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Notes on the Sacred Place Called the Coatlan by the Aztecs
NOTES ON THE SACRED PLACE CALLED THE COATLAN BY THE AZTECS There is a large plaza at Teotihuacan which lies at the the foot of the so-called Temple of the Moon. This Temple looms like a mountain at the northern terminus of the great north-south ceremonial way and is almost certainly a man-made model of that mountain which the Aztecs named "Tenan" meaning "Our Mother' or "Mother of Stone". As a sacred enclosure the plaza is second in size only to the Ciudadela toward the southern end of the ceremonial way which was by far the most prominent thoroughfare through the city of Teotihuacan. The Aztecs named it "The Road of the Dead". Although the original name of the plaza is lost to us, the significance of the space must have been clearly understood by the Aztecs. We know they had the most profound respect for Teotihuacan even though its ancient structures had lain in ruins for five hundred years before the nomadic tofeecs entered the Valley of Mexico. Like the mountain Tenan, the plaza and its temple honored the mother goddess, the giver of life and the devourer of the dead. She had many names and manifestations for the newcomers. Her most prestigious name among the new lords of the Valley of Mexico was "Cihuacoatl", "Woman-serpent", and in the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan her temple and its enclosure was called the "Coatlan". As with Coatlans everywhere, the Aztecs saw the Plaza of the Moon as a the Place of Origins and Endings, both womb and tomb. -
Public Ritual Sacrifice As a Controlling Mechanism for the Aztec" (2017)
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Honors Scholar Theses Honors Scholar Program Spring 5-1-2017 Public Ritual Sacrifice sa a Controlling Mechanism for the Aztec Madeline Nicholson [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/srhonors_theses Part of the Archaeological Anthropology Commons, Folklore Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Nicholson, Madeline, "Public Ritual Sacrifice as a Controlling Mechanism for the Aztec" (2017). Honors Scholar Theses. 549. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/srhonors_theses/549 APRIL 2017 Public Ritual Sacrifice as a Controlling Mechanism for the Aztec MADELINE NICHOLSON UNIVERISITY OF CONNECTICUT Anthropology Honors Thesis Public Ritual Sacrifice 1 Introduction against the Mesoamerican archaeology. Help from other anthropologists such as: Catherine For decades, archaeologists have Bell, Pierre Bourdieu, Edmund Leach, Emile researched the fascinating finds of Aztec Durkheim, and Åsa Berggren supplement the sacrifice. Evidence of their sacrifices are seen two main theories. on temple walls, stone carvings, bones, and Rituals are the foundation of society. in Spanish chronicler drawings. Although They create an environment where laypeople public ritual sacrifice was practiced before lose their personal identity in favor of the the Aztecs, with evidence from the Olmec group. They reinforce social roles and civilization (1200-1300 BCE) and Maya ideologies through their performance. Pierre (200-900 BCE), Aztec sacrifices are among Bourdieu explains rituals through “practice the most extensively documented. How does theory where rituals are seen as expressions such a practice as human sacrifice survive in of meaning, as parts of a structuration process different civilizations through different where everything and everybody are tied rulers? This thesis will analyze the phases of together into a whole that is perceived as Aztec public ritual sacrifice and the close objective and true” (Bruck 1999: 176). -
Compressing History: Excavating Meaning from the Codex Xolotl Fragments
