DOCSLIB.ORG

De Vrouwen Van De Adoptiefkeizers

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
De Vrouwen Van De Adoptiefkeizers Aurora Van Hamme Stamnr. 20041753 DE VROUWEN VAN DE ADOPTIEFKEIZERS masterscriptie ingediend voor het behalen van het diploma van master in de geschiedenis Promotor: Prof. Dr. K. Verboven Academiejaar 2008-2009 1. Inleiding Gender in de klassieke oudheid past binnen een hiërarchisch systeem waarbij de man superieur werd geacht en de vrouw inferieur, zoals ook niet-Romeinen, jongeren, en ongetemde dieren, die allen de stevige hand van een Romeinse mannelijke autoriteit nodig hadden.1 De jurist Gaius schreef in de tweede eeuw, in zijn richtlijnen tot Romeins recht, de instituten, dat vaders in hun testamenten voogden dienden aan te wijzen voor hun kinderen: voor mannen zolang deze niet volwassen waren, en voor vrouwen op elke leeftijd, zelfs indien getrouwd.2 Hij vervolgt dat er naar zijn mening geen rechtvaardiging bestaat voor het aanwijzen van een voogd voor een volwassen vrouw, omdat hij de algemeen aanvaarde claim dat het oordeel van een vrouw niet betrouwd kan worden, verdacht vindt, vrouwen regelden hun zaken toendertijd immers zelf, en het aanwijzen van een voogd was enkel nog een formaliteit, waarbij de voogd soms zelfs tegen diens wil werd aangesteld.3 Gaius was er zich met andere woorden van bewust dat ongeacht wat de wet zei, vrouwen in werkelijkheid met groot succes hun eigen zaken regelden en dit door gebruik te maken van hun eigen vaardigheden en mogelijkheden, aldus Baharal.4 Romeinse vrouwen hadden niet de mogelijkheid te stemmen of publieke functies te bekleden, maar speelden niettemin een actieve rol in zowel publiek als privaat leven, zeker wanneer we de vergelijking met hun Griekse geslachtsgenotes maken.5 Na het huwelijk werd er van Romeinse vrouwen uit de hogere klassen verwacht dat ze deelnamen aan het sociale leven. Echtgenotes dienden de gasten van hun echtgenoot te entertainen en hun man te vergezellen bij sociale bezoeken en diners. Achter de schermen kon een vrouw betrokken worden bij de zaken van haar man, het beheer van zijn bezittingen en zijn politieke carrière. Vanaf Tiberius was het vrouwen toegestaan om hun man te vergezellen wanneer deze als magistraat naar de provincies trok, en het lijkt erop dat velen dit ook deden.6 1 D‟AMBRA, Roman Women, pg. 12 2 Gaius, Institutiones I, 144 “Permissum est itaque parentibus liberis, quos in potestate sua habent, testamento tutores dare: Masculini quidem sexus inpuberibus, feminini vero inpuberibus puberibusque, vel cum nuptae sint..” 3 Gaius, Institutiones I, 144 “Veteres enim voluerunt feminas, etiamsi perfectae aetatis sint, propter animi levitatem in tutela esse.” Gaius, Institutiones I, 190-191 " Feminas vero perfectae aetatis in tutela esse fere nulla pretiosa ratio suasisse videtur: Nam quae vulgo creditur, quin levitate animi plerumque decipiuntur et aequum erat eas tutorum auctoritate regi, magis speciosa videtur quam vera; mulieres enim, quae perfectae aetatis sunt, ipsae sibi negotia tractant, et in quibusdam causis dicis gratia tutor interponit auctoritatem suam; saepe etiam invitus auctor fieri a praetore cogitur. Unde cum tutore nullum ex tutela iudicium mulieri datur: At ubi pupillorum pupillarumve negotia tutores tractant, eis post pubertatem tutelae iudicio rationem reddunt." 