Personnel Strategies for the Sandf to 2000 and Beyond

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Personnel Strategies for the Sandf to 2000 and Beyond number fourteen THE CRITICAL COMPONENT: PERSONNEL STRATEGIES FOR THE SANDF TO 2000 AND BEYOND by James Higgs THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Established 1934 The Critical Component: Personnel Strategies for the SANDF to 2000 and Beyond James Higgs The Critical Component: Personnel Strategies for the SANDF to 2000 and Beyond James Higgs Director of Studies South African Institute of International Affairs Copyright ©1998 THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Jan Smuts House, Braamfontein, Johannesburg, South Africa Tel: (011) 339-2021; Fax: (011) 339-2154 All rights reserved ISBN: 1-874890-92-7 Report No. 14 SAIIA National Office Bearers Dr Conrad Strauss Gibson Thula • Elisabeth Bradley Brian Hawksworth • Alec Pienaar Dr Greg Mills Abstract This report contains the findings of a research project which examined the way in which the personnel strategies in the South African National Defence Force (SANDF ) are organised. A number of recommendations are made which are aimed at securing efficient, effective and democratically legitimate armed forces for South Africa. Section Four sets out the recommendations in the areas of: a public relations strategy for the SANDF ; the conditions of service which govern employment of personnel; a plan for retaining key personnel; a strategy for the adjustment of pay structures; a review of race representivity plans for the SANDF ; a strategy for reducing internal tension while reinforcing cultural identity and diversity; an overview of the rationalisation and retrenchment plans; observations on the health and fitness of the SANDF personnel; recommendations for increased efficiency in the administrative process and for the review of the current structure of support functions. Acknowledgments The author gratefully acknowledges the financial support of the British High Commission, Pretoria, in the pursuit of this project set up by Dr Greg Mills, National Director at the South African Institute of International Affairs (SA11A). The views expressed, however, are entirely my own and do not reflect the position of any government or institution. Many people who cannot be named have been supportive during the course of this research, and to them I owe a great debt of gratitude. Among those whom I can thank publicly, there are: Richard Morgan and Brigadier Murray Wiidman of the British High Commission; Patricia Hewitson of the Australian High Commission; Major-General Joan van der Poel of the Directorate of Personnel, SANDF ; Major-General Jackie Sedibe, Director of Equal Opportunities, SANDF ; Major-Genera! Andrew Masondo, Director of Corporate Communications, SANDF ; Lindy Heinecken of the Military Academy at Saldanha; Rear Admiral (JG) Peter Keene, Officer Commanding Naval Base, Simon's Town; Rear Admiral (JG) Jack Nel, Transformation Programme Director, South African Navy; Commander Chris Mertz, Training Commander SAS Saldanha; Dr Ian Hamill of the British Defence Advisory Team; the members of the British Military Advisory and Training Team, Pretoria; and Major-General (Retd.) Deon Mortimer; Dr Garth Shelton and Dr Philip Frankel of the University of the Witwatersrand. The assistance of my colleagues at SAIIA with earlier drafts was greatly appreciated. In particular, Dr Greg Mills and Professor Martin Edmonds have been most helpful, and Anne Katz, Andre Snyders, Pippa Lange and particularly Nicola Prins have been instrumental in making it less imperfect than it would otherwise have been. The faults, of course, are my responsibility. IV Dedication This report is dedicated to its subject; the men and women of the South African National Defence Force who are building the armed forces for the future. Table of Contents Abstract iii Acknowledgements iv List of Tables vii 1. Introduction 1 1.1 The Background 1 1.2 The Context 2 1.3 The International Security Context 2 1.4 The Internal Context 4 1.5 The Budgetary Context 5 2. The Challenge of Integration 7 2.1 The Induction Process 7 2.2 Ethos and the SADF 10 2.3 Ethos and the Non-Statutory Forces 12 2.4 Ethos and the SANDF 14 2.5 Demobilisation 14 3. Current Issues in SANDF Personnel Strategy 18 3.1 Legitimacy, Image and Public Relations 18 3.2 Recruitment 21 3.3 Conditions of Service 24 3.4 Retention 24 3.5 Pay and Allowances 25 3.6 Race Representivity 27 3.7 Promotion 30 3.8 Language and Cultural Diversity 31 3.9 Gender 34 3.10 Professional Representation 35 3.11 Rationalisation and Retrenchment 36 3.12 Health and Fitness 37 3.13 Administrative Process 37 3.14 Personnel Structure of Support Functions 38 4. Towards a Personnel Strategy 2000: Considerations for Policy 39 5. Selected Reading 42 6. Glossary 42 7. Appendices 45 Songs from the Era of Struggle 45 About the SAIIA 46 Recent SAIIA Publications 47 About the Author 48 List of Tables Table 1: SA Defence Budget Distribution 1989-90 Relative to 1997-98 Table 2: Medium Term Defence Budget Allocation for Personnel, Operating and Capital Table 3: SANDF Integration