Compressing History: Excavating Meaning from the Codex Xolotl Fragments Hayley B. Woodward LAST 7000 – Core Seminar 18 December 2017 Profs. Jimmy Huck and Thomas Reese The Codex Xolotl stands out within the oeuvre of early colonial Nahua manuscripts for its compendium of historical, genealogical, martial, and geographical information, painted by the hands of multiple indigenous painters-scribes in early 1540s Texcoco.1 Across ten pages of indigenous amatl paper, the historical narrative of the Chichimec migratory group and the nascent royal line of Texcoco unfolds onto a geographic template, which binds the painted events to a spatial schema of the eastern valley of Mexico. Although many questions remain regarding the ten primary pages of the document, even less is known about three fragmentary sheets that are undoubtedly associated with the Xolotl (Figures 1, 2, and 3). These fragments portray a parallel valley schema and exhibit stylistic similarities with the ten complete pages, but the narrative content is obscure and has received even less scholarly attention than the completed codex. After providing a background on the pictorial histories of Texcoco and the ten complete pages of the Codex Xolotl, this paper will examine the material and textual evidence of the fragments’ relationship to one another, which proves that the strips of paper were intended to be viewed as a composite whole in their original context. The paper will then address the relationship between the narratives of the fragments and the complete Codex Xolotl. This analysis reveals that the fragments are assuredly not integral of the complete Xolotl’s uninterrupted, linear narrative, as the fragments compress historical events from multiple pages of the Xolotl into their geographic scope. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Nahua and Spanish
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Nahua and Spanish Concepts of Health and Disease in Colonial Mexico, 1519-1615 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Rebecca Ann Dufendach 2017 © Copyright by Rebecca Ann Dufendach 2017 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Nahua and Spanish Concepts of Health and Disease in Colonial Mexico, 1519-1615 by Rebecca Ann Dufendach Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Los Angeles, 2017 Professor Kevin B. Terraciano, Chair This dissertation uses a wide variety of original historical sources to examine Nahua (Aztec) and Spanish concepts of health and sickness in the sixteenth century, and how both cultures applied these concepts in their attempt to understand the widespread, devastating epidemics that plagued colonial Mexico or New Spain. The Nahuatl and Spanish texts of the Florentine Codex and the Relaciones Geográficas, in addition to several other pictorial and alphabetic writings, abound with information on a topic that is little explored and poorly understood: how did indigenous peoples comprehend and remember the terrible, recurring diseases that wiped out about 90% of their population over the course of a century? How did they associate disease with the arrival of the Spaniards, the conquest, Christianity, and colonial rule? How did they speak and write about these matters? And how did their words on these topics differ from what the Spaniards said? How did Spanish cultural concepts, based on Greek, Roman, -
The Bilimek Pulque Vessel (From in His Argument for the Tentative Date of 1 Ozomatli, Seler (1902-1923:2:923) Called Atten- Nicholson and Quiñones Keber 1983:No
CHAPTER 9 The BilimekPulqueVessel:Starlore, Calendrics,andCosmologyof LatePostclassicCentralMexico The Bilimek Vessel of the Museum für Völkerkunde in Vienna is a tour de force of Aztec lapidary art (Figure 1). Carved in dark-green phyllite, the vessel is covered with complex iconographic scenes. Eduard Seler (1902, 1902-1923:2:913-952) was the first to interpret its a function and iconographic significance, noting that the imagery concerns the beverage pulque, or octli, the fermented juice of the maguey. In his pioneering analysis, Seler discussed many of the more esoteric aspects of the cult of pulque in ancient highland Mexico. In this study, I address the significance of pulque in Aztec mythology, cosmology, and calendrics and note that the Bilimek Vessel is a powerful period-ending statement pertaining to star gods of the night sky, cosmic battle, and the completion of the Aztec 52-year cycle. The Iconography of the Bilimek Vessel The most prominent element on the Bilimek Vessel is the large head projecting from the side of the vase (Figure 2a). Noting the bone jaw and fringe of malinalli grass hair, Seler (1902-1923:2:916) suggested that the head represents the day sign Malinalli, which for the b Aztec frequently appears as a skeletal head with malinalli hair (Figure 2b). However, because the head is not accompanied by the numeral coefficient required for a completetonalpohualli Figure 2. Comparison of face date, Seler rejected the Malinalli identification. Based on the appearance of the date 8 Flint on front of Bilimek Vessel with Aztec Malinalli sign: (a) face on on the vessel rim, Seler suggested that the face is the day sign Ozomatli, with an inferred Bilimek Vessel, note malinalli tonalpohualli reference to the trecena 1 Ozomatli (1902-1923:2:922-923). -
