his or period with dexterity. The prime min- W cessful? In Canada at least, her political interest and that of the ister and no one else decides if minis- longevity in power is its own reward. government. When he shuffled his ters are successful or not. He is the There are very few who make it to cab- cabinet in January 2002, Jean Chrétien boss. One long-serving deputy minis- inet at the federal level for having observed that ‘it is a privilege to be a ter (more than ten years) observed, strongly identified with a political ide- minister. It isn’t a long-term contract.’ ‘You have no idea what kind of power ology or a policy position. That is not Most ministers see cabinet in terms not the prime minister holds over minis- the Canadian way. Cabinet ministers of ideology or clear policy positions, ters. He has in his hands the minister’s may well hold strong views on lan- but rather of ambition and survival. car, his chauffeur, his office, his job,

104 OPTIONS POLITIQUES DÉCEMBRE 2003 – JANVIER 2004 Parliament Hill, from the top down, leaves MPs at the bottom BOOK EXCERPT his ego, and so on. I have been in the If, however, the minister has the administrative shortcoming showcased. public service for nearly thirty years in prime minister’s support, then de-part- They may take comfort in the knowledge the Privy Council Office and line mental officials give their best effort. that it is the minister who must face the departments, and I can tell you that They consult outside groups, engage music, but they realize that shortcomings the grovel count in the great majority the interdepartmental policy process, reflect more on how deputy ministers of ministers has always been quite work with central agencies, and pro- run their departments than on the min- high and, if anything, it keeps getting vide the minister with all the support ister. Deputy ministers and other senior higher as the years go by.’ needed to pilot proposed measures officials see no contradiction in support- ing their ministers and giving What, then, makes a minister successful? In Canada at least, them as much ammunition longevity in power is its own reward. There are very few who as possible, while at the same make it to cabinet at the federal level for having strongly time considering themselves non-partisan. Their long identified with a political ideology or a policy position. That is experience in government not the Canadian way. Cabinet ministers may well hold has taught them to know strong views on language and on regional issues but rarely intuitively when to support a from an ideological or policy perspective. minister responsible for the department and when to Not all ministers, however, are through the decision-making process. back away if the minister is looking for happy just to linger on. Some want to The goal is to get the measures partisan support. challenge the status quo, and some- through the policy process, and career The PCO published a document in times all ministers have to deal with officials achieve the required consen- 1990 on the role and responsibilities of powerful forces (such as program sus among departments. career officials in relation to politi- review) that push departments to All ministers know that the House cians. It states that it is the responsibil- change course. Others work hand in of Commons helps determine success, ity ‘of individual public servants to hand with their officials to promote in the eyes of the prime minister, col- provide advice and information to departmental interests, to secure new leagues, government caucus, the Ministers, to carry out faithfully the funding from the prime minister, and media, and ultimately Canadians. For directions given by Ministers, and in to persuade the minister of finance to many ministers, the Commons means so doing to serve the people of support new initiatives. Still others question period. Very few ministers Canada. Public servants are account- may be tempted to overhaul depart- encounter problems in a standing able to their superiors and ultimately mental policies and programs because committee. To start with, they do not to their Minister for the proper and they want to see a change of course. spend much time there, because gov- competent execution of their duties.’ The key to success for these ener- ernment MPs constitute a majority Responsibility for providing informa- getic, ambitious ministers is gaining and the media hardly pay any atten- tion ‘to Parliament and its committees the support of the prime minister, his tion to work there. Apart from ques- rests with ministers.’ or her advisers, and central agencies tion period, many ministers ignore the These quotations suggest that rela- and establishing a strong working work of the Commons and MPs often tions between civil servants and pol- relationship with senior depart- speak to a near-empty House. iticians have hardly changed since mental officials. Otherwise there is 1867. A number of other factors sug- not much hope for success. Indeed, uestion period, however, is a dif- gest a degree of stability in relations any ministers who set out alone to Q ferent matter. Senior officials between the two groups. The basic overhaul departmental policies will monitor it very carefully and often departmental structure remains essen- be identified as rogue ministers by turn on a television to watch it. They tially intact, the merit principle still the PMO and the PCO. If that hap- know that it is a forum for the opposi- applies in staffing, and the bulk of the pens, the minister will be reeled in. tion, which hopes to put ministers on civil service remains largely non-parti- Departmental officials will then take the defensive, to identify policy or san. The doctrine of ministerial their cue from the clerk of the Privy administrative miscues, and to grab responsibility may have faded in Council, and although they will give media attention. There is always the recent years, but it still applies. Most an appearance of support, their risk that the department could be deputy ministers are still ‘lifers.’ The efforts will actually be modest. New caught in political cross-fire. civil service continues to be the chief ministers have the career officials Ministers can count on the support nursery of senior bureaucrats, since the who served their predecessors and as of their departmental officials as they great majority of deputy ministers and a rule do not intervene in promo- prepare for question period. No one, least assistant deputy ministers come from tions within their departments. of all deputy ministers, wants to see an within its ranks.

