Power Sharing in the Asia-Pacific
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University of New South Wales 2005 UNIVERSITY of NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Project Report Sheet
BÜRGERTUM OHNE RAUM: German Liberalism and Imperialism, 1848-1884, 1918-1943. Matthew P Fitzpatrick A thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of New South Wales 2005 UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Project Report Sheet Surname or Family name: Fitzpatrick First name: Matthew Other name/s: Peter Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: PhD. School: History Faculty: Arts Title: Bürgertum Ohne Raum: German Liberalism and Imperialism 1848-1884, 1918-1943. Abstract This thesis situates the emergence of German imperialist theory and praxis during the nineteenth century within the context of the ascendancy of German liberalism. It also contends that imperialism was an integral part of a liberal sense of German national identity. It is divided into an introduction, four parts and a set of conclusions. The introduction is a methodological and theoretical orientation. It offers an historiographical overview and places the thesis within the broader historiographical context. It also discusses the utility of post-colonial theory and various theories of nationalism and nation-building. Part One examines the emergence of expansionism within liberal circles prior to and during the period of 1848/ 49. It examines the consolidation of expansionist theory and political practice, particularly as exemplified in the Frankfurt National Assembly and the works of Friedrich List. Part Two examines the persistence of imperialist theorising and praxis in the post-revolutionary era. It scrutinises the role of liberal associations, civil society, the press and the private sector in maintaining expansionist energies up until the 1884 decision to establish state-protected colonies. Part Three focuses on the cultural transmission of imperialist values through the sciences, media and fiction. -
Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
The Development of Indonesian National Democratic Institutions and Compatibility with Its National Culture
The development of Indonesian national democratic institutions and compatibility with its national culture. 1 Master thesis Degree Public Administration Track Administration and Politics Institute Tilburg University Author D. Schoofs Administration number 759809 E-mail address [email protected] Date 23-02-2016 Supervision prof. dr. F. Hendriks Primary supervisor Tilburg University dr. A. Maleki Secondary supervisor Tilburg University 2 On the cover: Monumen Nasional (Monas), the national monument of the Republic of Indonesia. A 132m tower in the centre of Merdeka Square in Central Jakarta, build to commemorate the struggle for Indonesian independence. To me, it symbolises the first acquaintance of Indonesia with building a democratic state: The short democratic experience, right before Sukarno’s Guided Democracy. As you can see, the picture on the cover is still quite blurry. After a long period of harsh ruling, Indonesia is granted a second chance in building a democratic state. During my brief time in Jakarta, I met many people who still struggle, every day, in pursuit of their democracy. My hope is that they will continue to do so and that their democracy will be proven solid, casted in bronze as it were, as reflected by the second picture. Separated by many miles. My thoughts are with you and continue to be. Tilburg University. Frans Seda Foundation. Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya. Indonesia Mengajar. Perludem. prof. dr. F. Hendriks. dr. A. Maleki. dr. T. Metze. Mr. Jaap van Gent. Mr. Dolf Huijgers. dr. Mikhael Dua. dr. E. Widodo. Mr. S. Simarmata. Ms. A. Dwifatma. Mr. A.M. Alizar. Ms. K.D. -
Making Power Sharing Work: Kenya's Grand Coalition Cabinet, 2008–2013
MAKING POWER SHARING WORK: KENYA’S GRAND COALITION CABINET, 2008–2013 SYNOPSIS Leon Schreiber drafted this case Following Kenya’s disputed 2007 presidential election, fighting based on interviews conducted in broke out between supporters of incumbent president Mwai Kibaki Nairobi, Kenya in September 2015. Case published March 2016. and opposition leader Raila Odinga. Triggered by the announcement that Kibaki had retained the presidency, the violence ultimately This series highlights the governance claimed more than 1,200 lives and displaced 350,000 people. A challenges inherent in power sharing February 2008 power-sharing agreement between the two leaders arrangements, profiles adaptations helped restore order, but finding a way to govern together in a new that eased these challenges, and unity cabinet posed a daunting challenge. Under the terms offers ideas about adaptations. negotiated, the country would have both a president and a prime minister until either the dissolution of parliament, a formal withdrawal by either party from the agreement, or the passage of a referendum on a new constitution. The agreement further stipulated that each party would have half the ministerial portfolios. Leaders from the cabinet secretariat and the new prime minister’s office worked to forge policy consensus, coordinate, and encourage ministries to focus on implementation. The leaders introduced a new interagency committee system, teamed ministers of one party with deputy ministers from the other, clarified practices for preparing policy documents, and introduced performance contracts. Independent monitoring, an internationally mediated dialogue to help resolve disputes, and avenues for back-channel communication encouraged compromise between the two sides and eased tensions when discord threatened to derail the work of the executive. -
Taxonomy of Minority Governments
Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design Volume 3 Article 1 10-17-2018 Taxonomy of Minority Governments Lisa La Fornara [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijcd Part of the Administrative Law Commons, American Politics Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, International Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Legislation Commons, Public Law and Legal Theory Commons, Rule of Law Commons, and the State and Local Government Law Commons Recommended Citation La Fornara, Lisa (2018) "Taxonomy of Minority Governments," Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design: Vol. 3 , Article 1. Available at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijcd/vol3/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design by an authorized editor of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Taxonomy of Minority Governments LISA LA FORNARA INTRODUCTION A minority government in its most basic form is a government in which the party holding the most parliamentary seats still has fewer than half the seats in parliament and therefore cannot pass legislation or advance policy without support from unaffiliated parties.1 Because seats in minority parliaments are more evenly distributed amongst multiple parties, opposition parties have greater opportunity to block legislation. A minority government must therefore negotiate with external parties and adjust its policies to garner the majority of votes required to advance its initiatives.2 This paper serves as a taxonomy of minority governments in recent history and proceeds in three parts. -
Grand Coalitions in German Electionsq
Electoral Studies 31 (2012) 46–59 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Electoral Studies journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/electstud Coalition type and voter support for parties: Grand coalitions in German electionsq Lee Ann Banaszak a,*, Peter Doerschler b a The Pennsylvania State University, 219 Pond Lab, University Park, PA 16802, USA b Bloomsburg University, Political Science Department, Bloomsburg, PA 17815, USA article info abstract Article history: While scholars have generally acknowledged that coalition governments are less Received 20 May 2011 accountable to voters than single party majorities, surprisingly little differentiation is made Accepted 7 June 2011 among different types of coalition governments. In this paper, we examine voter support for two very different types of coalition governments: those with a single large party and Keywords: a junior partner and grand coalitionsdgoverning coalitions between two large but ideo- Coalitions logically dissimilar parties. We argue that grand coalitions differ from the more typical Germany senior–junior partners in terms of the ability of individual parties to respond to their Elections Voter support constituencies. We test this argument using survey data from four German Election Studies Grand coalition (GES), before and after each of the two German grand coalitions (1965, 1969, 2005, and Institutions 2009), which provide a unique opportunity to compare voter support for grand coalitions Cleavages to those of the more typical senior–junior party model. We find evidence that voters Spatial model responded to grand coalitions by moving away from their traditional voting patterns, and Party system increasing their support for parties outside of the grand coalition, although this effect varies by the number of alternative parties. -
The Grand Coalition and the Party System', German Politics, Vol
Citation for published version: Lees, C 2010, 'The Grand Coalition and the party system', German Politics, vol. 19, no. 3-4, pp. 312-331. https://doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2010.515773 DOI: 10.1080/09644008.2010.515773 Publication date: 2010 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication This is an Author's Accepted Manuscript of an article published in Lees, C 2010, 'The Grand Coalition and the party system' German Politics, vol 19, no. 3-4, pp. 312-331, copyright Taylor & Francis, available online at: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/09644008.2010.515773 University of Bath Alternative formats If you require this document in an alternative format, please contact: [email protected] General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 04. Oct. 2021 Lees. Grand Coalition and the Party System. July 2010 The Grand Coalition and the Party System CHARLES LEES, Department of Politics, University of Sheffield (UK) ABSTRACT The article examines the formation of the Grand coalition in the context of the German party system and draws upon a synthetic analytical framework derived from formal coalition theory. It argues that both the SPD and CDU/CSU would have anticipated that the Grand coalition would have generated relatively high levels of inter-party conflict as well as significant electoral costs. -
Lemhannas RI Said That in Line with the Vision of the National Development As Contained in Law No
NATIONAL RESILIENCE INSTITUTE OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA LEMHANNAS25th Edition, AugustRI 20, 2011 1 NEWSLETTER No Truth is Ambivalent 25th Edition, August 20, 2011 NATIONAL SEMINAR: MASTERPLAN FOR THE ACCELERATION AND EXPANSION OF INDONESIA’S (MP3EI) 2011-2025 from relevant stakeholders at the national level. In his opening speech, Governor of Lemhannas RI said that in line with the vision of the national development as contained in Law No. 17 of 2007 on the Long-term National Development Plan 2005-2025, the vision for the Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesia’s Economic Development is “Creating an Independent, Avanced, Just and Prosperous Indonesian Nation”. It is expected that, through MP3EI, the acceleration and expansion of the economic development will establish Indonesia as a de- veloped country by 2025 . The Governor of Lemhannas RI also expected that the results of the national seminar which discussed the policies, strategies and implementation of MP3EI could The Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs Ir. M. Hatta Rajasa opens a National Seminar MP3EI in Lemhannas RI serve as materials in formulating recommendations to emhannas RI held a National Seminar on the Master national leaders. Plan for the Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesia’s TABLE OF CONTENTS L 2011 - 2025 Economic Development (MP3EI) in order to Support the Acceleration of the National Development in 1. National Seminar: Masterplan for the Acceleration and Expansion of order to Enhance National Resilience on July 25, 2011 in Indonesia’s (MP3EI) 2011-2025.....................................................................1 Dwi Warna Purwa Building, Lemhannas RI. 2. Singaporean Minister of Defense’s Visit to Lemhannas RI...................... 2 The national seminar was opened by the Coordinating 3. -
