The Politics of Gender

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access Teaching Gender

Series Editor

Patricia Leavy (USA)

International Editorial Board

Tony E. Adams (Northeastern Illinois University, USA) Paula Banerjee (University of Calcutta, India) Nitza Berkovitch (Ben Gurion University, Israel) Robin Boylorn (University of Alabama, USA) Máiréad Dunne (University of Sussex, UK) Mary Holmes (University of Edinburgh, UK) Laurel Richardson (Ohio State University (Emerita), USA) Sophie Tamas (Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada)

Scope

Teaching Gender publishes monographs, anthologies and reference books that deal centrally with gender and/or sexuality. The books are intended to be used in undergraduate and graduate classes across the disciplines. The series aims to promote social justice with an emphasis on feminist, multicultural and critical perspectives.

Please consult www.patricialeavy.com for submission requirements (click the book series tab).

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/gend

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access The Politics of Gender

Edited by

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access All chapters in this book have undergone peer review.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Trier-Bieniek, Adrienne M., editor. Title: The politics of gender / edited by Adrienne Trier-Bieniek. Description: Boston : Brill Sense, [2018] | Series: Teaching gender Identiﬁ ers: LCCN 2018031990 (print) | LCCN 2018038679 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004381711 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004381698 (pbk. : alk. paper) | ISBN 9789004381704 (hardback : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Gender identity--Social aspects. | Gender identity--Political aspects. Classiﬁ cation: LCC HQ1075 (ebook) | LCC HQ1075 .P647 2018 (print) | DDC 305--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018031990

ISSN 2542-9205 ISBN 978-90-04-38169-8 (paperback) ISBN 978-90-04-38170-4 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-38171-1 (e-book)

Copyright 2018 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoﬀ , Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access ADVANCE PRAISE FOR THE POLITICS OF GENDER

“This collection makes explicit the connection between politics, policy, and gender on a range of feminist issues from gun violence to comedy to prison reform. We need the pointed and insightful analysis and suggestions for cultural change so that more women can assume leadership positions. The chapters are part critique and part playbook for activism. I intend to use this as a text in the college classroom, but I also look forward to sharing this with my Girl Scouts, the newest members of our feminist movements.” – Sandra L. Faulkner, Professor of Communication and Director of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Bowling Green State University

“I do not believe there has been a more important time for research that produces answers to confounding social and cultural problems than there is today. At once incisive, unapologetic, compelling, and practical, The Politics of Gender responds to this need in impressive and useful ways.” – Keith Berry, Department of Communication, University of South Florida, author of Bullied: Tales of Torment, Identity, and Youth

“In a tumultuous political climate, this collection deconstructs the ways in which politics remains highly gendered, and the deleterious impact that has on society. Trier-Bieniek has curated a wonderful selection of writers who call for social change and justice. This book could not be more timely.” – Jessica Gullion, Associate Professor of Sociology at Texas Woman’s University, author of Diffractive Ethnography and Writing Ethnography

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access For Jessica and Ainsley and all the mothers pushing boulders uphill for their warrior babies

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access CONTENTS

Acknowledgements xi Introduction xiii Adrienne Trier-Bieniek Match Girls xxix Ilyse Kusnetz 1. The Future Is Intersectional: Creating an Inclusive Feminist Movement 1 Amanda Pullum and Adrienne Trier-Bieniek 2. Has Hillary Clinton Shifted the Media Narrative of Women in Leadership? 19 Federica Fornaciari and Laine Goldman 3. #ImWithHer or #FeelTheBern: The Impact of Age, Gender, and Intersectionality on Politics 37 Jaime Hartless 4. The Magic of Michelle: An Intersectional Analysis of the (Black) First Lady 55 Sonita R. Moss 5. The Same-Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act in Nigeria: A Critique of Body Policing 71 Esther O. Ajayi-Lowo 6. The Incarceration of Gender: Assessing, Managing, and Treating the Needs of Transgender Inmates 93 Chastity Blankenship and Lisa M. Carter 7. The Cost of the “Lesbian Obesity Epidemic”: Pathologizing Sexuality in Public Health 111 Ellen Cox 8. The Gendered Nature of Firearm-Related Intimate Partner Violence 127 Selina E. M. Kerr

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access CONTENTS

9. “I’m Female as Fuck”: Samantha Bee’s Full Frontal as Feminist Voice of Resistance 145 Sarah E. Fryett Conclusion – What’s Next? 165 Adrienne Trier-Bieniek About the Contributors 179

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thank you Patricia Leavy for not just being a great series editor, but for being an outstanding friend and partner in crime. I just adore you. Thanks to everyone at Brill | Sense for the support as I worked through this project. I extend buckets of gratitude to all the authors who have contributed a chapter to the book. Every time I read through your work I was simultaneously struck by how much I learned and how much more I need to learn. I thank you all, deeply, for allowing me to use your work in this text. As usual, I thank my colleagues and friends. In particular Jen Wiles, Chastity Blakenship, Carrie Buist, Melissa Sierra, Efua Akoma, Jessica Hubbard, Beatrice Yarbrough, Lee Paulsen, Chanda Postell, and Random Messeder. The greatest bunch to have in my life. I have many mentors whose teachings inspired more of this book than I initially realized. Thank you Marlene Kowalski-Braun, Kathleen Underwood, Judy Whipps, and Angie Moe. Thanks to my family and my parents, Rick and Deanne Trier. I hit the Husband jackpot with Tim Bieniek. Finally, this book was proposed in the days following the 2016 election. However, I began pondering a book that linked politics and gender in September 2016 after the death of my friend and colleague, Dr. Ilyse Kusnetz. We miss you, Ilyse. Thank you for helping me get tenure and for teaching me about the dangers of Florida spiders.

