Analysis of 30+ Years of Working with Conflict in the Georgian- Abkhaz-South Ossetian Contexts
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11. Nationalism, Nation Making, & the Postcolonial States of Asia, Africa
After Independence: Making and Protecting the Nation in Postcolonial and Postcommunist States Lowell W. Barrington, Editor http://www.press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=126246 The University of Michigan Press 11. Nationalism, Nation Making, & the Postcolonial States of Asia, Africa, & Eurasia RONALD GRIGOR SUNY I have benefited enormously from Lowell Barrington’s clarifying essays on ethnicity and nationalism. His distinction insisting on territorial- ity for the nation but not for ethnicity is very useful. At the same time, in our many discussions, I have argued that his de‹nition of the nation remains, for my money, too objectivist. So I have amended the de‹nitions he offers in his introductory chapter as a prelude to my own discussion of nationalism after independence. My additions are in brackets. “What makes nations different from other groups,” writes Barrington, “is that they are collectives [who feel they are] united by shared cultural features (such as language, myths, and values) and the belief in the right to territorial self-determination. Put another way, they are groups of people [who believe they are] linked by unifying cultural characteristics and the desire to con- trol a territory that is thought of as the group’s rightful homeland.” My amendments here are meant to emphasize the unease I have about too concrete a notion of “cultural features” or “cultural characteristics.” Having heard all my life about the importance of preserving ethnic culture and remaining unsure about what that entailed, I subscribe to a notion -
Nationalism and Hegemony in Post
Caucasus Edition Journal of Conflict Transformation POLITICAL TRANSITIONS AND CONFLICTS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS Caucasus Edition Volume 3, Issue 2 2018 Volume 3 | Issue 2 In This Issue From the Editorial Team 1 PART 1 4 Engagement with the South Caucasus de facto states: A viable strategy for conflict transformation? Nina Caspersen 5 Russia and the conflicts in the South Caucasus: main approaches, problems, and prospects Sergey Markedonov 24 Two Modalities of Foreign and Domestic Policies in Turkey: From Soft Power to War Rhetoric Ömer Turan 48 PART 2 66 Nationalism and Hegemony in Post-Communist Georgia Bakar Berekashvili 67 Russia and Georgia 2008-2018 – Escapism for the Sake of Peace? Dmitry Dubrovskiy 80 Recommendations Dmitry Dubrovskiy 92 The Poverty of Militarism: The ‘Velvet Revolution’ and the Defeat of Militarist Quasi-Ideology in Armenia Mikayel Zolyan 95 Discourses of War and Peace within the Context of the Nagorno- Karabakh Conflict: The Case of Azerbaijan Lala Jumayeva 105 Recommendations Lala Jumayeva, Mikayel Zolyan 117 Perceptions in Azerbaijan of the Impact of Revolutionary Changes in Armenia on the Nagorno-Karabakh Peace Process Zaur Shiriyev 119 Karabakh Discourses in Armenia Following the Velvet Revolution Anahit Shirinyan 140 Recommendations Anahit Shirinyan, Zaur Shiriyev 155 Authors 158 Editors 161 Nationalism and Hegemony in Post-Communist Georgia Nationalism and Hegemony in Post-Communist Georgia Bakar Berekashvili Introduction: Prelude for Georgian Nationalism Georgian nationalism is a modern political and cultural project that embodies both liberal and conservative elements. The liberal narrative of Georgian nationalism is focused on the idea of sovereignty and statehood, and the trauma of the Soviet past. -
Participatory Communication for a Culture of Peace in a Post-Conflict Context
Hanna Sjödin, August, 2020 Participatory communication for a culture of peace in a post- conflict context A study of communication in the aftermath of the Abkhaz- Georgian armed conflict Communication for Development One-year master 15 Credits Spring 2020 Supervisor: Josepha Wessels Degree project, Communication for Development, Hanna Sjödin, August, 2020 Participatory communication for a culture of peace in a post-conflict context Abstract This study aims at researching how a sustainable culture of peace can be built through civic engagement in the Abkhaz-Georgian post conflict context. It does so by learning from locally based NGOs, working for a culture of peace in areas affected by the Abkhaz-Georgian armed conflict which occurred 1993 to 1994. The studied NGOs work for different components within a Culture of Peace such as; women’s rights, peace building, social and economic development, democratic participations and human rights. In order to answer the research question following sub questions are answered: What can we learn from the experiences of the studied organizations’ participatory communication for social change? How has the culture of communication in the Abkhaz-Georgian post conflict context been affecting the participatory communication for social change for the different organizations? The method to collect data to the research has been through a field study in Abkhazia and outside its border on the Georgian side, in the city Zugdidi which is the closest city to the Abkhazian border. Participatory observations and interviews with representatives from the different organizations working for a culture of peace were conducted during two and a half months. The theoretical framework used for the study consists of three theories. -