OCTLI'- See Pulque. OFFERINGS
OFFERINGS 403 OCTLI'- See Pulque. vidual was buried together with the objects necessary for living in the afterlife; alternatively, it could be the vestiges of a dedicatory rite in which a new building was given OFFERINGS. Buried offerings are the material ex- essence by interring a sacrificial victim with various ce- pressions of rites of sacrifice, or oblation. They are the ramic vessels. tangible result of individual or collective acts of a sym- As a consequence of two centuries of archaeological in- bolic character that are repeated according to invariable vestigations throughout Mesoamerica, we now have an rules and that achieve effects that are, at least in part, of impressive corpus of buried offerings. This rich assort- an extra-empirical nature. In specific terms, offerings are ment often permits us to recognize the traditions of obla- donations made by the faithful with the purpose of estab- tion practiced in a city, a group of cities, a region, or an lishing a cornmunication and exchange with the super- area, in addition to the principal transformations that oc- natural. In this reciprocal process, the believer gives curred through four millennia of Mesoamerican history. something to adivine being in the hope of currying its The oldest buried offerings date to the Early Formative favor and obtaining a greater benefit in return. With of- period (2500-1200 BCE) and generally consist of anthro- ferings and sacrifices, one propitiates or "pays for" all pomorphic figurines and ceramic vessels deposited in the types of divine favors, including rain, plentiful harvests, construction fill of the village dwellings. -
“Enclosures with Inclusion” Vis-À-Vis “Boundaries” in Ancient Mexico
Ancient Mesoamerica, page 1 of 16, 2021 Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0956536121000043 “ENCLOSURES WITH INCLUSION” VIS-À-VIS “BOUNDARIES” IN ANCIENT MEXICO Amos Megged Department of General History, University of Haifa, Mount Carmel, Haifa 31990, Israel Abstract Recent in-depth research on the Nahua Corpus Xolotl, as well as on a large variety of compatible sources, has led to new insights on what were “boundaries” in preconquest Nahua thought. The present article proposes that our modern Western concept of borders and political boundaries was foreign to ancient Mexican societies and to Aztec-era polities in general. Consequently, the article aims to add a novel angle to our understanding of the notions of space, territoriality, and limits in the indigenous worldview in central Mexico during preconquest times, and their repercussions for the internal social and political relations that evolved within the Nahua-Acolhua ethnic states (altepetl). Furthermore, taking its cue from the Corpus Xolotl, the article reconsiders the validity of ethnic entities and polities in ancient Mexico and claims that many of these polities were ethnic and territorial amalgams, in which components of ethnic outsiders formed internal enclaves and powerbases. I argue that in ancient Mexico one is able to observe yet another kind of conceptualization of borders/ frontiers: “enclosures with inclusion,” which served as the indigenous concept of porous and inclusive boundaries, well up to the era of the formation of the so-called Triple Alliance, and beyond. -
Notes on a Sacred Place Called "The Coatlan" by the Aztecs