4 BAHARAL, Public Image and Women at Court, pg. 332 5 KLEINER & MATHESON, I Claudia, pg. 28 6 HEMELRIJK, Matrona Docta, pg. 9-10 1 Het was voor Romeinse vrouwen mogelijk om bezit te hebben, vastgoed te erven, en familiezaken te beheren, ze waren grotendeels verantwoordelijk voor de opvoeding en voor de keuze van echtgenoot voor hun kinderen. Ze waren, in tegenstelling tot de Griekse vrouwen, niet in hun bewegingsvrijheid beperkt tot hun huizen, maar konden vrij naar de markt, het theater of amfitheater en de thermen gaan.7 Hun rol in de politiek hing af van de status van hun vaders of echtgenoten en de activiteiten en invloed van vrouwen was grotendeels indirect en vond plaats achter de schermen.8 Het mannelijk ideaal van vrouwelijk gedrag werd reeds in de 2de eeuw v.o.t. geformuleerd in Mostellaria, een komedie van Plautus. In de lijnen 186-228 brengt de held drie basisidealen voor een gehuwde Romeinse vrouw naar voor: ten eerste, uniuira – ze heeft slechts één echtgenoot, ten tweede, aeternus en sempiternus – de huwelijksbanden zijn eeuwig, dat wil zeggen levenslang. De band kan enkel door de dood worden verbroken, en dit betekent de dood van de echtgenote, niet van de man. Het derde ideaal is morem gerere – de totale gehoorzaamheid van de vrouw aan de man. Deze drie idealen kunnen worden uitgedrukt in de dextrarum iunctio ceremonie, het schudden van de rechterhand, ten teken van de band van het huwelijk, wat vaak naar voorkomt op grafstenen en munten. De ideale Romeinse vrouw was, en bleef, bescheiden, gehoorzaam, onderworpen, bij voorkeur mooi, en mengde zich niet met zaken die werden gezien als behorend tot het domein van de mannen. Haar activiteiten waren grotendeels beperkt tot het huis en de familie, en haar voornaamste rol bestond in het baren en opvoeden van wettelijke kinderen.9 Geachte matrones konden voorgesteld worden met mannelijke karakteristieken in literaire en visuele representaties om aan te geven dat enkel uitzonderlijke vrouwen de waardigheid, discipline, en adellijkheid van het mannelijk ideaal konden verwerven. Het huwelijk vervolledigde de vrouw, bekleedde haar met een sociale tegenwoordigheid, en redde haar van haar aangeboren incompetentie.10 Hoewel keizerlijke vrouwen, zo lijkt het, macht via hun echtgenoten verwierven, had deze macht belangrijke vertakkingen en werd ze verworven door verschillende vrouwen in de keizerlijke kringen.11 Vrouwen uit de hoogste klasse namen een onzekere positie in: als leden van de heersende klasse maar tegelijk van de ondergeschikte sekse deelden ze in de prestige en onderscheidingen van hun klasse, maar tegelijk werden ze gezien als sociaal inferieur aan de man van hun klasse, of werden ze bij de minderjarigen geschaard. Deze contradictorische positie werd veroorzaakt door de ambigue manier waarop vrouwen uit de 7 KLEINER & MATHESON, I Claudia, pg. 28 8 D‟AMBRA, Roman Women, pg. 142 9 BAHARAL, Public Image and Women at Court, pg. 330-331 10 D‟AMBRA, Roman Women, pg. 12-13 11 KLEINER & MATHESON, I Claudia, pg. 28 2 hogere klasse verbonden waren met de senatoriale, equestoriale of decuriale orden. Terwijl mannen tot deze klassen behoorden door hun geboorte, welvaart en politieke carrière, waren vrouwen er slechts indirect mee verbonden: ze ontvingen bij hun geboorte de rang van hun vader en namen bij het huwelijk die van hun echtgenoot over. Vanaf de periode van Augustus vormde de senatoriale rang hier evenwel een uitzondering op, doordat ze ook erfelijk werd voor dochters.12 Soms verwierven vrouwen zelfs wat als echte politieke macht kon gelden, wat evenwel inconsistent was met de normale sociale constructies in Rome.13 Ze zorgden voor zichzelf op een typisch Romeinse manier: voor betaling in cash of krediet konden ze praetorische prefecturen, consulaten, gouverneurschappen, procuratorschappen, lagere functies, gunsten, gratie en gerechtelijke beslissingen die soms neerkwamen op moord ten voordele van hun aanhangers voorzien.14 Afstamming, belangrijke connecties en geld vormden de belangrijkste ingrediënten voor macht en prestige van een Romeinse vrouw. Deze drie karakteristieken zijn echter moeilijk waar te nemen voor de vrouwen rond Trajanus en