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access ADRIENNE TRIER-BIENIEK

INTRODUCTION

We raise girls to see each other as competitors – not for jobs or accomplishments, which in my opinion can be a good thing – but for the attention of men. – Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie As the years unfolded prior to the passing of the 19th amendment, and images of suffragettes holding banners asking President Woodrow Wilson to consider their right to vote became part of history, the idea that a woman would be a serious contender for President of the United States was most likely viewed as a far-off fairy tale. Legal rights for women at the turn of the twentieth century barely existed, and women in several countries were considered financially, legally, emotionally, economically, and in many cases, medically tied to their husbands or fathers. Decisions about their health, money, and home structure rested in the arms of the men in their lives. The popular opinion at the time could best be summed up in a 1910 pamphlet. Written by an organization called the National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage (NAOWS), this informational guide detailed, among other reasons, that women should not have the right to vote because “It is unwise to risk the good we have for the evil that can occur” (Barkhorn, 2012). Instead of voting, the NAOWS suggested: • You do not need a ballot to clean out your sink spout. A handful of polish and some boiling water is quicker and cheaper; • Why vote for pure food laws when your husband does that? You can purify your ice-box with saleratus water; • If Anti swallows bichloride, give her egg whites, but if it’s a suff, give her the vote (Barkhorn, 2012). Presumably this last offering was referring to bichloride mercury, or poison. Thus the author is asserting that, if an “anti” or a person against suffrage accidentally swallows it, they are encouraged to eat egg whites. However, if a suffragette swallows bichloride, she should die. One could make the leap that these are harsh words, but perhaps they were indicative

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Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access A. TRIER-BIENIEK of this point in history. Yet, if we jump ahead 100 years, the current U.S. political climate doesn’t bode well for political representations of women, gender roles in political culture, and respectful political discourses which are inclusive and diverse. Additionally, if we look at the political state of gender around the world, we find similar destructive discourse happening. As of the writing and publishing of this book, the position of gender and politics is, at best, what Bordo describes as cartoonish. Women running for office, in particular Hillary Clinton running as the first female Presidential candidate, have to be stripped down to a caricature. “Your only option is to create a cartoon. A cartoon alternative. Then run against the cartoon. Cartoons are two-dimensional. They’re easy to absorb. Life in the world is complicated and real change is hard” (Bordo, 2017, p. 157). While men certainly have their own mixed-bag of expectations, one could make the argument that men in politics carry a day bag. Women are hauling the extra wide suitcases when it comes to political judgements. Even if women get past the comments about their physical appearance, bodies, and clothing selection, they still have to jump higher hurdles to gain the people’s support. A 2015 PEW research poll found sixty-two percent of people who contend that, when it comes to holding political office, women are held to higher standards than men. Fifty-eight percent recognized that women who are active in politics get less support from party leaders. Sixty-six percent said that Americans are not ready for a woman to run for President. Whether it is watching the sexism aimed at Hillary Clinton during the 2016 election, the abundance of trolls on Twitter waiting to torture anyone who speaks out against patriarchy, sexism, or intolerance, or even the talking heads making news with more and more shocking statements surrounding women’s rights, the politics of gender is constantly swirling around us. That is where this book comes in. Understanding how politics is connected to gender and the ways that politics affects us based on our identity is crucial to moving ahead as citizens. As Adichie writes, “Gender is not an easy conversation to have. It makes people uncomfortable, sometimes even irritable. Both men and women are resistant to talk about gender or are quick to dismiss the problems of gender. Because thinking of changing the status quo is always uncomfortable “Adichie, 2014, p. 42). In this text you will encounter essays when address topics like the women’s movement, the impact of a politician’s identity on the public, the use of media and comedy to shape political opinions of gender and how politics and gender are formed on a global-level. Each of these chapters asks you to consider two important questions: xiv

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access INTRODUCTION

1. What are some ways that political institutions reinforce gender roles? 2. How do these roles make it difficult for women to become involved in political life? We will come back to these questions throughout the text and, at the conclusion, I will offer some suggestions for getting involved as an activist. But first, let’s look at the roles patriarchy has played in creating political systems.