Numbers Table 4: Demobilisation Payments 15 Table 5: Changes in DOD Composition (including civilians) per Race, 1994-97 15 Table 6: DOD Composition by Former Force of Origin (including civilians) as at 1 May 1997 16 Table 7: SANDF Planned Terms of Service 24 Table 8: Salary Ranges for Military Practitioners, 1996 26 Table 9: Allowances Available in the SANDF 27 Table 10: Race Representation: Nationally and in the SA Army 29 Table 11: Officially Proposed Recruitment Quotas for the SA Army 30 Table 12: Infantry Mustering by Rank and Former Force of Origin 36 VII 1. Introduction 1.1 The Background It can hardly be overemphasised that the creation of the SANDF has been one of the great success stories of the modern South Africa, and that major progress has been made in the transformation of this critical area of public service. Inevitably, a study of this kind will focus on the work that is still to be done, but it is worth paying tribute at the outset to the determination, commitment and sheer effort of the SANDF personnel who have made it their business to play a part in the long, difficult and sometimes frustrating process of building a Defence Force of which South Africa can be proud. However, substantial questions remain about the tasks which it will be expected to fulfil, its budgetary allocations, its personnel structures and the equipment procurement programme. This study seeks to address the following questions: • To set the context in which the SANDF operates and to outline the approach of the study. • To examine the stated rationale for the SANDF . • To assess the challenges posed by the creation of the SANDF . • To report on the current status of the personnel organisation in the SANDF . • To extract and analyse the lessons which can be learnt from the experience of other armed forces. • To define the issues which need to be addressed by a personnel strategy for the SANDF . This study aimed to provide policy recommendations that can make a constructive contribution to the debate about the future of the SANDF . Originally, the intention was that a number of case studies would be used to extract useful lessons for South Africa. This proved unworkable both because the details furnished by a full case-study would have been too discrepant from South Africa's circumstances to be helpful1 and because, in certain cases, the relevant information was unavailable. Accordingly, comparative information used on occasion to illustrate a point or clarify an issue is derived ma\n\y from the British Armed Forces. This study focusses exclusively on the full-time component of the SANDF. 'For more information on demobilisation in Angola, Chad, Mozambique, Namibia, Nicaragua, Uganda and Zimbabwe see the executive summary of the World Bank Discussion Paper, Demobilisation and Reintegration of Military Personnel in Africa, reprinted in Cilliers, J (ed.), Dismissed: Demobilisation and Reintegration of Former Combatants in Africa, Institute for Defence Policy, 1996. 1.2 The Context The 1990s have been a time of drastic change for the SANDF. Not only have they been faced with the radical downsizing and restructuring which have confronted many major actors in response to the end of the Cold War, but they have also been required to adapt to the revolution in domestic politics which ended the apartheid regime and installed a new government in power under the presidency of Nelson Mandela. The demands placed upon the armed forces have ranged from the integration of tens of thousands of personnel from a variety of statutory (mostly regular) and non-statutory forces {mostly irregular) and to the constitutional re-establishment of democratic control, to requests by other countries for South African participation in peacekeeping missions. The newly created SANDF has embarked upon an immense task. First, it must attempt to create a common institutional culture which will be both acceptable to personnel drawn from a diverse range of ethnic backgrounds, and effective as a means of generating the esprit de corps upon which fighting forces depend for their unit cohesion. They must also recruit, train and deploy this force at a time when the resources allocated to the defence budget have come under severe pressure from the demands of other areas of government spending. The third aspect of this process of reformation has been to attempt to re-establish the legitimacy of the South Africa's armed forces with those whose treatment by the security forces of the state under the previous regime was what might be described as summary. On analysing human resource strategies for armed forces, it is helpful to consider the contexts in which they take place and the kinds of models from which the new force structure might be derived.2 The contexts include the international security environment from which perceived threat or risk is generated and to which it is the primary function of armed forces to respond, the internal circumstances where policy is driven by political, cultural and budgetary factors, and the inherited context in which the traces of previous regimes, policies and programmes are imposed upon contemporary policy-makers.
