Detained Journalist Facing Trial: Omar Radi
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Never-Ending Reformism from Above and Dissatisfaction from Below
Discussion Paper 16/2020 Never-Ending Reformism from Above and Dissatisfaction from Below The Paradox of Moroccan Post-Spring Politics Francesco Cavatorta Fabio Merone Never-ending reformism from above and dissatisfaction from below The paradox of Moroccan post-Spring politics Francesco Cavatorta Fabio Merone Bonn 2020 Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ISSN (Print) 1860-0441 ISSN (Online) 2512-8698 Except as otherwise noted this publication is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0). You are free to copy, communicate and adapt this work, as long as you attribute the German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) and the authors. Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ISBN 978-3-96021-127-3 (printed edition) DOI:10.23661/dp16.2020 Printed on eco-friendly, certified paper Francesco Cavatorta is professor of political science and director of the Centre Interdisciplinaire de Recherche sur l’Afrique et le Moyen Orient (CIRAM) at Laval University, Quebec, Canada. His research focuses on the dynamics of authoritarianism and democratisation in the Middle East and North Africa. His current research projects deal with party politics and the role of political parties in the region. E-Mail: [email protected] Fabio Merone is a political scientist currently working as an independent consultant. His focus is on the Middle East and North Africa, with a specific interest in Political Islam, Salafism, Jihadism, and contentious politics. -
Jehovah's Witnesses
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: MAR32111 Country: Morocco Date: 27 August 2007 Keywords: Morocco – Christians – Catholics – Jehovah’s Witnesses – French language This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. What is the view of the Moroccan authorities to Catholicism and Christianity (generally)? Have there been incidents of mistreatment because of non-Muslim religious belief? 2. In what way has the attitude of the authorities to Jehovah’s Witnesses and Christians changed (if it has) from 1990 to 2007? 3. Is there any evidence of discrimination against non-French speakers? RESPONSE 1. What is the view of the Moroccan authorities to Catholicism and Christianity (generally)? Have there been incidents of mistreatment because of non-Muslim religious belief? Sources report that foreigners openly practice Christianity in Morocco while Moroccan Christian converts practice their faith in secret. Moroccan Christian converts face social ostracism and short periods of questioning or detention by the authorities. Proselytism is illegal in Morocco; however, voluntary conversion is legal. The information provided in response to these questions has been organised into the following two sections: • Foreign Christian Communities in Morocco; and • Moroccan Christians. -
MOROCCO COUNTRY REPORT (In French) ETAT DES LIEUX DE LA CULTURE ET DES ARTS
MOROCCO Country Report MOROCCO COUNTRY REPORT (in French) ETAT DES LIEUX DE LA CULTURE ET DES ARTS Decembre 2018 Par Dounia Benslimane (2018) This report has been produced with assistance of the European Union. The content of this report is the sole responsibility of the Technical Assistance Unit of the Med- Culture Programme. It reflects the opinion of contributing experts and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Commission. 1- INTRODUCTION ET CONTEXTE Le Maroc est un pays d’Afrique du Nord de 33 848 242 millions d’habitants en 20141, dont 60,3% vivent en milieux urbain, avec un taux d’analphabétisme de 32,2% et 34,1% de jeunes (entre 15 et 34 ans), d’une superficie de 710 850 km2, indépendant depuis le 18 novembre 1956. Le Maroc est une monarchie constitutionnelle démocratique, parlementaire et sociale2. Les deux langues officielles du royaume sont l’arabe et le tamazight. L’islam est la religion de l’État (courant sunnite malékite). Sa dernière constitution a été réformée et adoptée par référendum le 1er juillet 2011, suite aux revendications populaires du Mouvement du 20 février 2011. Données économiques3 : PIB (2017) : 110,2 milliards de dollars Taux de croissance (2015) : +4,5% Classement IDH (2016) : 123ème sur 188 pays (+3 places depuis 2015) Le Maroc a le sixième PIB le plus important en Afrique en 20174 après le Nigéria, l’Afrique du Sud, l’Egypte, l’Algérie et le Soudan, selon le top 10 des pays les plus riches du continent établi par la Banque Africaine de Développement. -