Hadrianus. De keizerlijke vrouwen rond Trajanus en Hadrianus zijn grotendeels afkomstig uit families die pas recentelijk belangrijk waren geworden, zoals Marciana en Matidia de Oudere, of van onopvallende families, zoals Plotina en Domitia Paulina, de moeder van Hadrianus. Financiële onafhankelijkheid vormde een ander essentieel element voor macht en autonomie. Hoewel vrouwen in theorie niet financieel onafhankelijk waren en steeds onder officieel toezicht van een vader, echtgenoot of voogd stonden, werd dit in de tweede eeuw niet meer zo strikt in de praktijk omgezet als de wettelijke normen doen denken. Niettemin was complete vrijheid van financieel handelen eerder ongewoon en onder de vrouwen van de hoogste klasse in Rome enkel mogelijk voor Vestaalse Maagden en voor vrouwen die, volgens de Augusteïsche wetgeving, dit recht hadden verworven door minstens drie kinderen te hebben gebaard. Een buitengewone dispensatie had Livia en alle andere Augusteïsche keizerlijke vrouwen ook publiekelijk dit privilege toegekend. In 35 v.o.t. verkregen Livia en Octavia, de zuster van Octavianus, via wet, senatus consultum of triumviraal edict, zowel vrijheid van handelen als de onschendbaarheid van tribunen toebedeeld. Deze financiële vrijheid was dus ook van toepassing op de keizerlijke dames die behandeld zullen worden. Van de keizerlijke vrouwen uit het begin van de tweede eeuw treffen we echter zo goed als geen grote bouwwerken aan, dit in contrast met bewijzen van publieke bouwactiviteiten door onder andere Octavia en Polla, de zuster van Agrippa, en de uitgebreide economische activiteiten van Livia.15 12 HEMELRIJK, Matrona Docta, pg. 11-12 13 KLEINER & MATHESON, I Claudia, pg. 28 14 MacMULLEN, Women‟s Power in the Principate, pg. 434 15 BOATWRIGHT, The Imperial Women of the Early Second Century, pg. 515, 518-520 3 Wat betreft het religieuze kader zien we voor de keizer een hele resem priesterambten, die stammen uit de republikeinse tijd en geïntegreerd werden in het nieuwe systeem. Wat zijn echtgenote betreft, is dit een sector waarin ze actief naar voor kan komen, zonder de traditionele rollenpatronen in vraag te stellen, aldus Stepper, aangezien bezigheden als opperbevelhebber
Load more

Recommended publications
  • La Storia Della Mentalità Delle Élites Dell'impero Romano Come Viaggio
    UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI PISA Scuola di Dottorato in Storia, Orientalistica e Storia delle Arti XXV Ciclo Tesi di Dottorato in Storia Antica LA STORIA DELLA MENTALITÀ DELLE ÉLITES DELL’IMPERO ROMANO COME VIAGGIO PER ISOLE LESSICALI Relatore Candidata Prof. Giovanni Salmeri Francesca Zaccaro Sommario Introduzione. La storia della mentalità delle 1 élites dell’impero romano come viaggio per isole lessicali I. L’isola dell’affettività: eunoia tra spazio 16 civico e spazio domestico II. L’isola della praotēs: l’elogio della mitezza 59 III. L’isola dell’epieikeia: il corredo etico 84 dell’impero IV. L’isola del kosmos: gli ornamenti 121 dell’impero V. L’arcipelago latino tra isole minori e atolli 142 VI. Si può parlare di mentalità delle élites 174 femminili sotto l’impero romano? VII. La paideia nella pratica: i maîtres à penser 211 della mentalità Bibliografia 233 Index 265 Introduzione La storia della mentalità delle élites dell’impero romano come viaggio per isole lessicali Questa ricerca si pone l’obiettivo di ricostruire la mentalità delle élites dirigenti ed intellettuali dell’impero romano nei primi due secoli dopo Cristo. Il principale strumento con cui ho portato avanti l’indagine è stata un’analisi di tipo lessicale con cui ho individuato, sulla base dei documenti letterari ed epigrafici, dei nuclei ‒ delle isole come vedremo meglio in seguito ‒ che contengono i codici comportamentali sia pubblici sia privati, sia politici sia familiari, delle élites. Queste isole dell’arcipelago lessicale1 sono presenti dei termini e delle espressioni che prima del periodo preso in considerazione avevano un significato diverso, lontano dall’aura di continenza e temperanza che agita le correnti dell’arcipelago lessicale.