Recommended publications
  • Download This Report
    Military bases and camps of the liberation movement, 1961- 1990 Report Gregory F. Houston Democracy, Governance, and Service Delivery (DGSD) Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) 1 August 2013 Military bases and camps of the liberation movements, 1961-1990 PREPARED FOR AMATHOLE DISTRICT MUNICIPALITY: FUNDED BY: NATIONAL HERITAGE COUNCI Table of Contents Acronyms and Abbreviations ..................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................... iii Chapter 1: Introduction ...............................................................................................................1 Chapter 2: Literature review ........................................................................................................4 Chapter 3: ANC and PAC internal camps/bases, 1960-1963 ........................................................7 Chapter 4: Freedom routes during the 1960s.............................................................................. 12 Chapter 5: ANC and PAC camps and training abroad in the 1960s ............................................ 21 Chapter 6: Freedom routes during the 1970s and 1980s ............................................................. 45 Chapter 7: ANC and PAC camps and training abroad in the 1970s and 1980s ........................... 57 Chapter 8: The ANC’s prison camps ........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Non-Whites in the South African Defence Force by Cmdt C.J
    Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 16, Nr 2, 1986. http://scientiamilitaria.journals.ac.za The Role of Non-Whites in the South African Defence Force by Cmdt C.J. N6thling* assisted by Mrs L. 5teyn* The early period for Blacks, Coloureds and Indians were non- existent. It was, however, inevitable that they As long ago as 1700, when the Cape of Good would be resuscitated when war came in 1939. Hope was still a small settlement ruled by the Dutch East India Company, Coloureds were As war establishment tables from this period subject to the same military duties as Euro- indicate, Non-Whites served as separate units in peans. non-combatant roles such as drivers, stretcher- bearers and batmen. However, in some cases It was, however, a foreign war that caused the the official non-combatant edifice could not be establishment of the first Pandour regiment in maintained especially as South Africa's shortage 1781. They comprised a force under white offi- of manpower became more acute. This under- cers that fought against the British prior to the lined the need for better utilization of Non-Whites occupation of the Cape in 1795. Between the in posts listed on the establishment tables of years 1795-1803 the British employed white units and a number of Non-Whites were Coloured soldiers; they became known as the subsequently attached to combat units and they Cape Corps after the second British occupation rendered active service, inter alia in an anti-air- in 1806. During the first period of British rule craft role.