NOTES ON A SACRED PLACE CALLED "THE COATLAN" BY THE AZTECS There is a large plaza at Teotihuacan which lies at the the foot of the so-called Temple of the Moon. This Temple looms like a mountain at the northern terminus of the great north-south ceremonial way and is almost certainly a man-made model of that mountain named by the Aztecs "Tenan" meaning "Our Mother1 or "Mother of Stone". As a sacred enclosure the plaza is second in size only to the Ciudadela situated toward the southern end of the ceremonial road, by far the most prominent thoroughfare through the city of Teotihuacan. The Aztecs named it "The Road of the Dead". Although the original name of the north plaza is lost to us, the significance of the space must have been clearly understood by the Aztecs. We know they had the most profound respect for Teotihuacan even though its ancient structures had lain in ruins for untold centuries before Aztec nomads entered the Valley of Mexico. Like the mountain, Tenan, the plaza and its principal temple must have honored the Teotihuacani mother goddess, the giver of life and the devourer of the dead. She had many names and manifestations for the Aztec people. Her most prestigious Aztec name was probably "Cihuacoatl", "Woman-serpent", and we know that, in their capital city of Tenochtitlan, her temple with its enclosure was called the "Coatlan" and the "Tlillan". Coatlan means "the Place of Serpents". The Serpent is the supreme symbol of the life force but, as in the case of poisonous snakes, it is also associated with the power to cause death. -
Encounter with the Plumed Serpent
Maarten Jansen and Gabina Aurora Pérez Jiménez ENCOUNTENCOUNTEERR withwith thethe Drama and Power in the Heart of Mesoamerica Preface Encounter WITH THE plumed serpent i Mesoamerican Worlds From the Olmecs to the Danzantes GENERAL EDITORS: DAVÍD CARRASCO AND EDUARDO MATOS MOCTEZUMA The Apotheosis of Janaab’ Pakal: Science, History, and Religion at Classic Maya Palenque, GERARDO ALDANA Commoner Ritual and Ideology in Ancient Mesoamerica, NANCY GONLIN AND JON C. LOHSE, EDITORS Eating Landscape: Aztec and European Occupation of Tlalocan, PHILIP P. ARNOLD Empires of Time: Calendars, Clocks, and Cultures, Revised Edition, ANTHONY AVENI Encounter with the Plumed Serpent: Drama and Power in the Heart of Mesoamerica, MAARTEN JANSEN AND GABINA AURORA PÉREZ JIMÉNEZ In the Realm of Nachan Kan: Postclassic Maya Archaeology at Laguna de On, Belize, MARILYN A. MASSON Life and Death in the Templo Mayor, EDUARDO MATOS MOCTEZUMA The Madrid Codex: New Approaches to Understanding an Ancient Maya Manuscript, GABRIELLE VAIL AND ANTHONY AVENI, EDITORS Mesoamerican Ritual Economy: Archaeological and Ethnological Perspectives, E. CHRISTIAN WELLS AND KARLA L. DAVIS-SALAZAR, EDITORS Mesoamerica’s Classic Heritage: Teotihuacan to the Aztecs, DAVÍD CARRASCO, LINDSAY JONES, AND SCOTT SESSIONS Mockeries and Metamorphoses of an Aztec God: Tezcatlipoca, “Lord of the Smoking Mirror,” GUILHEM OLIVIER, TRANSLATED BY MICHEL BESSON Rabinal Achi: A Fifteenth-Century Maya Dynastic Drama, ALAIN BRETON, EDITOR; TRANSLATED BY TERESA LAVENDER FAGAN AND ROBERT SCHNEIDER Representing Aztec Ritual: Performance, Text, and Image in the Work of Sahagún, ELOISE QUIÑONES KEBER, EDITOR The Social Experience of Childhood in Mesoamerica, TRACI ARDREN AND SCOTT R. HUTSON, EDITORS Stone Houses and Earth Lords: Maya Religion in the Cave Context, KEITH M. -
An Effigy of Tezcatlipoca from the Bilimek Collection in Vienna
Ancient Mesoamerica, 31 (2020), 343–359 Copyright © Cambridge University Press, 2020 doi:10.1017/S0956536119000324 AN EFFIGY OF TEZCATLIPOCA FROM THE BILIMEK COLLECTION IN VIENNA Jeremy D. Coltman ,a Guilhem Olivier,b and Gerard van Busselc aDepartment of Anthropology, University of California, Riverside, 1334 Watkins Hall, Riverside, California 92521 bInstituto de Investigaciones Históricas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Mexico, Circuito, Mario de La Cueva S/n, C.U., Coyoacán, C.P. 04510, Mexico City, Mexico c Weltmuseum Wien, Heldenplatz, 1010 Vienna, Austria Abstract Most representations of Tezcatlipoca, the supreme sorcerer of Late Postclassic central Mexico, come from the codices of the Mixteca- Puebla tradition. This important deity was also represented, however, in statues, wall paintings, bas-reliefs, as well as head-shaped ceramic pieces, the latter of which are little-known and poorly studied. In this study, we offer a detailed analysis of one of the best examples of Tezcatlipoca head-shaped ceramic pieces sheltered in the Bilimek Collection at the Weltmuseum in Vienna. We compare the Tezcatlipoca effigy head of Vienna with similar pieces from the Colección Fundación Televisa in Mexico City, the Museo Regional de Cholula, and the Museo del Valle de Tehuacán, all representations being fine examples of the Eastern Nahua artistic tradition. The similarity between the iconography on the Tezcatlipoca pedestal in Vienna and the murals of Ocotelulco and Tizatlan, Tlaxcala, are particularly striking, sharing representations of skulls, hands, and a motif we have identified as a mirror. We also analyze in detail the links between the iconography of Tezcatlipoca with that of the Macuiltonaleque. Finally, we propose the possibility of a ritual use of these ceramic vessels, associated with the ingestion of pulque in the framework of a Tezcatlipoca drinking cult. -