POLICY OPTIONS 105 DECEMBER 2003 – JANUARY 2004 Donald J. Savoie PASSAGES But beneath the surface things by the prime minister and a handful of Quite apart from its true purpose, have changed, the most significant advisers, including some senior minis- the Red Book had more success before being a loss in confidence. One can also ters; and policy proposals that bubble Chrétien came to office than after. detect subtle but major shifts in rela- up from departments. Once the party was in power, the book tions between politicians and career Career officials are not present lost at least some of its relevance. officials. The latter are less assertive in when political parties set out to define Finance Minister Paul Martin instruct- their dealings with politicians, notably policies and their electoral platforms. ed his departmental officials time and ministers, than was the case twenty, As we saw above, policies are defined again to ignore it. Martin is quoted as thirty, or forty years ago. There are signs and packaged by a handful of advisers telling his senior Finance officials, everywhere that senior officials have working with the leader. Once in ‘Don’t tell me what’s in the Red started to accept the criticism of the late power, a prime minister will turn to Book...I wrote the goddamn thing. 1970s and early 1980s — that they held ministers and officials to implement And I know that a lot of it is crap...the too much influence over both policy the party’s policies. Career officials are Goddamn thing [was] thrown together and government operations. They quite good at doing what they are told quickly in the last three weeks of July. decided in the 1984 transition of power to do, and the Liberal Red Book of Things hadn’t been properly thought to hand over the policy steering wheel 1993 is a case in point. Career officials through.’ In any event, the govern- to the incoming government with the kept a checklist of things to do flowing ment reneged on a number of com- implicit message, ‘Now you drive.’ from those commitments and on mitments — both large and small — implementation. including the pledge to renegotiate he PCO rarely publishes ‘How to’ NAFTA, to introduce daycare, to T documents. But it decided to do he problem, however, is that the replace the GST, to strengthen the so to assist career officials in Crisis T civil service is rarely told clearly Department of the Environment, and Management — the title of a publica- what to do. Even the Red Book exercise to cut spending on outside consultants tion. That publication declares that ‘a — one time when politicians came to by $620 million annually, beginning crisis is a crisis when the media, Parlia- office with a list of things to do — had in fiscal year 1995–96. ment and/or credible or powerful its limits. The purpose of the Red Book interest groups identify it as a crisis.’ was to draw attention away from the nce firmly in power, a prime Someone outside the civil service negative press coverage over Jean O minister and his or her court of decides that a crisis exists — speaking Chrétien’s alleged inability to articu- advisers usually introduce new meas- truth to power turned on its head. late a vision for the country, to present ures to fit emerging economic circum- Although each crisis is different, the new ideas, and to dispel the charge stances (hence the program-review media and interest groups react with often heard in the early 1990s that he exercise) or to pursue measures of ‘predictable sameness.’ They want to was ‘yesterday’s man.’ Before Kim strong interest to them — for exam- blame someone and ask, ‘When will Campbell’s débâcle in mid-campaign, ple, Chrétien and the Millennium the party at fault be fired [and] when public-opinion surveys reported that Scholarship Foundation, Mulroney did the organization discover the prob- Chrétien was found lacking on several and the Canada–US Free Trade lem?’ The publication tells career offi- fronts and that the media were por- Agreement, and Trudeau and consti- cials that the usual arguments, for ‘being silent The Red Book had more success before Chrétien came to must be resisted, such as office than after. Once the party was in power, the book lost the need to assemble more at least some of its relevance. Finance Minister Paul Martin facts.’ They should ‘take the initiative, make news.’ It instructed his departmental officials time and again to ignore adds, ‘Do not hesitate to it. Martin is quoted as telling his senior Finance officials, admit that you do not have ‘Don’t tell me what’s in the Red Book...I wrote the goddamn all the answers,’ because ‘a thing. And I know that a lot of it is crap...’ crisis is not the time to defend policies on the basis of a supe- traying him as ‘idea-less Jean tutional patriation and the National rior record or outstanding perform- Chrétien.’ He and his advisers set out Energy Program. When a prime min- ance in the past.’ If nothing else, crisis to deal head on with this charge and ister decides that an issue or an initia- management has forced career officials concluded that the Red Book would be tive should be pursued, the role of to shed some of their anonymity. the solution. It would draw attention career officials is clear: deliver the What about policy development? to a series of campaign commitments goods. They clear ‘roadblocks,’ deal There are three routes: policies defined and thereby suggest that Chrétien with constraint, and ensure that by the party in power; policies defined could indeed generate new ideas. measures are implemented as envis-