    [Show full text]
  • Public and Private
    POLIS. Revista de ideas y formas políticas de la Antigüedad Clásica 12,1999, pp. 181-228 PUBLIC AND PRÍVATE Konstantinos Mantas Athens A. ABSTRACT In this article we will try to give an answer to the question of changes in the visibility of women in the public sphere. The fact that élite women played a more energetic role in public life firom the late Hellenistic epoch on has been established by our research on the available sources (mostly epigraphical) in some regions of the Greco-Roman East, in particular W. Asia Minor (lonia and Caria) and in Aegean islands such as Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Teños, Syros and Paros. Nevertheless, the inscriptions, being brief summaries of the decrees which were put in the archives, fail to comment on the issue of the honorand's actual fiílfilment of the office, though sometimes they give indirect information on the lady's presence, eg in the stadium. But even if the female raagistrates were visible, did that have any effect on other women? Did the free, or at least the citizen women in the cities of the Román East enjoy more freedom in their raovement outside the oikos? Could women move freely in the agora, the theatre or any other public place? And if they did so, what about their mingling with men and regulations about their clothes and personal behaviour? Literature is important on that subject because it provides indirect information on all the aspects of the problem, but the archaising style and subject matter of many 181 Public and Prívate literary works, the hallmark of the Second Sophistic, throws doubt on their relevance to the era in which our research is located.
    [Show full text]
  • Chicago Demotic Dictionary (CDD)
    oi.uchicago.edu chicago demotic dictionary c hicago demotic dictionary (cdd) François gaudard and Janet h. Johnson The staff of the Chicago Demotic Dictionary, namely, Janet Johnson, François Gaudard, Brittany Hayden, and Mary Szabady, spent the year checking drafts of entries for the last letter files in progress. We have been assisted by Oriental Institute docent Larry Lissak, who scanned photographs of various Demotic texts and also part of Wilhelm Spiegelberg’s Nachlasse. Letter files P (183 pages), M (312 pages), and, more recently, ʾI (250 pages) have been posted online. As for the last two letters, T (297 pages) has been entirely checked and will be posted after a final style check, and S (400 pages), by far the largest of all the files, is currently being worked on. The numbers file (154 pages) is in the process of being double- checked. We would like to thank all our colleagues for their useful comments and suggestions, in particular, Joachim Friedrich Quack, Friedhelm Hoffmann, and Eugene Cruz-Uribe. Special thanks go to Veena Elisabeth Frank Jørgensen for providing us with various references from the files in Copenhagen. In addition to everyday words, the CDD also includes specialized vocabulary (e.g., reli- gious, legal, and mathematical terminology). Although we don’t incorporate personal names unless there is a word of special interest in the name (the recently completed Demotisches Namenbuch1 is an excellent resource), we do include many royal names and epithets, espe- cially those of the Ptolemies and of the Roman emperors. For the latter, the various forms of an epithet or royal name are given for each emperor who bore them.