PATRIARCHY AND POLITICS To be clear, patriarchy is used in this chapter to describe a male-dominated society in which the values and norms have been set up to keep men in positions of power. As defined by Molyneux, “There are differing definitions of patriarchy, but most of them agree that patriarchy describes a power relation existing between the sexes, exercised by men over women and institutionalized within various social relations and practices, including law, family, and education” (2010, p. 28). In her seminal statement, We Should All Be Feminists, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie writes, “Gender matters everywhere in the world. And I would like today to ask that we begin to dream about and plan for a different world. A fairer world. A world of happier men and happier women who are truer to themselves. And this is how to start: We must raise our daughters differently. We must also raise our sons differently” (2014, p. 25). The notion that gender is a factor in political representation is not a new connection to make. Feminists have been using the rallying cry “the personal is political” since the women’s movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Yet, as Adichie points out, gender continues to matter in the ways girls and boys are raised. Perhaps one problem is the tendency to see our current society as a post- feminist time. History often portrays the U.S. women’s movement of the 1960s as THE moment when women achieved equality. Yet, as Bordo writes, “Cultural histories of the sixties rarely acknowledge what a sexist decade it was. We imagine that breaking through the suburban fifties fantasy meant that old-fashioned gender roles and attitudes had been discarded. Far from it. In fact, in many ways the decade was more male-centric than the fifties; it just privileged a different sort of male” (2017, p. 43). During the 1960s and 1970s, or what is often referred to as the second wave of feminism, the rallying cry “the personal is political” became a common statement used by both activists and people chronicling the decade’s events. The political

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access A. TRIER-BIENIEK movements of the 1960s and 1970s were ripe moments in history for social movements and change and women were vocalizing their need for equality. This should not be surprising given that largely women’s lives were tied in every way to their husband. For example, prior to the 1974 Equal Credit Opportunity Act women in the U.S. could not get credit in their own names. This kept them from having credit cards, taking out mortgages and even opening bank accounts without their father or husband co-signing for them. Birth control was often withheld from non-married women and married women needed their husband’s permission to get a prescription. Additionally, women in labor were not able to have medical procedures done without the doctor receiving permission from their husbands (e.g. Baumgardner and Richards, 2010). Here are some ways the 1960s women’s movement worked past such limitations: 1966 – National Organization for Women (NOW) was established. 1973 – Women could serve on juries in all fifty states. (Women couldn’t serve on juries at all until 1963.) 1974 – Girls could play in Little League. 1974 – The Senate passes the Equal Credit Opportunity Act making it legal for women to get credit in their own names. 1973 – Roe vs Wade, landmark case which legalized abortion nation- wide. 1977 – Harvard allowed women to earn degrees. (Previously, women would have to enroll in Harvard’s sister school, Radcliffe, to receive a Harvard education. Co-education was not permitted.) Yet, it was most likely because of the mass amount of advancements made for women during this time that led people to feel like women’s equality had been achieved. However, for women of color, lesbian women, low-income women, or women who weren’t able bodied, equality was still far off (hooks, 1984). The idea of privilege, or unearned benefits given to a group of people based on their identity, wouldn’t begin to be explored until the mid to late 1990s. Even then, concepts like intersectionality, or the way social categories such as race, gender, sexuality, age, class status etc. are interconnected, would remain out of public discourse (even though they were posited in academic circles) until well into the 21st century. All of these factors, and the difficulty women have faced in trying to break through the glass ceiling, are indicators of what a patriarchal political environment looks like. xvi

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This is not to say that men have not been involved in advancing the rights of women. Indeed, men’s activism on behalf of women has roots in the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention, a gathering of people interested in gaining the right to vote for women. Further, as Thao writes, “The multiple waves of feminism and the feminist-inspired men’s movement which results from them have pressed toward ensuring that the most vulnerable voices are included in the discussion and subsequent analysis of oppression in our society” (2017, p. 122). Thao asserts that, in conversations about equality, the dangers of patriarchy for men should be addressed. In particular, a patriarchal system is damaging for men of color, gay men and transgender men. “Again, addressing other forms of oppression like racism, homophobia, and transphobia could be seen by activists as a distraction to the overall goal of the movement” (2017, p. 127). In other words, if we only consider the ways a patriarchal system harms only women, we are not getting the full picture. Patriarchal systems harm men by requiring men to fulfil the image of a hegemonic man, or that men are in a position of dominance and must sustain that dominance. This limits our ideas of what acceptable manhood is.

CONNECTING POLITICS TO GENDER To best define what is meant when we talk about “politics,” I turn to Krook and Childs. “The term ‘politics’ is often used by political scientists to refer to the formal processes and institutions of governments and elections” (2010, p. 3). As of early 2018, women hold 106 of the 535 seats in the United States Congress and twenty-two of the 100 seats in the Senate. Additionally, across the states, women hold twenty-four percent of elective executive offices including six Governorships (Center for American Women and Politics, 2018). While this is certainly an increase since the early 1970s, the days when feminism is said to have found a re-birth, the numbers are still grim. For women of color, they get even more ugly. Of the 106 women serving in the U.S. Congress, thirty-eight are women of color. Of the twenty-two Senate seats, four belong to women of color (CAWP, 2018). There is currently one women of color Governor. She is Susana Martinez, a republican from New Mexico (CAWP, 2018). Why does this matter? As Wellford and Moses write, “Equal representation in office is not just a matter or gender parity for parity’s sake. Good democracy relies on all members of a society having access to decision-making and the chance to have their issues heard and considered (2017, p. 247). Currently,

