Georgian National Identity: Conflict and Integration
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11. Nationalism, Nation Making, & the Postcolonial States of Asia, Africa
After Independence: Making and Protecting the Nation in Postcolonial and Postcommunist States Lowell W. Barrington, Editor http://www.press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=126246 The University of Michigan Press 11. Nationalism, Nation Making, & the Postcolonial States of Asia, Africa, & Eurasia RONALD GRIGOR SUNY I have benefited enormously from Lowell Barrington’s clarifying essays on ethnicity and nationalism. His distinction insisting on territorial- ity for the nation but not for ethnicity is very useful. At the same time, in our many discussions, I have argued that his de‹nition of the nation remains, for my money, too objectivist. So I have amended the de‹nitions he offers in his introductory chapter as a prelude to my own discussion of nationalism after independence. My additions are in brackets. “What makes nations different from other groups,” writes Barrington, “is that they are collectives [who feel they are] united by shared cultural features (such as language, myths, and values) and the belief in the right to territorial self-determination. Put another way, they are groups of people [who believe they are] linked by unifying cultural characteristics and the desire to con- trol a territory that is thought of as the group’s rightful homeland.” My amendments here are meant to emphasize the unease I have about too concrete a notion of “cultural features” or “cultural characteristics.” Having heard all my life about the importance of preserving ethnic culture and remaining unsure about what that entailed, I subscribe to a notion -
Nationalism and Hegemony in Post
Caucasus Edition Journal of Conflict Transformation POLITICAL TRANSITIONS AND CONFLICTS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS Caucasus Edition Volume 3, Issue 2 2018 Volume 3 | Issue 2 In This Issue From the Editorial Team 1 PART 1 4 Engagement with the South Caucasus de facto states: A viable strategy for conflict transformation? Nina Caspersen 5 Russia and the conflicts in the South Caucasus: main approaches, problems, and prospects Sergey Markedonov 24 Two Modalities of Foreign and Domestic Policies in Turkey: From Soft Power to War Rhetoric Ömer Turan 48 PART 2 66 Nationalism and Hegemony in Post-Communist Georgia Bakar Berekashvili 67 Russia and Georgia 2008-2018 – Escapism for the Sake of Peace? Dmitry Dubrovskiy 80 Recommendations Dmitry Dubrovskiy 92 The Poverty of Militarism: The ‘Velvet Revolution’ and the Defeat of Militarist Quasi-Ideology in Armenia Mikayel Zolyan 95 Discourses of War and Peace within the Context of the Nagorno- Karabakh Conflict: The Case of Azerbaijan Lala Jumayeva 105 Recommendations Lala Jumayeva, Mikayel Zolyan 117 Perceptions in Azerbaijan of the Impact of Revolutionary Changes in Armenia on the Nagorno-Karabakh Peace Process Zaur Shiriyev 119 Karabakh Discourses in Armenia Following the Velvet Revolution Anahit Shirinyan 140 Recommendations Anahit Shirinyan, Zaur Shiriyev 155 Authors 158 Editors 161 Nationalism and Hegemony in Post-Communist Georgia Nationalism and Hegemony in Post-Communist Georgia Bakar Berekashvili Introduction: Prelude for Georgian Nationalism Georgian nationalism is a modern political and cultural project that embodies both liberal and conservative elements. The liberal narrative of Georgian nationalism is focused on the idea of sovereignty and statehood, and the trauma of the Soviet past. -
Ghia Nodia Components of the Georgian National Idea
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ILIAUNI Open Journal Systems (Ilia State University, Tbilisi) Ghia Nodia Components of the Georgian National Idea: an Outline Since the 1980s, theoretical literature on nationalism has abounded, its most influential stars including Ernest Gellner, Benedict Anderson, An- thony Smith and Rogers Brubaker. The main thrust has been to problema- tize the concept of nation as most people have tended to perceive it since the 19th century. To reject, that is, the romanticized idea of a nation as an age- old, pre-given entity one is supposed to speak of with awe. The new scholars of nations and nationalism disdain these approaches as “primoridialist” and “essentialist” - which, for them, is synonymous with unprofessionalism and inadequacy. On the other hand, most of Georgian intellectual tradition, in- asmuch as it is preoccupied with the concept of the Georgian nation, takes the essentialist-primordialist approach for granted - even when authors dis- play sharply critical attitudes towards different aspects of Georgian social or political realities. Georgian sociologists who teach contemporary theories of nationalism rarely apply them to Georgian material.1 The latter attempts are rare and mostly belong to foreign scholars.2 The aim of this article is to propose a tentative trajectory of the evolu- tion of the idea of the modern Georgian nation. I will not go into theoretical debates on nationalism but start by briefly summarizing my general approach towards the problem. Then I will proceed with a general description of two major components of the Georgian national idea: identity-building on the one hand, and the Georgian nation as a political project. -