    [Show full text]
  • The Eye of Faith
    CIVILISATIONS HOW DO WE LOOK? MARY BEARD THE EYE OF Faith PROFILE BOOKS First published in Great Britain in 2018 by Profile Books Ltd 3 Holford Yard, Bevin Way London wc1x 9hd www.profilebooks.com Published in conjunction with the BBC’s Civilisations series ‘Civilisations’ Programme is the copyright of the BBC Copyright © Mary Beard Publications, 2018 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 Designed by James Alexander at Jade Design Printed and bound in Italy by L.E.G.O. S.p.A. The moral right of the author has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978 1 78125 9993 eISBN 978 178283 4205 The paper this book is printed on is certified by the © 1996 Forest Stewardship Council A.C. (FSC). It is ancient-forest friendly. The printer holds FSC chain of custody SGS-COC-2061 CONTENTS Introduction: Civilisations and Barbarities | 11 PART 1: HOW DO WE LOOK? Prologue: Heads and Bodies | 19 A Singing Statue | 23 Greek Bodies | 33 The Look of Loss: From Greece to Rome | 41 The Emperor of China and the Power of Images | 53 Supersizing a Pharaoh | 61 The Greek Revolution | 69 The Stain on the Thigh | 85 The Revolution’s Legacy | 91 The Olmec
    [Show full text]
  • Sex in the Ancient World from a to Z the Ancient World from a to Z
    SEX IN THE ANCIENT WORLD FROM A TO Z THE ANCIENT WORLD FROM A TO Z What were the ancient fashions in men’s shoes? How did you cook a tunny or spice a dormouse? What was the daily wage of a Syracusan builder? What did Romans use for contraception? This new Routledge series will provide the answers to such questions, which are often overlooked by standard reference works. Volumes will cover key topics in ancient culture and society—from food, sex and sport to money, dress and domestic life. Each author will be an acknowledged expert in their field, offering readers vivid, immediate and academically sound insights into the fascinating details of daily life in antiquity. The main focus will be on Greece and Rome, though some volumes will also encompass Egypt and the Near East. The series will be suitable both as background for those studying classical subjects and as enjoyable reading for anyone with an interest in the ancient world. Already published: Food in the Ancient World from A to Z Andrew Dalby Sport in the Ancient World from A to Z Mark Golden Sex in the Ancient World from A to Z John G.Younger Forthcoming titles: Birds in the Ancient World from A to Z Geoffrey Arnott Money in the Ancient World from A to Z Andrew Meadows Domestic Life in the Ancient World from A to Z Ruth Westgate and Kate Gilliver Dress in the Ancient World from A to Z Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones et al. SEX IN THE ANCIENT WORLD FROM A TO Z John G.Younger LONDON AND NEW YORK First published 2005 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxfordshire, OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Ave., New York, NY 10016 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2006.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Roman Studies Roman Inscriptions 2006–2010
    Journal of Roman Studies http://journals.cambridge.org/JRS Additional services for Journal of Roman Studies: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Roman Inscriptions 2006–2010 Alison E. Cooley and Benet Salway Journal of Roman Studies / Volume 102 / November 2012, pp 172 ­ 286 DOI: 10.1017/S0075435812001074, Published online: 01 October 2012 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0075435812001074 How to cite this article: Alison E. Cooley and Benet Salway (2012). Roman Inscriptions 2006–2010. Journal of Roman Studies, 102, pp 172­286 doi:10.1017/S0075435812001074 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/JRS, IP address: 144.82.107.89 on 05 Nov 2012 SURVEY ARTICLE Roman Inscriptions 2006–2010 ALISON E. COOLEY AND BENET SALWAY IGENERAL I.i General Introduction The aim of this quinquennial survey remains the same as its predecessor, as for the most part does the format, though the team is regrettably reduced by one.1 With an eye to the study of the Roman world, we hope to signal the most important newly published inscriptions, signicant reinterpretations of previously published material, new trends in scholarship, recent studies that draw heavily on epigraphic sources, and noteworthy developments in the various aids to understanding inscriptions (both traditional printed material and electronic resources). In the context of this journal, the geographical range and chronological scope reect the contours and history of the Roman state from its beginnings down to the end of the seventh century. As such, not only does the survey naturally take in Greek as well as Latin texts, but also epigraphic material in other languages relevant to the Roman world.