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Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access A. TRIER-BIENIEK the Congressional seats held by women equal approximately twenty percent representation. While the number is growing, it remains low in terms of showing how women’s representation will make dents in national decisions. “Only when women represent at least 30% of elected official does the U.S. reach a tipping point where women can impact a political agenda” (Wellford & Moses, 2017, p. 247). Internationally some examples of governments approaching gender and politics with progressive goals exist. While the U.S. is lagging in terms of women in political positions, many international communities have recognized the need for equality in government. “Internationally, 101 countries accept that reaching the 30% tipping point is crucial to strong democracy and have created formal government policies to advance this goal” (Wellford & Moses, 2017, p. 247). Some, like Iraq, Afghanistan and Rwanda, have achieved this goal through a required set number of women who must be seated in office. Others, such as Sweden are vying to be considered “the most feminist government,” a title that is not as controversial in Sweden as it may be elsewhere (Crouch, 2017; Warner, 2016). For some countries, the solution to gender disparity in government is to enact gender quotas. The purpose of a gender quota is to define a set number of governmental seats which must be held by women. In some cases, such as Rwanda, seats dedicated for women resulted in an increase of women in government. In others, such as Brazil, gender quotas have become more of a suggestion than a rule. Let’s look at both countries, as each demonstrate the complex nature of gender quotas. The 2017 United Nations report on women says that Rwanda is currently the country with the most women in government. As of 2017 women in Rwanda have won sixty-four percent of the lower house. It is one of two countries with more women than men in government (the second is Bolivia). When the World Economic Forum ranked the countries which had narrowed the gender gap, Rwanda came in sixth place. (The U.S. was in twenty-eighth position.) In part, this change was due to the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide during the 1990s. After the war, Rwanda’s population was nearly seventy-percent female (Warner, 2016). Just as women during World War II started working in factories, women in Rwanda had heard a call to serve from Paul Kagame, the country’s President. Kagame leapt passed the normal model for social change, where upheaval and support from the people progressed over time, and announced in 2003 that thirty percent of the parliamentary seats would go to women (Warner, 2016). In other words, Kagame did not allow the country to experience normal cultural change. xviii

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access INTRODUCTION

Cultural change happens when something new or innovative is introduced to a culture. Perhaps with the exception of technology, culture tends to change relatively slowly. If you think about your own culture, and then consider everything it consists of (food, language, symbols, etc.), there would be a lot of layers to ponder in order to add new perspectives to these cultural characteristics. When this model of gender quotas was introduced in Rwanda it appeared that the system was accepted. However, as Uvuza found in her study of Rwandan women in parliament, having more women in government did not mean that women’s lives were going to improve. Traditional norms of what made women “good women,” combined with women gaining political power meant that women were continuing gendered expectations at home while breaking barriers at work (Uvuza, 2014; Andekunle, 2007). Uvuza quotes a participant named “Lucia” as saying, The domestic work is still done by a woman, it is you to know your family’s well-being, it is you to know whether your children are well, it is ours to know who is ill, what is needed in the family, what will the family eat, all that; I cannot detail it all-a woman has to be present in every way. (Uvuza, 2014, p. 142) In other words, the women serving in parliament were still expected to come home and care for their families as if they had been home during the day. Husbands heeded this expectation because, with their wives at work, they were afraid of losing their “boss” status at home. As Uvuza writes, “Social beliefs around gender roles are still strong in Rwanda, posing a barrier to changing gender roles in the families of female politicians” (2017, p. 144). Further, as Warner (2016) and Uvuza (2014) point out, the notion of feminism in Rwanda has been tossed aside as a “Western” notion. Thus, because Rwanda’s country made the leap toward gender quotas, they neglected the process of cultural change. In interviewing Uvuza about her study, Warner quotes her as saying, “Because of the way gender equality came so rapidly to Rwanda, from the outside in, with no psychological buildup or women’s lib movement, it was harder for these politicians to talk about equality without appearing disloyal, not just to their spouses, but to their country” (2016). The example of Rwanda is meant to show how women can position themselves in political appointments, while at the same time gendered expectations run deep in society. Brazil, as a secondary example, was eighty-fifth on the World Economic Forum’s list of countries which have narrowed the gender gap. Additionally,