MOROCCO Morocco Is a Monarchy with a Constitution, an Elected
MOROCCO Morocco is a monarchy with a constitution, an elected parliament, and a population of approximately 34 million. According to the constitution, ultimate authority rests with King Mohammed VI, who presides over the Council of Ministers and appoints or approves members of the government. The king may dismiss ministers, dissolve parliament, call for new elections, and rule by decree. In the bicameral legislature, the lower house may dissolve the government through a vote of no confidence. The 2007 multiparty parliamentary elections for the lower house went smoothly and were marked by transparency and professionalism. International observers judged that those elections were relatively free from government- sponsored irregularities. Security forces reported to civilian authorities. Citizens did not have the right to change the constitutional provisions establishing the country's monarchical form of government or those designating Islam the state religion. There were reports of torture and other abuses by various branches of the security forces. Prison conditions remained below international standards. Reports of arbitrary arrests, incommunicado detentions, and police and security force impunity continued. Politics, as well as corruption and inefficiency, influenced the judiciary, which was not fully independent. The government restricted press freedoms. Corruption was a serious problem in all branches of government. Child labor, particularly in the unregulated informal sector, and trafficking in persons remained problems. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life There were no reports that the government or its agents committed any politically motivated killings; however, there were reports of deaths in police custody. -
Re-Configurations Contextualising Transformation Processes and Lasting Crises in the Middle East and North Africa Politik Und Gesellschaft Des Nahen Ostens
Politik und Gesellschaft des Nahen Ostens Rachid Ouaissa · Friederike Pannewick Alena Strohmaier Editors Re-Configurations Contextualising Transformation Processes and Lasting Crises in the Middle East and North Africa Politik und Gesellschaft des Nahen Ostens Series Editors Martin Beck, Institute of History, University of Southern Denmark, Odense, Denmark Cilja Harders, Institut für Politikwissenschaft, Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin, Germany Annette Jünemann, Institut für Internationale Politik, Helmut Schmidt Universität, Hamburg, Germany Rachid Ouaissa, Centrum für Nah- und Mittelost-Stud, Philipps-Universität Marburg, Marburg, Germany Stephan Stetter, Institut für Politikwissenschaften, Universität der Bundeswehr München, München, Germany Die Reihe beschäftigt sich mit aktuellen Entwicklungen und Umbruchen̈ in Nor- dafrika, dem Nahen Osten, der Golfregion und darüber hinaus. Die politischen, sozialen und ökonomischen Dynamiken in der Region sind von hoher globaler Bedeutung und sie strahlen intensiv auf Europa aus. Die Reihe behandelt die gesa- mte Bandbreite soziopolitischer Themen in der Region: Veränderungen in Konfikt- mustern und Kooperationsbeziehungen in Folge der Arabischen Revolten 2010/11 wie etwa Euro-Arabische und Euro-Mediterrane Beziehungen oder den Nahost- konfikt. Auf nationaler Ebene geht es um Themen wie Reform, Transformation und Autoritarismus, Islam und Islamismus, soziale Bewegungen, Geschlechterver- hältnisse aber auch energie- und umweltpolitische Fragen, Migrationsdynamiken oder neue Entwicklungen in der Politischen Ökonomie. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf innovativen politikwissenschaftlichen Werken, die die gesamte theoretische Breite des Faches abdecken. Eingang fnden aber auch Beiträge aus anderen sozialwissen- schaftlichen Disziplinen, die relevante politische Zusammenhänge behandeln. This book series focuses on key developments in the Middle East and North Africa as well as the Gulf and beyond. The regions’ political, economic and social dynam- ics are of high global signifcance, not the least for Europe. -