Ghia Nodia Components of the Georgian National Idea
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ILIAUNI Open Journal Systems (Ilia State University, Tbilisi) Ghia Nodia Components of the Georgian National Idea: an Outline Since the 1980s, theoretical literature on nationalism has abounded, its most influential stars including Ernest Gellner, Benedict Anderson, An- thony Smith and Rogers Brubaker. The main thrust has been to problema- tize the concept of nation as most people have tended to perceive it since the 19th century. To reject, that is, the romanticized idea of a nation as an age- old, pre-given entity one is supposed to speak of with awe. The new scholars of nations and nationalism disdain these approaches as “primoridialist” and “essentialist” - which, for them, is synonymous with unprofessionalism and inadequacy. On the other hand, most of Georgian intellectual tradition, in- asmuch as it is preoccupied with the concept of the Georgian nation, takes the essentialist-primordialist approach for granted - even when authors dis- play sharply critical attitudes towards different aspects of Georgian social or political realities. Georgian sociologists who teach contemporary theories of nationalism rarely apply them to Georgian material.1 The latter attempts are rare and mostly belong to foreign scholars.2 The aim of this article is to propose a tentative trajectory of the evolu- tion of the idea of the modern Georgian nation. I will not go into theoretical debates on nationalism but start by briefly summarizing my general approach towards the problem. Then I will proceed with a general description of two major components of the Georgian national idea: identity-building on the one hand, and the Georgian nation as a political project. -
Young Women¸S Voices About War, Peace and Power
9a_LUOS `LQ XUNU`R G=C<5E=;3<¸AD=713A/0=CBE/@>3/13/<2>=E3@ Pushing the limits Young women’s voices about war, peace and power © pushing the limits – Young women’s voices about war, peace and power ReseaRch and inteRviews: KaRin tidestRöm editoRs: anna LithandeR and agneta södeRbeRg Jacobson RefeRence gRoup: chRistine bendeR, Åsa carlman, Liv FellandeR and eva Zillén design: Louise Bååth photogRaphy: maRia stéen [ M ] MOMENT the Kvinna till Kvinna foundation SlaKthuspLan 3 s- 121 62 Johanneshov sweden teLephone: +46-8-588 89 100 fax: +46-8-588 891 01 e-maiL: [email protected] www.iKtK.se ISBN 91- 974999 – 8 – 6 Printed by: swepogRafisKa Contents preface 8 madlena Kvaratskhelia 10 1. introduction 14 the right to one’s self 15 backlash and new opportunities 15 young women’s voices 15 najyeh hamad el-naim 1 2. Young women’s right to their bodies 20 self esteem 21 the denied right to sexuality 21 the institution of virginity 24 early marriages and young mothers 2 Fidaa adel Jabari 28 gender based violence 31 domestic violence after conflict 33 girls in the armed forces 34 abuse by the international community 35 laila Karoufeh 38 3. the right to freedom of movement 42 gender stereotypes control young women 44 Lack of communication 45 nana gelashvili 48 4. the right to meet and organise 52 the importance of meeting places 53 young women, democracy and peace 5 exchange promotes peace 58 whose knowledge counts? 58 nadja duhacek 0 conclusions 4 bibliography 66 notes 8 Preface Young women are at risk even during times of peace. -
Elite Political Networks, Network Change
ELITE POLITICAL NETWORKS, NETWORK CHANGE, AND VIOLENT CONFLICT IN UKRAINE AND GEORGIA by ANDREW MACDONALD AKIN BARBARA A. CHOTINER, COMMITTEE CHAIR KARL DEROUEN TERRY ROYED SIMANTI LAHIRI MARGARET PEACOCK A DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2013 Copyright Andrew MacDonald Akin 2013 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT The degree of variance in political outcomes after the Soviet collapse remains a subject of political inquiry because of the complicated nature of republic experiences during transition. This dissertation explores the variance in post-Soviet transitional violence, or its absence, in Ukraine and Georgia, by using social network analysis. The argument made is that the degree to which political elites in Georgia and in Ukraine were connected or fragmented is an untested, but highly relevant, factor in conflict onset. While the impact of elites on regime transition and armed conflict is a well-reviewed subject in the comparative literature, no study formally models elite networks as an explanation for why conflict begins, or abates. At the center of the argument is the structure of political elite networks created by personal or professional connections. Using social network analysis methods and eleven original datasets—from material in English, Russian, and Ukrainian—this study demonstrates that Ukrainian elites maintained well-connected and more densely tied networks both before and after the Soviet collapse than did elites in Georgia. Conclusions drawn from this study suggest that well-integrated elites create mechanisms by bargaining, or the creation of high social capital, to avoid conflict. -