    [Show full text]
  • Antinous: Saint Or Criminal? Two Forgotten Danish Dramas
    DAG HEEDE Antinous: Saint or Criminal? Two Forgotten Danish Dramas SAMMENFATNING Dette essay undersøger, hvordan den antikke fortælling om den romerske kejser Hadrians protegé Antinous og hans mystiske død i 130 e.v.t. blev genopdaget af det sene 1800-tals homoseksuelle kunstnere, og hvordan historien blev anvendt til at tematisere mandlig homoseksualitet. Skønt Antinous som figur i dag er næsten glemt, spillede han en stor rolle i perioden omkring den moderne homoseksualitets fødsel som både rollemodel og halvhemmelig kode. Mine analyseobjekter er to fuldkommen glemte danske dramaer fra hhv. 1899 og 1909, som på meget forskellig vis anvender fortællingen om Antinous til at tematisere homoseksualiteten som problem. Essayet søger således at levere et beskedent bidrag til det større projekt at konstruere en historie over tidlig dansk homo- litteratur og -dramatik. Keywords: Antinous, gay drama, Danish gay literature, heteronarrativity “And then Antinous.” Yes, do not touch him, dear Høg, we must certainly sympathize with him, as truly as my name is Bernhard Hoff. Who believes the myth – that is probably just pure nonsense … No, I believe that image is the image of a poor child that must have been burdened with more than he could bear, an early sorrow, much too early experience, a big secret or who knows what. Anyway – his shoulders could not bear it and then he shut his mouth tightly for his screams and put the waters of the Nile and the Acheron between the world and himself. (Bang 2008, 272–3)1 lambda nordica 4/2017 © Föreningen Lambda Nordica 2017 WHEN THE 23-YEAR-OLD Danish writer Herman Bang (1857–1912) in his first novel Haabløse Slægter from 1880 introduces his young queer protagonist William Høg to an even queerer, slightly older writer by the name of Bernhard Hoff (the inverse initials of Herman Bang),2 the Antinous reference was a clearly readable signifier of male homosexu- ality, an easily decipherable hieroglyph of sexual hermeneutics.
    [Show full text]
  • Matt Smith, Colossus of Memnon
    I Saw and I Wondered: Roman Tourists at the Colossus of Memnon I Saw and I Wondered: Roman Tourists at the Colossus of Memnon MATTHEW SMITH that once each day a noise, as of a slight blow, emanates from the part of the “I saw and I wondered.” latter that remains on the throne and Undated graffito, Colossus of Memnon1 its base; and I too, when I was present at the places with Aelius Gallus and his crowd of associates, both friends eside the Theban necropolis near Luxor and soldiers, heard the noise at about are two giant quartzite sandstone statues the first hour, but whether it came B of Pharaoh Amenhotep III (1388-1350 from the base or from the colossus, BCE), at one time flanking his mortuary or whether the noise was made on temple, long since vanished. Both statues are purpose by one of the men who were seated, facing east towards where the Nile standing all round and near to the once ran. The northern statue represents base, I am unable positively to assert; Amenhotep with his mother Mutemwiya, the for on account of the uncertainty southern is the Pharaoh with his wife Tiye. of the cause I am induced to believe The two statues stand about sixty feet high anything rather than that the sound and were erected around 1400 BCE. Little issued from stones thus fixed. remains of the temple today, and the statues themselves are ruined. Much of their existence Strabo, Geography 17.1.46 likely passed without notice, until a large earthquake in 27 BCE collapsed the northern statue from the waist up and cracked the lower Strabo’s account of the statue is the earliest we half.