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Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access A. TRIER-BIENIEK the 2017 United Nations Report on women Latin American countries, particularly in Central and South America have increased numbers in support of gender quotas. In 2014 two women in Brazil made history as the first time women had a serious chance of winning the Presidency. As Moura (2014) found, this was the exception for the advancement of women in Brazil, rather than the rule. It is more common in the country to see examples of the ways the gender quota was not treated equitably. In 1995, Brazil passed legislation specifying that a minimum of thirty percent of women must be on party ballots during elections (Rauen, 2017). The rules for this legislation quickly became complicated, and thus easily manipulated. As Rauen writes, Brazil’s legislation states that the percentage of male or female candidates for congressional seats must fall between 30 and 70 percent. If a party fails to comply, perhaps by creating a list with only 20 percent women, then some men may be removed from a party’s list to compensate. However, women will not be added to the list…Rather than making tangible improvements to the quota system, Brazil’s government has chosen to increase the number of possible candidates on a party’s list, allowing a party to legally present a list that is 150 percent of the legislative positions available. (2017, p. 2) In other words, the Brazilian approach to gender equality in government is similar to the American philosophy surrounding the justification of gerrymandering. Rather than fix the obvious problem, work-arounds are created to help those in power maintain their seats. As a result, women in Brazilian elections are often given the short end of publicity and funding. In fact, while the thirty-percent policy requires women on the ballot, it does not require women to receive equitable financial support. As a result, women on Brazilian ballots receive five percent of a party’s available funding. These examples demonstrate the complexities of gender quotas in politics, the good and the bad. It is important to note, however, that gender quotas have brought several examples of positive change to countries. Isobel Coleman, a foreign relations expert and former U.S. Representative to the United Nations for UN Management and Reform, has said, My bottom line on quotas is that they are not a solution for every country, nor are they guaranteed to increase women’s meaningful and effective participation in governance. Quotas bring women’s voices into political systems where they are otherwise excluded, short-cutting a process that xx

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access INTRODUCTION

can naturally take generations. Other factors – like strong political will, enabling women’s freedom of movement, and networks of support for female candidates – significantly strengthen the effectiveness of quotas. (Coleman, 2012) While Coleman notes that in some countries, such as Iraq, women are taunted during their service in government by men in the same position, there is evidence that quotas can be beneficial. Additionally, returning to the idea of cultural change, the agitation that happens when women are placed in the political arena, could be a symptom of a larger social change brewing. So, why is the U.S. lagging in its representation of gender? One reason why the numbers of women in elected office are low is the lack of women running for office. Women and girls are given the message when they are young that running for office is not for them (Wellford & Moses, 2017; Lawless & Fox, 2013). Some of the reasons why young women aspire to run for political office, only to change their minds as adults, stems from messages they got as girls. For example: 1. Young men are more likely to be socialized by parents to think of political and civil leadership as a career path (Lawless & Fox, 2013, p. 6); 2. In school and in media, young women are less exposed to political information and discussion (Lawless & Fox, 2013, p. 6); 3. Young men are more likely to have played sports and therefore have more comfort with competition (Wellford & Moses, 2017, p. 248). Playing sports is a common indicator that girls will be comfortable running for office. As Lawless and Fox write, “Spurring young women to immerse themselves in competitive environments such as organized sports, can go a long way in reinforcing the competitive spirit associated with interest in a future candidacy” (2013, p. ii). While sports certainly bring their own questions about gender stereotypes and antiquated ideas on women’s athletic ability (e.g. Roper & Polasek, 2014), data does support the connection between leadership, sports competition, and young women’s political goals. Lawless and Fox survived 1,089 women on their participation in sports and political ambition. They found that forty-four percent of women who played sports in college also indicated an interest in running for office. Further, thirty-two percent were more likely to consider competition to be very important to them. An acceptance of competition is key when considering a run for political office because, for many girls and women, not feeling like they can handle

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Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access A. TRIER-BIENIEK the trials of running is what keeps them from the start line. When Wellford and Moses asked girls why they won’t run for office common responses were: I probably won’t know what I am doing; I don’t feel qualified; I don’t feel confident enough; I am not government/office material. (2017, p. 251) Self-doubt plays a major role in young women’s perceptions of themselves running for office. It is a trait that is distinctly gendered, young men show higher levels of self-esteem when it comes to areas like their potential for political office (Lawless & Fox, 2013; Fox & Lawless, 2011). Further complicating this issue is the lack of girl’s exposure to politics which results in young women having less political information. However, we cannot ignore the role that a patriarchal society plays in discouraging young women to achieve political success. Factors like self-doubt, comfort with competition, touting one’s achievements are difficult mountains to climb. Yet, with women in politics, the additional pressures associated with being women in an image-obsessed society also take a role. “The problem of the feminine double bind is compounded enormously for a woman like Hillary, who has been in the public eye for decades, trying to keep pace with changing expectations of feminine behavior while remaining true to herself” (Bordo, 2017, p. 43). Indeed, in a 2011 study, Lawless and Fox found that, during the 2008 campaign, sixty- seven percent of women agreed that Hillary Clinton’s appearance garnered too much attention. Fifty-four percent of women polled felt the same about Sarah Palin. After her party lost seats in a 2017 election, British Prime Minister Theresa May was on stage preparing to maintain her role in the U.K.’s parliament. BBC reporter Nick Robinson elected to comment on May’s appearance in that moment saying her makeup was heavy and that it had been applied to conceal her tears after the ballots were counted. When Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf ran in 2005, young men would hold up women’s underwear, stained in tomato paste, declaring that a woman running for President is sexist (Cooper, 2017). Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović, President of Croatia, was the target of online trolling when her head was placed on the bikini body of several different women. This image was picked up by tabloids online and throughout Croatia. These types of attacks are gendered in nature, they are not experiences that men in political positions have to wade through. xxii