Elite Political Networks, Network Change
ELITE POLITICAL NETWORKS, NETWORK CHANGE, AND VIOLENT CONFLICT IN UKRAINE AND GEORGIA by ANDREW MACDONALD AKIN BARBARA A. CHOTINER, COMMITTEE CHAIR KARL DEROUEN TERRY ROYED SIMANTI LAHIRI MARGARET PEACOCK A DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2013 Copyright Andrew MacDonald Akin 2013 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT The degree of variance in political outcomes after the Soviet collapse remains a subject of political inquiry because of the complicated nature of republic experiences during transition. This dissertation explores the variance in post-Soviet transitional violence, or its absence, in Ukraine and Georgia, by using social network analysis. The argument made is that the degree to which political elites in Georgia and in Ukraine were connected or fragmented is an untested, but highly relevant, factor in conflict onset. While the impact of elites on regime transition and armed conflict is a well-reviewed subject in the comparative literature, no study formally models elite networks as an explanation for why conflict begins, or abates. At the center of the argument is the structure of political elite networks created by personal or professional connections. Using social network analysis methods and eleven original datasets—from material in English, Russian, and Ukrainian—this study demonstrates that Ukrainian elites maintained well-connected and more densely tied networks both before and after the Soviet collapse than did elites in Georgia. Conclusions drawn from this study suggest that well-integrated elites create mechanisms by bargaining, or the creation of high social capital, to avoid conflict. -
Language Policy and National Identity in Georgia
Language Policy and National Identity in Georgia A thesis submitted for the degree of PhD to Queen Mary University of London 2011 Rusudan Amirejibi-Mullen Linguistics Abstract Language has been long recognised as a powerful marker of national identity, as has its role in transforming multi-ethnic societies into unified nations. Such is the case of multi-ethnic and multilingual Georgia, where language has today become a crucial factor in interethnic relations and in the Georgian nation-building process. This thesis sheds light on the nature of kartveloba (Georgianness) by examining Georgian language policy over the entire history of the nation. Despite the country’s long-standing civilisation and its established culture, Georgian statehood began to decline from the second half of the thirteenth century, until the country was eventually incorporated into the Russian empire at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Since then, there have been several attempts to instigate a ‘national revival’: 1) the cultural/linguistic movement of the nineteenth century, 2) the struggle to build a nation-state in 1918-1921, 3) the national liberation movement during the Soviet period (1921-1991), and 4) nation- state building in the post-Soviet period. All of these periods display common features with regard to language policy. 2 After investigating language policy and identity developments in the pre- modern period, this thesis examines Georgia under Russian rule (both Tsarist and Soviet), which made the country vulnerable to ethnic conflicts, and tries to explain the violent outcomes. The thesis goes on to examine public debate of language and minority issues, as well as efforts to elaborate inclusive language and ethnic policies in contemporary Georgia. -
Self-Determination Movements in the Former Soviet Union
SOVEREIGNTY AFTER EMPIRE Self-Determination Movements in the Former Soviet Union Galina Starovoitova UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE CONTENTS Key Points v Foreword ix 1 Introduction 1 2 Contemporary Nationalism and the Problem of Self-Determination 3 3 Hopes and Disappointments: Case Studies 9 4 Approaches of Decision Makers: Interviews with Mikhail Gorbachev, Jack Matlock, Sam Nunn, and Margaret Thatcher 30 5 Criteria for Self-Determination 36 6 Conclusion 39 Notes 41 Acknowledgments 43 About the Author 45 About the Institute 47 v on case studies and the observations of political lead- ers and top-level foreign policy officials. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF CONTEMPORARY NATIONALISM Contrary to the scenarios of global integration, nation- alism has not weakened in global society, but has, in KEY POINTS fact, gained strength. National feelings are rooted in the idea of a linguistic, religious, and psychological community based on the ancient kinship of the mem- bers of a given ethnic group. Only a powerful internal security apparatus could maintain the Soviet Union’s facade of a multinational socialist federation, so it is not surprising that the em- pire disintegrated upon communism’s discreditation. The Soviet republics exercised their right to secede soon after the August 1991 putsch. Holding a status below the union republics in the Soviet hierarchical system, autonomous territories were not so privileged. INTRODUCTION THE UNATTAINABLE RIGHT TO SELF- DETERMINATION The “right” to self-determination has recently reemerged as the focus of much debate, as its fulfill- At a time when ethnic groups are striving to affirm ment—or denial—quite often results in mass violence. -
Nationalism and the Issue of Nation-Building in the Nineteenth Century’S Georgian Political Thought
Przegląd Narodowościowy / Review of Nationalities • nr 8/2018 • Nations without state or states without nations ISSN 2084-848X (print) • ISSN 2543-9391 (on-line) • DOI 10.2478/pn-2018-0008 Salome Dundua * Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Tbilisi, Georgia https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1059-3113 Nationalism and the issue of nation-building in the nineteenth century’s Georgian political thought Among the great number of nationalism theories, one of the widespread and shared is the modernist one. Despite a lot of variations even within this trend, one thing is com- mon: nation is the concept of modern epoch and its birth is connected to the modern- ist age. Europe of the second half of nineteenth century was covered by the wave of na- tionalism which has resulted in, on the one hand, collapse of empires and liberation of nations, and on the another hand, unification of already existing nations and creation of new “nation-states”. It was a quite complex and long-term issue. Territorial and po- litical union is not enough for being perceived as one nation. For example, for creation of “Frenchman” and “Italians” a number of reforms were implemented: state enhanced education, compulsory elementary schooling, forbidding languages other than Italian or French and religion teaching, compulsory military service and so on.As Massimo Azeglio, one of the founders of unified Italy, once noted “Italy has been made, now it remains to make Italians” 1. According to Eric Hobsbawm, along with school education system during the pro- cess of communication governments o"en use the idea of sharing common history. -
The Georgian-Abkhaz Conflict Coppieters, Bruno
www.ssoar.info The Georgian-Abkhaz conflict Coppieters, Bruno Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Coppieters, B. (2004). The Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. JEMIE - Journal on ethnopolitics and minority issues in Europe, 1, 1-29. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-61974 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. anderweitig nutzen. Mit der Verwendung dieses Dokuments erkennen Sie die Nutzungsbedingungen an. Chapter 5 The Georgian-Abkhaz Conflict Bruno Coppieters This chapter analyses the historical background to the secessionist conflict in Abkhazia and the prospect of a settlement. -
Analysis of 30+ Years of Working with Conflict in the Georgian- Abkhaz-South Ossetian Contexts
Analysis of 30+ years of working with conflict in the Georgian- Abkhaz-South Ossetian contexts Larissa Sotieva and Juliet Schofield February Independent Peace Associates 2021 Analysis of 30+ years of working with conflict in the Georgian-Abkhaz-South Ossetian contexts Authors Larissa Sotieva and Juliet Schofield Independent Peace Associates (Indie Peace) Published by Independent Peace Associates © Independent Peace Associates, 2021, all rights reserved. Licensed to the European Union under conditions. Independent Peace Associates Ltd is a company limited by guarantee, no. 12182214. Registered office 34b York Way, London N1 9AB, United Kingdom. This publication was produced with the financial support of the European Union under the European Union Responsive Resource Fund implemented by the United Nations Development Programme. Its contents are the sole responsibility of Independent Peace Associates and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union nor the United Nations Development Programme. Contents Contents About Independent Peace Associates 5 About the authors 6 Introduction 7 Background and purpose 8 Methodology 8 Limitations and reflexivity 10 Conceptual framework for conflict transformation 12 The emergence of peacebuilding: motivations and early initiatives 15 Impact and results of peacebuilding and conflict transformation 23 Immediate, accumulated and delayed impacts 24 Personal and individual level transformation 26 Relational level transformation 28 Political and societal level 29 1. The influence of civil society -