    [Show full text]
  • SA Navy Is Offering Young South African Citizens an Excellent Opportunity to Serve in Uniform Over a Two-Year Period
    defence Department: Defence REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA SOUTH AFRICAN NAVY “THE PEOPLES NAVY” MILITARY SKILLS DEVELOPMENT SYSTEM 2021 COMBAT, ENGINEERING, TECHNICAL, SUPPORT Please indicate highest qualification achieved BACKGROUND Graduate ........................................................................................................ MILITARY SKILLS DEVELOPMENT SYSTEM (MSDS) (e.g. National Diploma Human Resource) Matric The SA Navy is offering young South African citizens an excellent opportunity to serve in uniform over a two-year period. The Military Skills Development System MUSTERING (MSDS) is a two-year voluntary service system with the aim of equipping and TECHNICAL SUPPORT developing young South Africans with the necessary skills in order to compete in the open market. ENGINEERING COMBAT Young recruits are required to sign up for a period of two-years, during which Please complete the following Biographical Information: they will receive Military Training and further Functional Training. First Names: ........................................................................................................... All applicants must comply with the following: Surname: ................................................................................................................ - South African Citizen (no dual citizenship). - Have no record of criminal offences. ID Number: ............................................................................................................. - Not be area bound. Tel.(H) ........................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Genesis of the Anc's Armed Struggle in South
    THE GENESIS OF THE ANC’S ARMED STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1948-1961 Stephen Ellis ABSTRACT Revelations made by veterans of the period and the opening of various archives have thrown significant new light on the origins of Umkhonto we Sizwe. It is now clear that the South African Communist Party (SACP) was the first component of the congress alliance to decide to launch an armed struggle against the apartheid state, in late 1960, having consulted the Chinese leader Mao Zedong in person. Only later was the issue debated in the senior organs of the African National Congress and other allied organisations. It has also become apparent that the first commander of Umkhonto we Sizwe, Nelson Mandela, was a member of the SACP. The main thrust of these observations is to demonstrate the degree to which the opening of the armed struggle in South Africa was inscribed in the politics of the cold war. * On 16 December 2011, South Africa commemorates the fiftieth anniversary of the opening of hostilities by Umkhonto we Sizwe. The sixteenth of December 1961 is generally regarded as the formal beginning of the armed struggle that was to culminate in the 1994 election of South Africa’s first majority government, led by the African National Congress (ANC). The following month, January 2012, marks the centenary of the ANC’s own foundation. The coincidence of these two anniversaries is sure to be the occasion for much official celebration in South Africa and among friends of the ANC elsewhere. Umkhonto we Sizwe was originally described by its leaders as an autonomous body formed by members of the ANC and members of the South African Communist Party (SACP) working in parallel.
    [Show full text]
  • NAVAL FORCES USING THORDON SEAWATER LUBRICATED PROPELLER SHAFT BEARINGS September 7, 2021
    NAVAL AND COAST GUARD REFERENCES NAVAL FORCES USING THORDON SEAWATER LUBRICATED PROPELLER SHAFT BEARINGS September 7, 2021 ZERO POLLUTION | HIGH PERFORMANCE | BEARING & SEAL SYSTEMS RECENT ORDERS Algerian National Navy 4 Patrol Vessels Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2020 Argentine Navy 3 Gowind Class Offshore Patrol Ships Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2022-2027 Royal Australian Navy 12 Arafura Class Offshore Patrol Vessels Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2021-2027 Royal Australian Navy 2 Supply Class Auxiliary Oiler Replenishment (AOR) Ships Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2020 Government of Australia 1 Research Survey Icebreaker Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2020 COMPAC SXL Seawater lubricated propeller Seawater lubricated propeller shaft shaft bearings for blue water bearings & grease free rudder bearings LEGEND 2 | THORDON Seawater Lubricated Propeller Shaft Bearings RECENT ORDERS Canadian Coast Guard 1 Fishery Research Ship Thordon SXL Bearings 2020 Canadian Navy 6 Harry DeWolf Class Arctic/Offshore Patrol Ships (AOPS) Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2020-2022 Egyptian Navy 4 MEKO A-200 Frigates Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2021-2024 French Navy 4 Bâtiments Ravitailleurs de Force (BRF) – Replenishment Vessels Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2021-2027 French Navy 1 Classe La Confiance Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2020 French Navy 1 Socarenam 53 Custom Patrol Vessel Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2019 THORDON Seawater Lubricated Propeller Shaft Bearings | 3 RECENT ORDERS German Navy 4 F125 Baden-Württemberg Class Frigates Thordon COMPAC Bearings 2019-2021 German Navy 5 K130
    [Show full text]
  • Boycotts and Sanctions Against South Africa: an International History, 1946-1970
    Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2016 Simon Stevens All rights reserved ABSTRACT Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens This dissertation analyzes the role of various kinds of boycotts and sanctions in the strategies and tactics of those active in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. What was unprecedented about the efforts of members of the global anti-apartheid movement was that they experimented with so many ways of severing so many forms of interaction with South Africa, and that boycotts ultimately came to be seen as such a central element of their struggle. But it was not inevitable that international boycotts would become indelibly associated with the struggle against apartheid. Calling for boycotts and sanctions was a political choice. In the years before 1959, most leading opponents of apartheid both inside and outside South Africa showed little interest in the idea of international boycotts of South Africa. This dissertation identifies the conjuncture of circumstances that caused this to change, and explains the subsequent shifts in the kinds of boycotts that opponents of apartheid prioritized. It shows that the various advocates of boycotts and sanctions expected them to contribute to ending apartheid by a range of different mechanisms, from bringing about an evolutionary change in white attitudes through promoting the desegregation of sport, to weakening the state’s ability to resist the efforts of the liberation movements to seize power through guerrilla warfare.