Language Policy and National Identity in Georgia
Language Policy and National Identity in Georgia A thesis submitted for the degree of PhD to Queen Mary University of London 2011 Rusudan Amirejibi-Mullen Linguistics Abstract Language has been long recognised as a powerful marker of national identity, as has its role in transforming multi-ethnic societies into unified nations. Such is the case of multi-ethnic and multilingual Georgia, where language has today become a crucial factor in interethnic relations and in the Georgian nation-building process. This thesis sheds light on the nature of kartveloba (Georgianness) by examining Georgian language policy over the entire history of the nation. Despite the country’s long-standing civilisation and its established culture, Georgian statehood began to decline from the second half of the thirteenth century, until the country was eventually incorporated into the Russian empire at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Since then, there have been several attempts to instigate a ‘national revival’: 1) the cultural/linguistic movement of the nineteenth century, 2) the struggle to build a nation-state in 1918-1921, 3) the national liberation movement during the Soviet period (1921-1991), and 4) nation- state building in the post-Soviet period. All of these periods display common features with regard to language policy. 2 After investigating language policy and identity developments in the pre- modern period, this thesis examines Georgia under Russian rule (both Tsarist and Soviet), which made the country vulnerable to ethnic conflicts, and tries to explain the violent outcomes. The thesis goes on to examine public debate of language and minority issues, as well as efforts to elaborate inclusive language and ethnic policies in contemporary Georgia. -
Self-Determination Movements in the Former Soviet Union
SOVEREIGNTY AFTER EMPIRE Self-Determination Movements in the Former Soviet Union Galina Starovoitova UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE CONTENTS Key Points v Foreword ix 1 Introduction 1 2 Contemporary Nationalism and the Problem of Self-Determination 3 3 Hopes and Disappointments: Case Studies 9 4 Approaches of Decision Makers: Interviews with Mikhail Gorbachev, Jack Matlock, Sam Nunn, and Margaret Thatcher 30 5 Criteria for Self-Determination 36 6 Conclusion 39 Notes 41 Acknowledgments 43 About the Author 45 About the Institute 47 v on case studies and the observations of political lead- ers and top-level foreign policy officials. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF CONTEMPORARY NATIONALISM Contrary to the scenarios of global integration, nation- alism has not weakened in global society, but has, in KEY POINTS fact, gained strength. National feelings are rooted in the idea of a linguistic, religious, and psychological community based on the ancient kinship of the mem- bers of a given ethnic group. Only a powerful internal security apparatus could maintain the Soviet Union’s facade of a multinational socialist federation, so it is not surprising that the em- pire disintegrated upon communism’s discreditation. The Soviet republics exercised their right to secede soon after the August 1991 putsch. Holding a status below the union republics in the Soviet hierarchical system, autonomous territories were not so privileged. INTRODUCTION THE UNATTAINABLE RIGHT TO SELF- DETERMINATION The “right” to self-determination has recently reemerged as the focus of much debate, as its fulfill- At a time when ethnic groups are striving to affirm ment—or denial—quite often results in mass violence. -
Gender Equality in Georgia: Barriers and Recommendations
PARLIAMENT Promoting Rule of Law OF GEORGIA In Georgia (PROLoG) GENDER EQUALITY IN GEORGIA: BARRIERS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Volume 1 January 2018 This study is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), under the USAID-funded initiative Promoting Rule of Law in Georgia (PROLoG) implemented by the East-West Management Institute, Inc. (EWMI), and by the assistance from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and Government of Sweden, under the UN Joint Programme for Gender Equality. It was developed by PROLoG/UNDP international expert, Lori Mann, with the invaluable contributions and assistance of Tamar Tomashvili, PROLoG local expert and Nino Janashia, United Nations Development Programme local expert. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of its authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the USAID, the United States Government, EWMI, UNDP, Government of Sweden or Parliament of Georgia. Contents Preface 5 Acknowledgments 6 I. Executive summary 7 II. List of recommendations 11 III. Introduction 21 IV. Glossary 23 V. Gender Equality Law 24 A. Enforcement mechanisms 25 B. Definitions 25 C. Discrimination 27 D. Positive action 28 E. Gender-disaggregated statistics 28 F. Gender equality in labour relations 29 G. Local self-government bodies 33 H. Gender impact assessment reports 34 I. Gender equality in education 35 J. Gender equality in artistic and intellectual creation and production 36 K. Gender equality in information resources and technology 36 L. Gender Equality and Healthcare 37 M. Gender equality in sport 38 N. Gender equality in actuarial factors 38 O. -
Nationalism and the Issue of Nation-Building in the Nineteenth Century’S Georgian Political Thought
Przegląd Narodowościowy / Review of Nationalities • nr 8/2018 • Nations without state or states without nations ISSN 2084-848X (print) • ISSN 2543-9391 (on-line) • DOI 10.2478/pn-2018-0008 Salome Dundua * Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Tbilisi, Georgia https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1059-3113 Nationalism and the issue of nation-building in the nineteenth century’s Georgian political thought Among the great number of nationalism theories, one of the widespread and shared is the modernist one. Despite a lot of variations even within this trend, one thing is com- mon: nation is the concept of modern epoch and its birth is connected to the modern- ist age. Europe of the second half of nineteenth century was covered by the wave of na- tionalism which has resulted in, on the one hand, collapse of empires and liberation of nations, and on the another hand, unification of already existing nations and creation of new “nation-states”. It was a quite complex and long-term issue. Territorial and po- litical union is not enough for being perceived as one nation. For example, for creation of “Frenchman” and “Italians” a number of reforms were implemented: state enhanced education, compulsory elementary schooling, forbidding languages other than Italian or French and religion teaching, compulsory military service and so on.As Massimo Azeglio, one of the founders of unified Italy, once noted “Italy has been made, now it remains to make Italians” 1. According to Eric Hobsbawm, along with school education system during the pro- cess of communication governments o"en use the idea of sharing common history. -
The Georgian-Abkhaz Conflict Coppieters, Bruno
www.ssoar.info The Georgian-Abkhaz conflict Coppieters, Bruno Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Coppieters, B. (2004). The Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. JEMIE - Journal on ethnopolitics and minority issues in Europe, 1, 1-29. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-61974 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. anderweitig nutzen. Mit der Verwendung dieses Dokuments erkennen Sie die Nutzungsbedingungen an. Chapter 5 The Georgian-Abkhaz Conflict Bruno Coppieters This chapter analyses the historical background to the secessionist conflict in Abkhazia and the prospect of a settlement. -
Violence Against Women in Georgia
Violence against Women in Georgia Report submitted on the occasion of the 36th session of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women New York, August 2006 Research and drafting: GYLA Sophio Japaridze, [email protected] Khatuna Chitanava, [email protected] Irma Aladashvili, [email protected] OMCT Mariana Duarte, [email protected] 1 2 Foreword The submission of alternative reports is one of the main activities of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association (GYLA). The collaboration between both organisations in the preparation of this report is a combination of OMCT’s Violence against Women programme’s experience in submitting alternative information to the CEDAW and GYLA’s access to first-hand information on the situation of victims, also through its work with authorities and relevant institutions in Georgia. In particular, GYLA has been very active in putting forward legislative and protective measures aiming at improving the situation of victims of domestic violence and trafficking. Hence the information you will find in this report is very precise in that respect. This report aims to provide useful information to CEDAW experts relating to the List of issues and questions with regard to the consideration of the periodic report of Georgia (CEDAW/C/GEO/Q/3). The relevant items of the List of issues are referred to accordingly in each part of the report. Although the promises made by the Georgian Republic in the aftermath of the Beijing conference are now starting to be fulfilled at a fast pace, after many years of inaction, much still remains to be done in order to advance women’s rights and ensure gender equality in Georgia.