PANORAMA DES MÉDIAS EN LIGNE Algérie Égypte Jordanie Liban Maroc Palestine Syrie Tunisie
PANORAMA DES MÉDIAS EN LIGNE Algérie Égypte Jordanie Liban Maroc Palestine Syrie Tunisie Version complète - Avril 2015 www.cfi.fr ÉTUDE RÉALISÉE PAR LAURENT GIACOBINO Laurent Giacobino travaille dans le secteur du développement des médias et de la liberté d’expression sur internet depuis dix ans. Il est l’auteur principal de ‘Whither Blogestan: Evaluating Shifts in Persian Cyberspace’ (2014, UPENN) et le co-auteur des deux éditions de ‘How to Bypass Internet Censorship’ (2008 et 2011, FLOSS Manuals). À PROPOS DE CFI CFI est l’agence de coopération du ministère des Affaires étrangères et du Développement international chargée de coordonner et d’animer la politique française d’aide au développement en faveur des médias du Sud. CFI accompagne les acteurs du secteur des médias (TV, radios, presse écrite, médias sociaux), publics ou privés, afin de renforcer les processus de modernisation et de démocratisation que la France souhaite soutenir. CFI conduit une trentaine de projets qui s’inscrivent dans quatre grands programmes : médias et pluralisme, médias et entreprise, médias et développement, médias et ressources humaines. Table des matières Avant-propos 4 L'essentiel 5 Analyse par pays 12 Algérie 14 Égypte 21 Jordanie 29 Liban 35 Maroc 42 Palestine 49 Syrie 55 Tunisie 62 Lexique 70 Remerciements 71 Bibliographie 72 Avant-propos L’information en ligne et les réseaux sociaux ont bouleversé les paysages médiatiques dans la plupart des pays arabes. Aujourd’hui, de Casablanca à Beyrouth, en passant par Ramallah et Alexandrie, les citoyens informent et s’informent sur le Web. Blogs, sites d’information pure players, sites adossés à des médias traditionnels : l’offre est désormais riche. -
JGI V. 14, N. 2
Journal of Global Initiatives: Policy, Pedagogy, Perspective Volume 14 Number 2 Multicultural Morocco Article 1 11-15-2019 Full Issue - JGI v. 14, n. 2 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/jgi Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation (2019) "Full Issue - JGI v. 14, n. 2," Journal of Global Initiatives: Policy, Pedagogy, Perspective: Vol. 14 : No. 2 , Article 1. Available at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/jgi/vol14/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Global Initiatives: Policy, Pedagogy, Perspective by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Multicultural Morocco JOURNAL of GLOBAL INITIATIVES POLICY, PEDAGOGY, PERSPECTIVE 2019 VOLUME 14 NUMBER 2 Journal of global Initiatives Vol. 14, No. 2, 2019, pp.1-28. The Year of Morocco: An Introduction Dan Paracka Marking the 35th anniversary of Kennesaw State University’s award-winning Annual Country Study Program, the 2018-19 academic year focused on Morocco and consisted of 22 distinct educational events, with over 1,700 people in attendance. It also featured an interdisciplinary team-taught Year of Morocco (YoM) course that included a study abroad experience to Morocco (March 28-April 7, 2019), an academic conference on “Gender, Identity, and Youth Empowerment in Morocco” (March 15-16, 2019), and this dedicated special issue of the Journal of Global Initiatives. Most events were organized through six different College Spotlights titled: The Taste of Morocco; Experiencing Moroccan Visual Arts; Multiple Literacies in Morocco; Conflict Management, Peacebuilding, and Development Challenges in Morocco, Moroccan Cultural Festival; and Moroccan Solar Tree. -
CASABLANCA, Morocco Hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-Year-Old
