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Almost Citizens C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP-NEW/14744531/WORKINGFOLDER/ERMAN/9781108415491PRE.3D iii [1–16] 22.9.2018 1:12PM Almost Citizens Puerto Rico, the U.S. Constitution, and Empire SAM ERMAN University of Southern California C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP-NEW/14744531/WORKINGFOLDER/ERMAN/9781108415491PRE.3D iv [1–16] 22.9.2018 1:12PM University Printing House, Cambridge cb2 8bs, United Kingdom One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, ny 10006, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, vic 3207, Australia 314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India 79 Anson Road, #06–04/06, Singapore 079906 Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108415491 doi: 10.1017/9781108233866 © Sam Erman 2018 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2018 Printed in the United States of America by Sheridan Books, Inc. A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data names: Erman, Sam. title: Almost citizens : Puerto Rico, the U.S. Constitution, and empire / Sam Erman, University of Southern California. description: Cambridge, United Kingdom ; New York, ny, USA : Cambridge University Press, 2018. | Series: Studies in legal history | Based on author’s thesis (doctoral – University of Michigan, 2010), issued under title: Puerto Rico and the Promise of United States Citizenship : Struggles around Status in a New Empire, 1898–1917. | Includes bibliographical references and index. identifiers: lccn 2018035531 | isbn 9781108415491 (hardback) subjects: lcsh: Citizenship – United States. | Puerto Ricans – Legal status, laws, etc. – United States. | Puerto Rico – International status. | Puerto Rico – Politics and government – 1898–1952. | BISAC: HISTORY / United States / 20th Century. Classification: lcc kf4720.p83 e76 2018 | ddc 342.7308/3097295–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018035531 isbn 978-1-108-41549-1 Hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP-NEW/14744531/WORKINGFOLDER/ERMAN/9781108415491PRE.3D vii [1–16] 22.9.2018 1:12PM Contents List of Figures page viii Acknowledgments ix List of Abbreviations xiii Introduction 1 1. 1898: “The Constitutional Lion in the Path” 8 2. The Constitution and the New U.S. Expansion: Debating the Status of the Islands 27 3. “We Are Naturally Americans”: Federico Degetau and Santiago Iglesias Pursue Citizenship 47 4. “American Aliens”: Isabel Gonzalez, Domingo Collazo, Federico Degetau, and the Supreme Court, 1902–1905 74 5. Reconstructing Puerto Rico, 1904–1909 97 6. The Jones Act and the Long Path to Collective Naturalization 121 Conclusion 144 Afterword 160 Notes 162 Index 266 vii C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP-NEW/14466061/WORKINGFOLDER/ERMAN/9781108415491INT.3D 1 [1–7] 1.9.2018 7:41AM Introduction This book tells the story of “almost citizens”–the people of Puerto Rico who were deemed neither citizens nor aliens, and who lived in a land deemed neither foreign nor domestic. For them, citizenship functioned like terrain during war. It was a prize to be won and a field of battle whose strategic value shifted as the fight developed. This book follows the debates about the U.S. Constitution that swirled about them. It tends to the voices of federal judges and elected officials but also follows Puerto Rican politicians, labor organizers, litigants, lawyers, administrators of government agencies, and journalists in Puerto Rico and on the mainland. People in all of these groups had a view of what citizenship should look like, and the idea of citizenship took shape and changed only as they advanced their sometimes competing concepts in the media, in law, and through bureaucratic maneuvers.1 The story begins at the very end of the nineteenth century as annexation of the islands that comprise Puerto Rico, Hawaiʻi, Guam, American Samoa, and the Philippines was bringing millions of people of African, Asian, and indigenous Pacific Island descent under U.S. control. Would these people become U.S. citizens, and if so, what would that citizenship mean? Citizenship at this time did not always or automatically guarantee full rights to participate in public life. Although women were undoubtedly citizens, for example, only four states accorded them suffrage on an equal basis with men. Southern states were driving African American citizens from the ballot box and the public sphere. Among many other examples, Mexican American and Chinese American children were often required to attend segregated schools.2 Most of those whose rights were thus constrained were nonetheless deemed “Americans.” And with the exception of Indians born into recognized tribes, all Americans were also U.S. citizens. If there was ambiguity about the meaning of citizenship, there was much less ambiguity about whether citizenship would have to be conferred to the people of these annexed territories. The Civil War and the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments had transformed the Constitution and dramatically 1 C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP-NEW/14466061/WORKINGFOLDER/ERMAN/9781108415491INT.3D 2 [1–7] 1.9.2018 7:41AM 2 Almost Citizens moved the racially heterogeneous United States toward rights, membership, and equality. I term this new constitutional regime the Reconstruction Constitution. It introduced near-universal citizenship, expanded rights, and eventual statehood. Specifically, all Americans other than Indians, regardless of race, were citizens. All citizens within U.S. sovereignty had full constitutional rights that for men potentially included voting rights. All U.S. lands other than the 3 District of Columbia were or would become states. For more than three decades these provisions of the Reconstruction Constitution essentially put a halt to the territorial acquisitions that fueled U.S. empire. Before the Civil War, the United States was ever expanding, annexing lands and then killing, displacing, subordinating, or assimilating those already living there. By 1860, U.S. international borders spanned the continent. But from shortly after the Civil War until 1898, the prospect of having to acknowledge so many nonwhite persons as citizens, coupled with expectations that they would hold some key rights and that the annexed lands they occupied would one day become states, had kept the United States government from expanding its borders as an imperial strategy. To annex was to accept the fact under the Reconstruction Constitution that the resident population could one day wield decisive votes in the Electoral College, Congress, and proposals to amend the Constitution. Sharing the widespread racism of their day, most U.S. officials preferred no annexation of lands that held overwhelmingly nonwhite populations to their potential inclusion and participation in national governance. Beginning in 1898, however, the constitutional legacies of Reconstruction that acted as a restraint on imperial annexation began to unwind. What rights the Reconstruction Constitution guaranteed or acknowledged, and who could or must enforce them, had been hotly debated from the outset. But whatever limits and protections this constitution had applied initially, they narrowed considerably during the late nineteenth century. Declines were steepest for African Americans, a tragedy that has been thoroughly and skillfully told by 4 other historians. This study sits alongside that body of work and recounts the decline of the Reconstruction Constitution along a different dimension: as a durable and consequential constraint on that archetypal imperial form, annexation. Three decades later the Reconstruction Constitution no longer impeded expansion of U.S. empire’s borders. No single, dramatic decision marked the descent of this tradition at odds with unrestrained colonialism, or the triumph of the new imperial doctrine of “territorial nonincorporation.” The shift came haltingly, laid out across a quarter century in a string of so-called Insular Cases.5 Aware of the change under way – the movement from a constraining constitutional view of imperial governance of newly acquired lands to a much more flexible vision – Congress was emboldened. It asserted the power to extend or withhold statehood, citizenship, and rights in whatever combinations it chose.6 Congress devised three novel, hybrid categories: lands that were neither C:/ITOOLS/WMS/CUP-NEW/14466061/WORKINGFOLDER/ERMAN/9781108415491INT.3D 3 [1–7] 1.9.2018 7:41AM Introduction 3 foreign nor domestic, nonindigenous people who were neither citizens nor aliens, and domestic citizens who had less than full constitutional rights. The defining trait among the triad was – and still is – uncertainty about their scope and meaning. Citizenship proved to be a slippery and adaptable concept. As constitutional interpretations changed, U.S. officials and many Puerto Ricans put citizenship to new uses, seizing on its ambiguity and conceptual instability. Initially,
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