    [Show full text]
  • The Poets Julia Balbilla and Damo at the Colossus of Memnon
    Please do not remove this page The poets Julia Balbilla and Damo at the Colossus of Memnon Brennan, T. Corey https://scholarship.libraries.rutgers.edu/discovery/delivery/01RUT_INST:ResearchRepository/12643437400004646?l#13643525110004646 Brennan, T. C. (1998). The poets Julia Balbilla and Damo at the Colossus of Memnon. Classical World, 91(4), 215–234. https://doi.org/10.7282/T3XS5XSS This work is protected by copyright. You are free to use this resource, with proper attribution, for research and educational purposes. Other uses, such as reproduction or publication, may require the permission of the copyright holder. Downloaded On 2021/09/28 19:29:09 -0400 The Poets Julia Balbilla and Damo at the Colossus of Memnon Author(s): T. C. Brennan Source: The Classical World, Vol. 91, No. 4 (Mar. - Apr., 1998), pp. 215-234 Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press on behalf of the Classical Association of the Atlantic States Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4352060 Accessed: 21-05-2016 15:42 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Johns Hopkins University Press, Classical Association of the Atlantic
    [Show full text]
  • Pausanias and Hadrian, Mantinea and Bithynion*
    Histos 10 (2016) 111–131 PAUSANIAS AND HADRIAN, MANTINEA AND BITHYNION* Abstract: Building on the work of Pretzler this article seeks to refine and strengthen the view that the version of Mantinean history given by Pausanias is derived from the Man- tinean élite of his day, and was accepted and reinforced by Hadrian when he founded a cult of Antinoos at Mantinea, but it also introduces the new argument that the tradition making the Mantineans the ancestors of Bithynion, birthplace of Antinoos, was created by Hadrian himself. Keywords: Pausanias, Hadrian, Antinoos, Mantinea, Bithynion, invention of tradition 1. Introduction hen in 130 CE Hadrian’s favourite Antinoos drowned in the Nile in Egypt, near where Antinoos had died Hadrian founded a new W city, Antinoopolis, and in it a cult of Antinoos.1 He also founded an Antinoos-cult at Bithynion, Antinoos’ home polis in Bithynia, and a third at Mantinea in Arkadia. The choices of Antinoopolis, where Antinoos died, and Bithynion, where he was born, are easy to understand, but the case of Mantinea is different. Hadrian evidently wanted to establish a cult of An- tinoos also in mainland Greece, but it is not immediately obvious why he chose to locate the cult at Mantinea. By Hadrian’s time it was a relatively minor place, much less important than the major Peloponnesian centres (Patrai, Corinth, Argos, Sparta, and Messene), even if it remained, with Tegea and Megalopolis, one of the leading cities of Arkadia.2 Since other cit- ies in Greece showed that they were willing to play host to a cult of An- tinoos—in the Peloponnese, for instance, Corinth and Argos set up cults3— there had to be a particular reason for choosing Mantinea to receive the im- perial foundation, and that reason is given by Pausanias.