Posted July 3, 2007 CASABLANCA, Morocco A hmed Reda Benchemsi, the 33-year-old publisher of the independent Moroccan weekly TelQuel, sensed someone was trying to send him a message. In a matter of months, two judges had ordered him to pay extraordinarily high damages in a pair of otherwise unremarkable defamation lawsuits. It started in August 2005, when a court convicted Benchemsi of defaming pro- government member of parliament Hlima Assali, who complained about a short article that made light of her alleged experience as a chiekha, or popular dancer. At trial, Benchemsi and his lawyer never put up a defense—because they weren’t in court. The judge had reconvened the trial 15 minutes before scheduled and, with no one representing the defense, promptly issued a verdict: two-month suspended jail terms for Benchemsi and another colleague and damages of 1 million dirhams (US$120,000). Two months later, another court convicted Benchemsi of defamation, this time after the head of a children’s assistance organization sued TelQuel and three other Moroccan newspapers for erroneously reporting that she was under investigation for suspected embezzlement. TelQuel, which had already issued a correction and apology, was ordered to pay 900,000 dirhams (US$108,000)—several times the amounts ordered against the other three publications. At the time, the damages were among the highest ever awarded in a defamation case in Morocco—and more than nine times what Moroccan lawyers and journalists say is the national norm in such cases. A puzzled Benchemsi said he learned from a palace source several months later what had triggered the judicial onslaught. -
Terririalized Social Movements: the Maghreb
ISSN: 2716-9189 E-ISSN: 2676-1750 Journal of Studies in Language, Culture, and Society (JSLCS). (03) 03, 2020. (PP 35-43) Received: 30-09-2020 Accepted: 08-10-2020 Published: 31-12-2020 TERRIRIALIZED SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: THE MAGHREB FROM THE MARGIN TO THE CENTER: THE CASE OF THE HIRAK RIF MOVEMENT Imane Errami; P.h.D1 Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences, Mohammed 5 Rabat. [email protected] Chaimae Chinig; P.h.D Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences Mohammed 5 Rabat. Abstract: This study raises some questions related to the relationship between the countryside region and the central authority, and the title deliberately stipulated this relationship, with the aim of explaining the role of the latter in shaping the features of the state's political practice towards the rural community, as this practice is based on historical foundations and includes political relations between Rulers and the Ruled. As it is known, the Rif region had a great role in the history of Morocco, and this role was embodied in multiple stations in which it was either a creator of events or an active party in its course, which allows studying its relationship with the state, and coming out with elements in the light of which the economic and social aspect is understood as the fruit of the political system (Halbwachs, 1950). For all these considerations, we will try through this paper to present some scenarios that would shed light on the causal relationship between the reality of development in the countryside and its political history. Keywords: collective identity, margins, social mobilizations, welfare state, social state, uneven development 1. -
Système National D'intégrité
Parlement Exécutif Justice Les piliersduSystèmenationald’intégrité Administration Institutions chargées d’assurer le respect de la loi Système national d’intégrité Étude surle Commissions de contrôle des élections Médiateur Les juridictions financières Autorités de lutte contre la corruption Partis politiques Médias Maroc 2014 Maroc Société civile Entreprises ÉTUDE SUR LE SYSTÈME NATIONAL D’INTÉGRITÉ MAROC 2014 Transparency International est la principale organisation de la société civile qui se consacre à la lutte contre la corruption au niveau mondial. Grâce à plus de 90 chapitres à travers le monde et un secrétariat international à Berlin, TI sensibilise l’opinion publique aux effets dévastateurs de la corruption et travaille de concert avec des partenaires au sein du gouvernement, des entreprises et de la société civile afin de développer et mettre en œuvre des mesures efficaces pour lutter contre ce phénomène. Cette publication a été réalisée avec l’aide de l’Union européenne. Le contenu de cette publication relève de la seule responsabilité de TI- Transparency Maroc et ne peut en aucun cas être considéré comme reflétant la position de l’Union européenne. www.transparencymaroc.ma ISBN: 978-9954-28-949-5 Dépôt légal : 2014 MO 3858 © Juillet 2014 Transparency Maroc. Tous droits réservés. Photo de couverture: Transparency Maroc Toute notre attention a été portée afin de vérifier l’exactitude des informations et hypothèses figurant dans ce -rap port. A notre connaissance, toutes ces informations étaient correctes en juillet 2014. Toutefois, Transparency Maroc ne peut garantir l’exactitude et le caractère exhaustif des informations figurantdans ce rapport. 