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access INTRODUCTION

All of these examples demonstrate the complex factor that gender plays in politics. When additional intersectional components such as race, social class, sexual orientation, age, etc. are included, the list of women’s challenges on the road to victory can seem endless. However, it is important to note that the inclusion of women in public office generally means that a nation or country will experience positive results. As the 2017 United Nations Report on Women notes, There is established and growing evidence that women’s leadership in political decision-making processes improves them. Women demonstrate political leadership by working across party lines through parliamentary women’s caucuses-even in the most politically combative environments, and by championing issues of gender equality. (United Nations, 2017) With this in mind, let’s turn our attention to leadership and examine the qualities which make effective leaders.

TRANSITIONING TO LEADERSHIP Essentially, to relate politics to gender is to have a discussion of the effective leadership of women and girls. To put the gender gap in women’s leadership in perspective, here are some statistics from a PEW Research Center poll taken in 2014. • 47% of women agreed that women are held to higher standards than men, thus making it more difficult for women to hold a high political office; • 41% of women and 31% of men agreed that many American’s aren’t ready to elect a woman to higher office; • 33% of women and 21% of men agreed that women who are active in politics get less support from party leaders; • Two-thirds of Americans, men and women, agree that it is easier for men to achieve top positions. However, women are more likely than men to express this perspective. Defining leadership takes several forms. Essentially, leadership is part of organizational, political, military, and educational institutions (Gipson, Pfaff, Mendelsohn, Catenacci, & Burke, 2017). Often a focus on power and authority is considered central to understanding leadership, as is influence (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). When gender is factored into leadership, three main themes emerge which illustrate the ways institutions regulate women leaders.

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First is the impact of stereotyping or gender bias (Gipson et al., 2017; Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). Gipson et al. focus on the ways that women are stereotyped as “communal and warm” versus male leaders who are stereotyped as “confident and assertive” (p. 35). They conclude that women leaders must decide how to present the typically male characteristics of leadership while also not being too aggressive and continuing to display warmth. In other words, women who do not achieve this balance will be punished for being assertive. The impact of stereotypes extends even further when we bring in women of color’s experiences. In these instances, women of color can experience stereotype threat, or “when one cares about a domain, one knows that a stereotype about the group of which one is a member can provide an explanation for poor performance in this domain and the stereotype is make salient in a situation requiring performance” (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010, p. 174). For example, women of color in leadership positions may experience several stereotypes at once, depending on their race, ethnicity, sexuality, etc. In leadership, she will have to overcome the stereotypes associated with intersecting identities in order to “prove” herself effective. Sanchez-Hucles and Davis connect this to navigating a labyrinth, “Women are required to demonstrate both agentic and communal skills was well as create social capitol. They often must combine assertive agency with the communal qualities of kindness, niceness and helpfulness” (2010, p. 172). Second, women in leadership experience the pipeline problem. As Gibson et al. explain, the pipeline problem happens when “there are not enough women with the appropriate level of education and work experience to select from for senior leadership positions” (2017, p. 36). In other words, while women may have similar educational history, or similar experience, it becomes difficult for them to obtain both. Particularly when talking about experience, Gibson et al. demonstrate that women are given less leadership opportunities than men. Additionally, because women often take leave for pregnancy, they are viewed as having “career interruptions” and often are not considered for leadership positions due to these gaps. The pipeline problem leads to the third ways institutions gender. Women tend to hold positions in service industries such as healthcare, food service, education, and hospitality (Gibson et al., 2017). These positions traditionally pay less and have fewer opportunities for advancement. Throughout this text discussions will be had addressing the ways leadership can become more equitable for women and men. As outlined in the overview of chapters below, it is the intention of all contributors to try and break down xxiv

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access INTRODUCTION how politics, gender, patriarchy, leadership, and the role of institutions limit cultural and social ideas surrounding human rights.

OVERVIEW OF CHAPTERS The Politics of Gender opens with a Match Girls, a poem by the late, celebrated writer, Ilyse Kusnetz. Ilyse’s death in late 2016 was part of the inspiration for this book. Match Girls was selected for its reflection on the ways political systems and institutions are harmful to women and girls. As you read, consider the questions posited below the poem. Are there examples of similar circumstances in your life? In the first chapter, The Future is Intersectional: Creating an Inclusive Feminist Movement, myself and my co-author Amanda Pullum attempt to break down how past social movements have led the way for a new age of activism. By addressing the history associated with the women’s movement, and through a discussion of what makes for collective identity, we juxtapose the past with the present. As an illustration of this combination, we provide three examples; The Women’s March, #sayhername campaign, and the website Everyday Feminism. Chapters 2 and 3 address the 2016 election through two different lenses. In Chapter 2, Has Hillary Clinton Shifted the Media Narrative of Women in Leadership?, Federica Fornaciari and Laine Goldman discuss the combination of women gaining more leadership while remaining less visible than male candidates. To dissect this phenomenon the author’s use Erving Goffman’s approach to framing as a means to explore the media’s representation of Hillary Clinton as she ran for President of the United States in 2016. In a similar vein, Chapter 3, #ImWithHer or #FeelTheBern: The Impact of Age, Gender, and Intersectionality on Politics, looks at what happens when progressive people replicate the sexism often associated only with conservatives. Jaime Hartless uses ethnographic data collected to connect feminist identity politics (and the ways this has changed over time) with the ways men are addressed in feminism. Her interview data deconstructs why young feminists did not accept Hillary Clinton while also exploring the sexism present by “Bernie Bros,” or young men in the Bernie Sanders campaign. Beginning with a brief autoethnographic account of President Obama’s 2008 election win, Sonita R. Moss considers the “magic” of Michelle Obama in Chapter 4. The Magic of Michelle: An Intersectional Analysis of the (Black) First Lady explores the ways Michelle Obama was presented and