25 Years of Independence, Georgia's
Georgians may be rightfully proud of their ancient his- tory, but their modern state has just passed a stage of infancy. Approximately a quarter of century ago, Georgia started to build a new nation and a new state. The opening conditions were not promising. Under the civil wars, col- lapsing economic system and nonexistent public services not many people believed in viability of the Georgian state. Today, twenty five years later Georgia still faces multiple challenges: territorial, political, economic, social, etc. But on the balance, it is an accomplished state with fairly func- tional institutions, vibrant civil society, growing economy, a system of regional alliances and close cooperative relations with a number of international actors, European Union and NATO among them. How the progress was achieved, in which areas Georgia is more successful and what the greatest deficits are which it still faces and how to move forward are the questions this volume tries to answer. This book tries to reconstruct major tasks that the Georgian state was facing in the beginning, and then track success and failure in each of those areas till today. Thus, the authors of six chapters deal with nation-, state-, and democracy-building in Georgia as well as evolution of civil society, economic development, and last but not least, the role and place of Georgia in the new post-Cold-War interna- tional system. We very much hope that this volume will contribute to the debate about Georgia’s development. Since it is based on academic research, the authors tried to make it a good and useful read for anybody interested in all matters of Georgia. -
The Bolsheviks and the National Question, 1917-1923"
Jeremy Robert Charnock Smith "THE BOLSHEVIKS AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION, 1917-1923" ilavq*; % PhD. Thesis The School of Slavonic and East European Studies University of London - 1 - ProQuest Number: 10018671 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest 10018671 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT This thesis examines the formulation and execution of policies towards the various nationalities of the Soviet Republics from the October revolution of 1917 until the formation of the Soviet Union in 1923. Most of the Russian and Western literature on this question focuses on the process of the reincorporation of the non-Russian regions of the former empire into the new Bolshevik-led state. Accordingly, there is a general assumption that the purpose of Bolshevik national policy was to gain the short-term support of the national minorities in the struggle to win the civil war. By examining the material newly released from the Soviet archives in addition to the material previously available, I have concluded that the goal of Bolshevik nationality policies was to "raise the cultural level" of the non-Russians and to eliminate the inequalities arising from economic and historical conditions. -
Religious Nationalism As an Explanation for the Destruction and Appropriation of Armenian Ecclesiastical Cultural Heritage Sites Within the Republic of Georgia
Title Page Religious Nationalism as an Explanation for the Destruction and Appropriation of Armenian Ecclesiastical Cultural Heritage Sites within the Republic of Georgia John Guidon Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts Supervisor: Professor András László Pap Budapest, Hungary 2019 CEU eTD Collection 1 Abstract In the years immediately following its independence from the Soviet Union, Georgia constructed one of the largest religious buildings in the world, the Sameba Cathedral. However, the cathedral was not constructed on an unassuming, vacant patch of land in the capital of Tbilisi, but on the site of a 17th century Armenian cemetery. Similarly, in 2017, the crumbling Tandoyants Armenian Church in Tbilisi was gifted to the Georgian Orthodox Church with plans to raze the church and build a Georgian Orthodox Church in its place. These are just several of the most recent and well known cases of erasure of Armenian church history in Georgia. Approximately eighty Armenian churches in Georgia were destroyed during Georgia’s time as a member of the Soviet Union, but after freedom was attained in 1991 the policy towards these Armenian churches shifted to a new direction: appropriation. This appropriation and destruction of Armenian cultural heritage sites in Georgia is the direct result of a uniquely religious form of nationalism that exists in Georgia, and it has allowed for the creation the environment in which this cultural destruction has occurred. CEU eTD Collection 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my thesis advisor in the Nationalism Studies Program, Dr.