106 OPTIONS POLITIQUES DÉCEMBRE 2003 – JANVIER 2004 Parliament Hill, from the top down, leaves MPs at the bottom BOOK EXCERPT aged. In some ways, then, they ment initiating the proposal has to put business of supply is central to the par- become accomplices to the prime a fair bit of water in its wine to secure liamentary system, and the standard minister and his senior advisers. agreement. Consulted departments belief is that Parliament scrutinizes the Exasperation with the policy-mak- need to show that their presence in the government’s spending plans and ing process has pushed prime ministers process had some impact. Outside holds it to account for its actual spend- — the only people with the clout to do so advisory groups also want to see their ing. Parliament receives thousands of — to make policies by announcements. influence if they are to give the final pages of information during the esti- That is, the prime minister simply deliv- measure a sense of legitimacy among mates process, but no one still har- ers a major speech to unveil a new policy interested parties. Ministers are not bours any illusion that the House has (for example, Chrétien and the Kyoto present in this elaborate process. They the capacity to grasp, review, criticize, Protocol) and then lets the policy process are briefed from time to time, and the or even support the government’s pick up the pieces. The process then fol- PCO monitors proposals very closely spending plans. lows the announcement. Canadians now as they are defined, if only to brief the Question period provides good recognize the power of the prime minis- prime minister. theatre, but little else. Television has ter, and they will make every effort to Although recent developments transformed the exercise by placing a harness it. For example, a group of con- have served to broaden their policy premium on ten-second clips that can cerned citizens from northern New and program realm, senior career offi- grab the attention of news editors. Brunswick held a press conference to cials in Canada are less confident today Charges and accusations fly across the reveal that they had asked to floor, but neither the minister meet the prime minister to ask Prime ministers know better than nor career officials ever seem that a stretch of road in their anyone else the price to pay for hav- to pay for mistakes. That community be upgraded. A meet- ing one’s ideas go through the serves to strengthen the per- ing with the provincial minister ception that accountability is or, for that matter, the federal standard policy process. In many missing. Yet a culture of error minister of transport would not instances, an idea is reduced to the avoidance permeates govern- do. If residents in a small rural lowest common denominator among ment operations and inhibits community know where political varying positions. The boldness officials from being forthright power lies, so do MPs. They know about any shortcomings. that the prime minister can, at found in initial policy proposals has Ministers are quite happy to the stroke of a pen, or with a sim- been watered down, and decisions see decisions sucked to the top ple ‘Yes,’ make things happen. may well result from a need to arrive of the organization to mini- When this does not occur, then at an agreement. It may be described mize the chances of admin- the process is porous and shared, istrative miscues. and in such an atmosphere poli- as a process of mutual co-optation. And MPs readily criticize cy actors, including ministers, The department initiating the the failings of their own insti- have influence, not power. Jean proposal has to put a fair bit of water tution. It is not uncommon, Chrétien left no doubt on this in its wine to secure agreement. for example, to hear an MP point when he observed: ‘The describe Parliament as ‘a total- Prime Minister is the Prime Minister and than was the case forty years ago. The ly dysfunctional institution.’ The he has the cabinet to advise him. At the reasons for this change are varied. Ottawa-based publication Parlia- end of the day, it is the Prime Minister Because of more insistent media and mentary Government published in 1995 who says, “yes” or “no.”’ laws on access to information, ministe- a collection of comments and obser- rial staffers are able to roam through vations from MPs on the workings of rime ministers know better than departmental hierarchies to secure the Commons. The following observa- P anyone else the price to pay for answers quickly. In addition, Canadian tion is typical: ‘I’ve found being an having one’s ideas go through the career officials, like public servants in MP in Parliament and Parliament standard policy process. In many other Anglo-American democracies, itself more irrelevant than I thought.’ instances, an idea is reduced to the appear to have accepted the argument lowest common denominator among that bureaucrats had too much power. Donald J. Savoie is Clement Cormier varying positions. The boldness found The decision by the clerk of the Privy Chair in Economic Development at the in initial policy proposals has been Council to hand over control of policy Universite de Moncton, and Senior Fellow watered down, and decisions may well to the incoming government in 1984 of the IRPP. Excerpted from Breaking the result from a need to arrive at an agree- speaks volumes. Bargain, published in the fall of 2003 by ment. It may be described as a process Institutional myths survive long University of Toronto Press. By permis- of mutual co-optation. The depart- after they have lost their power. The sion of the author and the publisher.

POLICY OPTIONS 107 DECEMBER 2003 – JANUARY 2004