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Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access A. TRIER-BIENIEK treated during her time in the White House. Moss addresses several of the ways Michelle Obama was deconstructed including discussions about her body, her language, her motherhood, her parenting, and her relationship with President Obama. In Chapter 5, The Same-Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act in Nigeria: A Critique of Body Policing, Esther O. Ajayi-Lowo details the passing of the Same Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act, 2014’ (SSMPA) in Nigeria. SSMPA, at its face, prohibits the legal recognition of same-sex people who wish to be married. Ajayi-Lowo posits that the law was created to enforce binary gender norms while also punishing anyone who does not fit the law’s description of male or female. By examining at the law from three different angles, Ajayi-Lowo delves into the unjust, and homophobic nature of this Nigerian ordinance. The theme of law enforcement continues with Chapter 6, The Incarceration of Gender: Assessing, Managing, and Treating the Needs of Transgender Inmates. In this chapter Chastity Blakenship and Lisa M. Carr consider the ways transgender people are treated while incarcerated. They contend that, because transgender prisoners are often placed in prisons based on their biological sex, the prison institution is neglecting the needs and safety of a specific population of people. By looking at these issues from the point of view of gender identity, suggestions for improving correctional practices can be brought forth. Moving from law enforcement’s institutional practices to the practices of health care, we arrive at Chapter 7, The Cost of the ‘Lesbian Obesity Epidemic’: Pathologizing Sexuality in Public Health. Here Ellen Cox discusses the links between public health criteria, sexual orientation and obesity. Through a cultural and scientific lens, Cox focuses on the ways power and epistemology couple with the politics of organizations. This juxtaposition, in turn, affects the ways that a society views all aspects of a person’s health, and neglects how areas like heteronormatity inform views of what a healthy body looks like. Chapter 8 addresses the ways gun violence and domestic violence are linked. With The Gendered Nature of Firearm-Related Intimate Partner Violence Selina E. M. Kerr examines how gun crimes are gendered by addressing gun violence as the main cause of death for women in the United States. Considering this fact, in order to better understand domestic violence the factor of gun violence must be considered. By conducting interviews with individuals in related fields, Kerr paints an ethnographic portrait of this social problem. xxvi

Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access INTRODUCTION

Ending on a laugh, Chapter 9, “I’m Female as Fuck”: Samantha Bee’s Full Frontal as Feminist Voice of Resistance, incorporates Sarah E. Fyett’s analysis of women in comedy who challenge social norms. Through a discussion of women as comedians, and the ways their experiences differ from men, Fryett looks at the work of Samantha Bee, host of Full Frontal on TBS as a political engagement. Bee’s use of humor to incorporate feminism into the late-night television circuit means that topics like rape culture and abortion are becoming central to viewers. For Fryett (and for Bee), this is a form of activism. The theme of activism moves into the conclusion. Here I offer two examples of women whose politics lead them to make a change in their communities. I also present several additional readings, suggestions for getting involved, resources on voting and running for office, and media which may be helpful as you continue to learn about the nature of gender and politics. These are areas which needs much more analysis. Hopefully this book can help you figure out which arena you should spend more time studying.

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION 1. Why is it a concern that gender roles are still strong in Rwanda, regardless of the advances women are making in political positions? 2. What would be some unintended consequences of these roles?

REFERENCES

Adiche, C. N. (2014). We should all be feminists. New York, NY: Anchor Books. Barkhorn, E. (2017, November 6). ‘Vote no on women’s suffrage’: Bizarre reasons for not letting women vote. The Atlantic. Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/sexes/ archive/2012/11/vote-no-on-womens-suffrage-bizarre-reasons-for-not-letting-women- vote/264639/ Baumgardner, J., & Richards, A. (2000). Manifesta: Young women, feminism, and the future. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus, & Giroux. Center for American Women and Politics. (2018). Women in elective office 2017. Retrieved from http://www.cawp.rutgers.edu/current-numbers Coleman, I. (2012, January 11). Are quotas for women in politics a good idea? The Atlantic. Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/01/are-quotas-for- women-in-politics-a-good-idea/251237/ Cooper, H. (2017, March 5). How Liberian women delivered Africa’s first female President. The New York Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/05/world/africa/ liberia-president-ellen-johnson-sirleaf-women-voters.html Crouch, D. (2017, February 17). Is Sweden’s feminist agenda working? BBC News. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-39004991