    [Show full text]
  • Commagenian Funerary Monuments: Ancestry and Identity in the Roman East
    Commagenian Funerary Monuments: Ancestry and Identity in the Roman East B059744 Ancient History B059744 Acknowledgments Thank you Professor Barringer, Tinsel, Chumpy, Fox, and Cinnamon 1 B059744 Contents List of illustrations – 3 List of Abbreviations – 5 Main Text Introduction – 6 Chapter 1. Invention of Tradition: Nemrut Dağ – 13 Chapter 2. Honouring Ancestors: Dynastic Funerary Monuments – 22 Chapter 3. Back to the Future: Philopappos’ Monument – 28 Conclusion – 38 Appendix – 41 Bibliography – 63 2 B059744 List of Illustrations Fig. 1 Map of Commagene showing proximity to the Euphrates. Sullivan. 1977. 735. Fig. 2 Nemrut Dağ East Terrace. Situation before Goell’s campaigns. Versluys. 2017. Fig.2.9 Fig. 3 Nemrut Dağ East Terrace. Situation in 2004. Versluys. 2017. Fig. 2.8. Fig. 4 Reconstruction drawing of the East Terrace colossi. Versluys. 2017. 61. Fig. 5 Reconstruction drawing of the West Terrace colossi. Versluys. 2017. 66. Fig. 6 Lion horoscope of Antiochos I. Blömer/Winter. 2011. 60. Fig. 7 Façade of Ramases II’s temple at Abu Simbel. Brijder. 2014. Fig. 6b. Fig. 8 Persian ancestor relief stelae. Blömer/Winter. 2011. 62. Fig. 9 Great cult inscription of Antiochos I. Blömer/Winter. 2011. 66. Fig. 10 Behistun relief of Darius I. Trilingual inscription recording his Achaemenid dynastic lineage. Versluys. 2017. Fig. 3.4. Fig. 11 Dexiosis relief of Antiochos and the goddess Commagene. Drawings and cast by Karl Humann, 1883. Brijder. 2014. Figs. 49a-c. Fig. 12 Dexiosis relief of Antiochos and Apollo-Mithras-Helios-Hermes. Brijder. 2014. Fig. 50a-b. Fig. 13 Dexiosis relief of Antiochos and Zeus-Oromasdes. Brijder. 2014. Fig. 51a-b.
    [Show full text]
  • Patricia A. Rosenmeyer George L. Paddison Professor of Classics Department of Classics, Univ
    Patricia A. Rosenmeyer George L. Paddison Professor of Classics Department of Classics, Univ. of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, 212 Murphey Hall CB#3145 Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3145 / [email protected] Education Princeton University Ph.D. 1987 M.A. 1985 Comp. Lit. & Classics King's College, Cambridge Univ. M.A. 1986 B.A. 1982 Classics, First Class Honors Harvard University B.A. 1980 Classics, Summa cum laude Freie Universität Berlin 1977-78 Academic Honors and Grants Dorothy Tarrant Fellowship, Institute for Classical Studies, London, 2020-21 UNC Strategic Partnership Award (with Tübingen University), 2019 Clare Hall Visiting Fellowship, Cambridge University, 2017 UW Letters and Science Faculty Advising Award, 2012 Center for European Studies Faculty Travel Grant, 2011 Loeb Classical Library Foundation Fellowship, 2010 A.W. Mellon workshop, "On Lyric: Politics, Theory, Practice", 2007-08 Vilas Life Cycle Grant, UW-Madison, 2008-09 UW Graduate School Research Council Summer Funding (2000-16) WCC Award for best oral presentation at the APA Annual Meeting, 2004 Hilldale Undergraduate Thesis Supervisor Award, 2009-10, 2003-04 Vilas Associates Award, UW-Madison, 2002-04 Faculty Course Development Grant, UW-Madison, 2001-02 NEH Summer Stipend, 2000 Fellow, Institute for Research in the Humanities, UW-Madison, 1998 Griswold Grant, Yale University, 1994, 1991 NEH Fellowship for University Professors, 1992-93 Visiting Scholar, Pembroke Center for Teaching & Research on Women, Brown Univ., 1990-91 ACLS Grant-in-Aid for travel to collections, 1988-89 Office of the Vice President for Research Award, The University of Michigan, 1988-89 Faculty Summer Research Grant, The University of Michigan, 1988 AAUW Predoctoral Fellowship, 1986-87 (declined) H.W.
    [Show full text]