4 REMERCIEMENTS L’Association Marocaine de Lutte contre la Corruption -Transparency Maroc- (TM) remercie tout ministère, institution, parti, syndicat, ONG et toutes les personnes, en particulier les membres de la commission consultative, le comité de pilotage et les réviseurs de TI pour les informations, avis et participations constructives qui ont permis de réaliser ce travail. -
Demobilization in Morocco: the Case of the February 20 Movement by © 2018 Sammy Zeyad Badran
Demobilization in Morocco: The Case of The February 20 Movement By © 2018 Sammy Zeyad Badran Submitted to the graduate degree program in Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Chairperson: Dr. Hannah E. Britton Co-Chairperson: Dr. Gail Buttorff Dr. Gary M. Reich Dr. Nazli Avdan Dr. Alesha E. Doan Date Defended: 31 May 2018 ii The dissertation committee for Sammy Zeyad Badran certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Demobilization in Morocco: The Case of The February 20 Movement Chairperson: Dr. Hannah E. Britton Co-Chairperson: Dr. Gail Buttorff Date Approved: 31 May 2018 iii Abstract This dissertation aims to understand why protests lessen when they do by investigating how and why social movements demobilize. I do this by questioning the causal link between consistent state polices (concessions or repression) and social movement demobilization. My interviews with the February 20 Movement, the main organizer of mass protests in Morocco during the Arab Spring, reveals how ideological differences between leftist and Islamist participants led to the group’s eventual halt of protests. During my fieldwork, I conducted 46 semi-structured elite interviews with civil society activists, political party leaders, MPs, and independent activists throughout Morocco. My interviews demonstrate that the February 20 Movement was initially united, but that this incrementally changed following the King’s mixed-policy of concessions and repression. The King’s concessionary policies convinced society that demands were being met and therefore led to the perception that the February 20 Movement was no longer needed, while repression highlighted internal divides. -
Seeking Legitimacy Aili Mari Tripp Index More Information Www
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-42564-3 — Seeking Legitimacy Aili Mari Tripp Index More Information Index Abdullah II, 276, 277 Algerian Women Claiming their Rights abortion, 131 (FARD), 218 Algeria, 198 ʿalimat (women religious scholars), 167 Bahrain, 132 alternance government, 151, 175 Egypt, 274 Amazigh, 3, 21–23, 25–26, 32, 42, 67, Maghreb, 262 69, 74–80, 84–86, 91, 99, 103, MENA region, 130 107, 150 Morocco, 132, 182–183 Activism, 3 Tunisia, 34, 48, 132, 235, 252 Algeria, 195, 198, 202, 223 Abou Hafs, Rafiki, 171, 184 Chaoui, Mouzabit, Tergui (Algeria), adoption, 118 79 Algeria, 118 Kabyle. See Amazigh (Algeria) Lebanon, 266 Maghreb, 264 Morocco, 118 Morocco, 155, 163, 165 Tunisia, 120, 139, 252 nationalism, 12 Adorno, Theodor, 13 tattooing, 78 ʿadoul (notary), 1, 166 Tuareg, 21, 75, 78 Advisory Council of the Family and Amnesty International, 207, 210, Children Morocco, 186 274 Afghanistan, 55, 203–204, Aquim, 42 248 Arab Barometer, 10, 27, 68, 76, 79, Afrobarometer, 11, 27, 79–80, 81–84, 93–93, 95–96, 98–99 83 Arab Spring, 46, 61, 106–107, 146, Ahmed, Dawood, 53, 112 151, 155, 211, 245 Al-ʿAdl wal-Ihsane (AWI), 152, 164, Egypt, 273 172–173, 175, 177–178 Tunisia, 45–46, 48, 91, 233–234, Al Fakhar, Sayyida Aisha Bint 242, 245–248, 255, 263, 281 Chaqroun, 86 Arabization Al Haddad, Tahar, 235–237 Algeria, 2, 198 Al Hurra, Sayyid, 21 archetypes, female, 21 Al Kabbaj, Fatima, 165 Association démocratique des femmes Al Kattani, Hamza, 86 du maroc (ADFM), 26, 31, 50, Al Nafzawiyya, Zayneb, 21 61, 100, 113, 151–152 Al Nusra Front, 269