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Fox, R. L., & Lawless, J. L. (2011). Gendered perceptions and political candidacies: A central barrier to women’s equality in electoral politics. American Journal of Political Science, 55(1), 59–73. Gipson, A. N., Pfaff, D. L., Mendelsohn, D. B., Catenacci, L. T., & Burke, W. W. (2017). Women and leadership: Selection, development, leadership style, and performance. The Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 53, 32–65. hooks, b. (1984). Feminist theory: From margin to center. Boston, MA: South End Press. Krook, L. K., & Childs, S. (2010). Women, gender and politics: A reader. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Lawless, J. L., & Fox, R. L. (2011). Men rule: The continued under-representation of women in U.S. politics. Washington, DC: American University School of Public Affairs. Lawless, J. L., & Fox, R. L. (2013). Girls just wanna not run: Gender gap in young American’s political ambition. Washington, DC: American University School of Public Affairs. Molyneux, M. (2010). Mobilization without emancipation? Women’s interests, the state, and revolution in Nicaragua. In L. K. Krook & S. Childs (Eds.), Women, gender and politics: A reader (pp. 21–29). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Moura, P. (2014, October 10). Do quotas for female politicians work? The Atlantic. Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2014/10/do-quotas-for-female-politicians- work/381320/ Pew Research Center. (2015, January 14). Obstacles to female leadership. Retrieved from http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2015/01/14/chapter-3-obstacles-to-female-leadership/ Rauen, A. (2017, June 13). Lipstick in government: Brazil’s inadequate gender quota. Council on Hemispheric Affairs. Retrieved from http://www.coha.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/ Lipstick2.pdf Roper, E., & Polasek, K. M. (2014). Gender, sport and popular culture. In A. Trier-Bieniek & P. Leavy (Eds.), Gender and pop culture: A text-reader (pp. 151–174). Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers. Sanchez-Hucles, J. V., Davis, D. D. (2010). Women and women of color in leadership: Complexity, identity, and intersectionality. American Psychologist, 65, 171–181. Thao, P. (2017). Men’s engagement from the margins in. In J. L. Martin, A. E. Nickels, & M. Sharp-Grier (Eds.), Feminist pedagogy, practice and activism (pp. 117–121). New York, NY: Routledge. United Nations Women. (2017). Facts and figures: Leadership and political participation. Retrieved from http://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/leadership-and-political- participation/facts-and-figures Uvuza, J. N. (2014). Hidden inequalities: Rwandan female politicians experiences of balancing family and political responsibilities (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://theses.ncl.ac.uk/dspace/bitstream/10443/2475/1/Uvuza,%20J.%2014.pdf Warner, G. (2016, July 29). It’s the number 1 country for women in politics but not in daily life. NPR. Retrieved from https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2016/07/29/487360094/ invisibilia-no-one-thought-this-all-womans-debate-team-could-crush-it Wellford, S., & Moses, A. (2017). Political parity in the United States: Mobilizing the pipeline through feminist pedagogy. In J. L. Martin, A. E. Nickels, & M. Sharp-Grier (Eds.), Feminist pedagogy, practice and activism (pp. 247–265). New York, NY: Routledge.

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Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access ILYSE KUSNETZ

MATCH GIRLS

Editor’s note Match Girls, a poem by the late Ilyse Kusnetz, opens this collection. It was included because the writing demonstrates the ways that politics and gender combine in art. As you read, make note of the layers that the author uses to show not just gender inequality, but several intersecting factors. I thank Ilyse’s husband, Brian Turner, and Truman University Press for permission to reprint this poem. In the factories of America during the 19th century, girls hired to make matches would dip the match ends into a chemical vat, then lick the tips to make them stiff. Phosphorous vapor filled the air, a poison about which no one warned them, so when their teeth fell out, and their jaws rotted like bad fruit, it was too late. It was not the first time such things happened. Bent at their workstations, women in the eighteenth century cured ladies’ hats with mercury. Their legacy-blushing, aching limbs, a plague of rashes, parchment-thin pages of sloughed skin, curled

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Adrienne Trier-Bieniek - 2542-9205 Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:42:44PM via free access MATCH GIRLS and cracked, minds deranged. They could not know they shared a fate with Emperor Qin Shi Huang, who seeking eternal life, swallowed pills laced with mercury. He built the Great Wall and unified China, then outlawed all religions not sanctioned by the state, burned treatises on history, politics, and art. Scholars who dared possess such things, he buried alive. His body lies in a vast mausoleum, guarded by a terracotta army. Of the factory girls, mouths opening below earth, their bodies burning like forbidden books, we know almost nothing. (From Small Hours, by Ilyse Kusnetz, pp. 3–4, © Truman State University Press, 2014, reprinted here with permission)

QUESTIONS FOR CLASSROOM DISCUSSION 1. What sections of the poem indicate that the author is connecting gender to politics? 2. What areas of politics are addressed? 3. Discuss how institutions dictate the rights of workers. What makes this political?

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