Standup Comediennes: Killing Us with Laughter St Andup Comediennes
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STANDUP COMEDIENNES: KILLING US WITH LAUGHTER ST ANDUP COMEDIENNES: KILLING US WITH LAUGHTER By HENA KON, B.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree Master of Arts McMaster University May, 1988 MASTER OF ARTS (1988) McMASTER UNIVERSITY (Sociology) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: STANDUP COMEDIENNES: KILLING US WITH LAUGHTER AUTHOR: Hena Kon, B.A. SUPERVISOR: Dr. Jack Haas NUMBER OF PAGES: v, 187 ii ABSTRACT This study examines the social worlds of standup comediennes. Data were collected through participant observation in comedy clubs and in-depth interviews with com ediennes. The focus is on their experiences as women III a male ordered occupation. A variety of objective and ideological constraints which women, as a minority, face, are analyzed. Attention is then paid to how they deal with these realities as well as their attempts to integrate their personal convictions into their performances. Problems which are specific to female comics and thus, gender-based, are analyzed from a feminist perspective. It is argued that since stand up comedy is based on control and since patriarchy, in its structure and process of socialization, denies women access to control, female standups are faced with varying degrees of resis tance. This study suggests that acceptance of female comics is linked to cultural perceptions of women. Thus, resistance to female comics will disappear only if and when society accepts the idea of women sharing control with men. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS "A thesis on comedy, must be fun," is a comment I have heard often in the past year. And it was fun, despite moments of panic and frustration. But no, it's not funny! I am indebted to all the comediennes I interviewed for their openness and honesty. This project would have never materialized without them. My sincerest gratitude goes to Jack Haas for his guidance and "ego massages". Also, special thanks to Jack Richardson, a dignified, humane, classy guy who laughed at all my jokes. I'd like to thank Rob for saving me a tremendous amount of time and being such a patient teacher. Finally, my deepest appreciation and thanks go to Kath for resurrecting the dream which started it all, and to Allison for being both a friend and saviour who understood the SOURCE of my desperation. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract III Acknowledgements IV Chapter I: Introduction Chapter 2: Methodology 14 Chapter 3: The Comedy Field: It's A Man's World 30 Chapter 4: Funny Women: Myths and Realities 54 Chapter 5: Career: So, You Wanna Be a Comedienne? 85 Chapter 6: Cornie/Audience Interaction: Pulling the Laugh Strings 129 Chapter 7: Conclusion 175 Glossary: 182 Bibliography: 184 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION Think 'comedian' and what do you see? A man at a microphone telling jokes. Although it's not the only way of being a comedian, it's seen as the epitome. The modern image is the tortured persona of Richard Pryor, or the dour offensiveness of Bernard Manning ... Women standups do not spring easily to mind (Banks and Swift, 1987: 1). Using a feminist perspective, this thesis focuses on women in standup comedy and examines the problems women encounter in an aggressive, often hostile environment. Relying primarily on interviews with comediennes, the descriptions and analyses take into account both the objective realities of the standup career and female comics' subjective perceptions of these realities. While it would be erroneous to claim outright that according to comics, a woman's place was in the home, they certainly made it clear by their words and actions, that her place was not on the comedy circuit. And she, with very few exceptions, complied, remaining absent from the field until the 1960's. True, women had been, since the days of vaudeville, lovable comediennes, making their absence in the field of standup all the more glaring. Since this thesis deals primarily with women who operate in the world of standup comedy, we shall not concern ourselves with their presence in films and radio, but limit ourselves to standup which, admittedly, is a small segment of a much larger comedy field. In order to understand why women were barred from this harsh, often crude world, this chapter shall define standup comedy and outline its history, tracing current attitudes towards comediennes all the way back to their roots. Simultaneously, we shall examine the development of standup in light of profound changes in the larger society. Given the inherently aggressive nature of this medium, it quickly becomes apparent that it would have been virtually impossible for women to take part. For decades, stand up was considered a most "unfeminine" occupation, historically restrictive to women. The entry of women into the field of standup comedy coincided with the second wave of