    [Show full text]
  • Cosmopolitans in Close Quarters: Everyday Life in the Ranks of Umkhonto We Sizwe (1961-Present)
    COSMOPOLITANS IN CLOSE QUARTERS: EVERYDAY LIFE IN THE RANKS OF UMKHONTO WE SIZWE (1961-PRESENT) By STEPHEN DAVIS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2010 1 © 2010 Stephen R. Davis 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Acknowledgements most often begin with some sort of statement about how a dissertation is a collaborative effort. In my experience this is true, but not all acknowledged pull the same load of weight. In terms of fairness and honesty, I am acknowledging people in the rough order of the amount of weight they pulled. My brother preserved my ability to think like a human being. He also encouraged me to keep drawing if things got too tough. I thank him for both his ability to preserve my own innate senses and for his encouragement. I thank Duduzile for reasons only we know. If my ideas carry any weight by themselves, I have Luise White to thank. I once made the mistake of thanking her for training me as a historian. I received the appropriate response for thinking that I had been trained. I now acknowledge Luise for giving me the courage to think laterally about history and life, and to have the wisdom to call out some of the linear thinking within both of these worlds. She also taught me how to accept a complement and to preserve my sense of humor about things that are beyond my control or comprehension. I owe her my sincerest gratitude for these things and more.
    [Show full text]
  • African National Congress Statement to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
    African National Congress Statement to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission August 1996 Contents Executive Summary ANC Statement to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission 1. PREFACE 2. INTRODUCTION 3. THE HISTORICAL AND INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT 3.1 The prehistory of colonialism, dispossession and segregation 3.2 The history of the ANC to 1960 3.3 Just struggle in the international context 3.4 Apartheid and human rights 3.5 Apartheid human rights violations in an international context 4. THE NATIONAL PARTY, APARTHEID AND THE ANATOMY OF REPRESSION, 1948-1994 4.1 The post-1948 legislative programme of apartheid 4.2 The repressive apartheid security state, 1960-1974 4.3 The institutional violence and social consequences of apartheid 4.4 Judiciary and other forms of repression 4.5 Forced removals and forced incorporation 4.6 Mass repression by the regime in response to mass protests against apartheid 4.7 The height of apartheid repression 4.8 Apartheid and the destabilisation of Southern African countries in the 1980s 4.9 Covert action and state sanctioned gross violations of human rights in the negotiations era of the 1990s 5. PHASES OF STRUGGLE AND ANC POLICY FOUNDATIONS, 1960-1994 5.1 New forms of struggle after Sharpeville and the banning of opposition groups (1960-1969) 5.2 A changing scenario and new challenges (1969-1979) 5.3 Towards "People's War" and "People's Power" (1979-1990) 5.4 The ANC and internal revolt: The role of the Mass Democratic Movement in the 1980s 6. DID THE ANC PERPETRATE ANY GROSS VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS? 6.1 The approach, standards and conduct of the ANC in relation to human rights 6.2 Armed operations and civilian casualties 6.3 Excesses in relation to state agents 6.4 ANC members who died in exile 6.5 The Mass Democratic Movement and excesses in the mass revolt of the 1980s 7.