THE XALAQUIA CEREMONY the Present Study Is an Attempt To
THE XALAQUIA CEREMONY CHARLES E. DIBBLE The present study is an attempt to explore the possible meaning or meanings of a ceremony called xalaquia. The term is apparently limited to Sahagún's Historia and his Primeros Memoríales. Saha gún's explanation thereof occurs only once in the corresponding Spanish texto The ceremony is first mentioned in Book II, in the month Uei tecuilhuitl. According to the Nahuatl text, after a woman had been arrayed as the likeness of the gooddess Xilonen, "she entered at four places" -nauhcampa yn aquja, "or she entered the sand"- anofo xalaquja. Thus the entering at four places is a ceremony which is equated with entering the sand, i.e., the xalaquia ceremony. The Nahuatl text gives the meaning of the ceremony: Hit was said 'she enters the sand' because in this way she made known her death -that on the morrow she wouId ynic mitoa xalaqui, ic quimachtilia }'1t jmiquizJ in miquiz muztla. The Nahuatl text con tinues by giving the four places she entered and uses the verb aquí or aquia. X alaquía does not occur in this portion of the texto In personal correspondance, Dr. Angel Maria Garibay K. suggested aquia is probably an assimilation of aaquia "enter the water" The four places of entry were Tetamazolco, Necoquixecan (Necoc Ixecan ), Atenchicalcan and Xolloco. These four places or stations "followed, accompanied the four year-bearers -acatl, tecpatl, calli, tochtli-" fá quitoctiaia, fan qujujcaltiaia yn nauhtetl xiuhtonalli yn acatl, in tecpatl in calli, in tochtli. 1 Sahagún's corresponding Spanish text adds further detail: "many women surrounded the woman [arrayed as the goddess XilonenJ and took her to offer incense at the four pIaces" -cercábanla mu chas mujeres; llevábanla en medio a ofrecer incienso a cuatro partes. -
The University of Chicago the History of Idolatry and The
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE HISTORY OF IDOLATRY AND THE CODEX DURÁN PAINTINGS A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF ART HISTORY BY KRISTOPHER TYLER DRIGGERS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS JUNE 2020 Copyright © 2020 by Kristopher Driggers All rights reserved. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ………..……………………………………………………………… iv ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………….. viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .….………………………………...………………………….. ix INTRODUCTION: The History of Idolatry and the Codex Durán Paintings……………… 1 CHAPTER 1. Historicism and Mesoamerican Tradition: The Book of Gods and Rites…… 34 CHAPTER 2. Religious History and the Veintenas: Productive Misreadings and Primitive Survivals in the Calendar Paintings ………………………………………………………… 66 CHAPTER 3. Toward Signification: Narratives of Chichimec Religion in the Opening Paintings of the Historia Treatise…………………………………………………………… 105 CHAPTER 4. The Idolater Kings: Rulers and Religious History in the Later Historia Paintings……………………………………………………………………………. 142 CONCLUSION. Picturing the History of Idolatry: Four Readings ………………………… 182 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………………. 202 APPENDIX: FIGURES ……………………………………………………………………... 220 iii LIST OF FIGURES Some images are not reproduced due to restrictions. Chapter 1 1.1 Image of the Goddess Chicomecoatl, Codex Durán Folio 283 recto…………………..220 1.2 Priests, Codex Durán Folio 273 recto………………………………………………......221 1.3 Quetzalcoatl with devotional offerings, Codex Durán folio 257 verso………………...222 1.4 Codex Durán image of Camaxtli alongside frontispiece of Motolinia manuscript (caption only)..……………………………………………………………………….....223 1.5 Priests drawing blood with a zacatlpayolli in the corner, Codex Durán folio 248….….224 1.6 Priests wearing garlands and expressively gesturing, Codex Durán folio 246 recto.…..225 1.7 Tezcatlipoca, Codex Durán folio 241 recto ..………………………………….……….226 1.8 Image from Trachtenbuch, Christoph Weiditz, pp.