feminism. This was also a decade of social upheaval which witnessed changes in attitudes and a sense of rebellion against the old conservative order. Slowly, there emerged a recognition of women's oppression and their abilities. However, it would be taking an overly optimistic view to assume that women were eagerly welcomed onto the nightclub comedy circuit. Rather, they took access, creating their own opportunities, breaking through psychological barriers and demanding the right to be heard. With this outline in mind, let us now turn to a more detailed description of the history of standup comedy. THE HISTORY Improvisation, vaudeville, standup comedy - all refer to performances designed to elicit laughter but there are differences between them. Improvisation, a team effort, involves the spontaneous creation of humourous scenes on stage, usually based on audience suggestion. Vaudeville, the oldest of the three, was also a group effort, characterized by a mixture of music, song, dance, acrobatics and humourous patter (Martin and Segrave, 1986:27-30). Its humourous portion usually consisted of gags and one-liners. Standup comedy evolved from vaudeville, and the occasional use of music as well as the use of one-liners are the only remaining traces of this heritage. Essentially, standup is a monologue containing humourous observations and recollections. What distinguishes standup from all other forms of comedy performance is the fact that it is a solo effort. Despite its current coverage 10 tabloids and popular magazines, comprehensive historical accounts of standup comedy are virtually non-existent. The few books that devote any space at all to the topic of standup comedy forsake historical accuracy for a 3 more general description of mood and atmosphere. There is, however, a consensus that standup comedy as we know it in its present form, began in the 1930's. Following the death of vaudeville (as big name comics were lured onto the big screen), nightclubs and resorts began featuring comedians. In fact, the resort hotels, especially those in upstate New York (the Adirondacks, Poconos and Catskills) - otherwise known as the "Borscht Belt" - were among the earliest and most populous training ground for young men with comic aspirations. Most worked long hours for very low pay, making $250 for an entire summer. Aside from performing on stage, they were required to engage in "toomling" acting the part of joker all day long by kidding around with guests, jumping into the pool fully clothed and performing similar antics. Moreover, at some resorts they were required by owners to discreetly "romance the girls" (Newsweek, 1966: 120). In these mountain resorts, standup still bore a close resemblance to its predece ssor (vaudeville) with acts consisting of gags and one-liners strung together, many of them copied out of gag books or stolen from fellow comics. During the latter half of the 1930's, nightclubs began featuring comedians. It took another decade before their popularity would "catch on", and the late 40's and 50's witnessed a proliferation of nightclubs, especially in larger cities like New York. (To this day, it is in the clubs where the majority of comics learn and perfect their craft.) The life of a standup comic was far from enviable. He generally worked on the road, playing mostly to drunk, rowdy club patrons, often as a warm-up act to the main attraction (either a singer or a stripper). At the mercy of audience and owners' tastes, he was susceptible to being fired, without pay, after the first night, stranded in rough neighbourhoods of unfamiliar cities. This was the situation faced by all beginners. Clearly, from its infancy straight through its adolescence, standup comedy offered very few incentives and even fewer rewards. Fortunately, by the mid-50's, a 4 new type of club had emerged. Condescendingly referred to by old-timers as "chi-chi" clubs, they attracted crowds with more discriminating tastes. While they were seriously outnumbered by the "dives", they encouraged the exploration of a new style of comedy. Gradually, one-liners were dropped in favour of socio-political humour, and routines contained more whimsy and truth. Although these new clubs "brought the cafe I.Q. up a few points and altered expectations" (Berger, 1975:65), the humour went above the heads of most club owners and their patrons. Still, the entry of chi-chi clubs and the death of one-liners signalled the beginning of an evolution of standup comedy and a redefinition of humour. As the old clubs contemptuously referred to as "toilets" were going under, "chi chi" ones happily assumed the reins of leadership (Berger, 1975). Elements such as mood, texture and feel of a piece (of material), became integral to a performer's approach. His topics included religion, drugs, issues such as race relations, and he depicted bizarre, outlandish scenarios. This trend led to a veritable explosion in the 1960's, where Greenwich Village became the hangout for new young talent.