    [Show full text]
  • Arms Procurement Decision Making Volume II: Chile, Greece, Malaysia
    6. South Africa Gavin Cawthra* I. Introduction One of the few countries in the world to have had a mandatory United Nations arms embargo imposed on it,1 South Africa developed a unique system of arms procurement2 for which the Armaments Corporation of South Africa (Armscor) was created. During the apartheid era—especially after the mandatory UN arms embargo was imposed—arms procurement was necessarily a secretive, often covert, affair carried out with minimal democratic accountability and driven almost entirely by Armscor and the South African Defence Force (SADF). During the transition from apartheid to democracy—between 1990 and the first non-racial national elections in April 1994—substantial changes occurred in the arms procurement process, which was increasingly subjected to multi- party political scrutiny. Many large defence procurement and development projects were scrapped or put on hold and the defence budget went into sharp decline, a trend which continued after the inauguration in May 1994 of the Government of National Unity, which was dominated by the African National Congress (ANC).3 The ANC came to power on a platform which promised a democratically accountable and transparent government that would concentrate on social and economic advance rather than military security. Insofar as the ANC’s security polices were concerned the movement argued that ‘National security and per- sonal security shall be sought primarily through efforts to meet the social, eco- 1 The embargo imposed through UN Security Council Resolution 418 on 4 Nov. 1977. 2 It should be noted that Armscor makes a distinction between ‘procurement’, which is defined as ‘the process required to obtain goods and services from outside the organisation [Armscor]’ and ‘acquisition’, which is transforming ‘an operational capacity into a commissioned system’.
    [Show full text]
  • 23. Andrew Mandla Masondo
    Chapter 23 Andrew Mandla Masondo Andrew Masondo1 is an ANC veteran from the Eastern Cape who was introduced to politics at an early age by his mother. A brilliant student, Masondo was active at Fort Hare University, working with Govan Mbeki recruiting in the rural areas. However, the young man was keen to participate in MK's sabotage campaign, and was arrested and sentenced to imprisonment on Robben Island for carrying out one such action, against the orders of Mbeki. His recollection of life on Robben Island covers relations with common-law prisoners, the gangs on Robben Island, relations with the PAC and members of other organisations on the Island, political education on the Island, and the struggle for better conditions on the Island. I was born on the 27th of October 1936 at Number 68 Grey Street, Sophiatown. My father was Emmanuel Alois Masondo, who was born in the Nkandla area, Ethalaneni. I belong to the Mthethwa clan, boNyambose, boMasondo, balandele isondo lenyamazane. My grandmother was MaMkhwanazi. My grandfather was Jopha. My father's siblings were sixteen – the family was Roman Catholic – but most of my aunts died, and when I grew up, four of the males were left. My father's eldest brother, Solomon Masondo, stayed in Edendale, Pietermaritzburg. The second eldest, Raphael Masondo, stayed in Clermont, Durban. My father's youngest brother, Thomas Masondo, stayed with us in Johannesburg for a short time. My paternal grandparents died quite early, when my parents were young. My father was brought up by Elliott Masondo, who was a brother to their father Jopha.
    [Show full text]
  • The South African Institute Of
    THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF NATIONAL OFFICE: Jan Smuts House University of I he Witwatersrand Johannesburg Soulh Africa Telex: 4-27291 SA Cables: "INSINTAFF" Johannesburg Fax: National (011) 403-1926 Telephone: National (011) 339-2021 International + 27 11 403-1926 International + 27 11 339-2021 Brief Report: 2\90 Not for Publication WAI.VTS BAY: A WHAT.E OF A PORT - With Namibia's imminent independence, South Africa's claim to legal sovereignty of the port and settlement of Walvis Bay, an enclave of 1124 square kilometres, as well as to the Penguin Islands, twelve small guano islands strung along 400 kilometres of the Namibian coast between Walvis Bay and the Orange River, is bound to become a continuing issue in bilateral x-elations between Pretoria and Windhoek. Legal History Walvis Bay's legal history began in March 1878, when the officer commanding the H.M.S. Industry of the Royal Navy landed at the port, hoisted the British flag, and proclaimed the annexation to the British Empire of the 'Port or Settlement of Walfisch Bay*. This annexation was confirmed on December 14, 1878, by Letters Patent from Queen Victoria. These Letters Patent authorised the Governor and Parliament of the British Colony of the Cape of Good Hope to annex Walvis Bay, and that with such annexation Walvis Bay would form part of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope. Following German colonisation in 1884, Germany only agreed in 1911 to the previously fixed British boundary of Walvis Bay, having previously claimed the coast of Namibia from the Orange River north to the frontier of Portuguese controlled Angola.
    [Show full text]