Introduction the Drama of 2005 and the Future of German Politics
00a-Intro 6/12/06 10:28 AM Page 1 Introduction The Drama of 2005 and the Future of German Politics Eric Langenbacher Government, Georgetown University I recall a conversation from a while back with a colleague. He was disdainful of German politics, stating that they are ponderous, lack- luster, even boring. He prefers to follow Italian politics because of the intrigue, emotion, and, most of all, the drama. Although forced to agree at the time that the contrast between the two countries could not be greater, I was also immediately reminded of the old (apocryphal) Chinese curse, “may you live in interesting times.” My, how times have changed. German political life has witnessed some of the most dramatic events since at least the period of unifica- tion over fifteen years ago, and perhaps since the inception of the Federal Republic. It is this highly important and dramatic 2005 elec- tion to which this special issue of German Politics and Society is dedi- cated. The contributors analyze the results, but also locate current developments in the history and traditions of the Federal Republic. Just as important, they project trends and policies into the future. What will Angela Merkel and her grand coalition achieve? What will become of the German party system? What long-term structural changes are affecting German politics and policy-making? Drama on the Left As with the interpretation of any drama, one must first begin with a plot summary—an overview of the major, attention-grabbing devel- opments. The narrative begins with a string of electoral defeats at the regional level that culminated in the Social Democrats (SPD) los- ing the state election in North Rhine Westphalia in late May 2005. -
INDO 78 0 1108140653 61 92.Pdf (681.3Kb)
Indonesia's Accountability Trap: Party Cartels and Presidential Power after Democratic Transition Dan Slater1 Idolization and "Immediate Help!": Campaigning as if Voters Mattered On July 14, 2004, just nine days after Indonesia's first-ever direct presidential election, a massive inferno ripped through the impoverished, gang-infested district of Tanah Abang in central Jakarta. Hundreds of dwellings were destroyed and over a thousand Jakartans were rendered homeless. While such catastrophes are nothing unusual in the nation's chaotic capital, the political responses suggested that some interesting changes are afoot in Indonesia's fledgling electoral democracy. The next day, presidential frontrunner Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) took a break from watching his burgeoning vote totals at the five-star Borobodur Hotel to visit Tanah Abang's fire victims. Since he had just clinched pole position in Indonesia's run-off presidential election in late September, SBY's public appearance made fantastic copy. The handsome former general comforted distraught families, then crept, head and shoulders protruding through the sunroof of his campaign minivan, through a swarm of star-struck locals. Never mind the knock-off reality-television program screening for talent just a few miles away at the swanky Semanggi shopping complex; here, in one of Jakarta's least swanky settings, appeared to be the true Indonesian Idol. 1 This article draws on a comparative project with Marc Craighead, conversations and collaboration with whom have been invaluable in refining the theoretical arguments presented here. It has also greatly benefited from the thoughtful comments of Jamie Davidson, Dirk Tomsa, and an anonymous reviewer at Indonesia; the savvy and sensitive editing of Deborah Homsher; and generous fieldwork support from the Academy for Educational Development, Emory University, and the Ford Foundation. -
INDONESIA in 2000 a Shaky Start for Democracy
INDONESIA IN 2000 A Shaky Start for Democracy R. William Liddle At the end of 1999 Indonesia appeared to have com- pleted a successful transition to democracy after more than four decades of dictatorship. Free elections had been held for the national legislature (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat). The People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), a uniquely Indonesian institution com- prising members of the DPR plus regional and group representatives, had chosen a new president, the charismatic traditionalist Muslim cleric Abdur- rahman Wahid (called Gus Dur) and vice-president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, daughter of Indonesia’s founding father and first president Sukarno, for the 1999–2004 term. Gus Dur, whose Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB, Na- tional Awakening Party) holds only 11% of the DPR seats, had then ap- pointed a national unity cabinet consisting of representatives of all of the major parties. Twelve months later, Gus Dur is widely regarded, both at home and abroad, as a failed president. He narrowly escaped dismissal by the MPR, which met for its first annual session in August 2000. Most observers and politicians concur that his personal legitimacy continues to decline and that the main obstacle to his removal now is fear that his likely replacement, Megawati, would be an even worse president. This extraordinary fall is largely the consequence of Gus Dur’s own disas- trous choices. He has been unwilling to act like a politician in a democracy, that is, to build a broad base of support and adopt a set of policies responsive to the interests of this constituency. Instead, he has acted impulsively and inconsistently, often without consulting his own staff, let alone his putative R.