Turkey: Politics of Identity and Power
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Reconciling Statism with Freedom: Turkey's Kurdish Opening
Reconciling Statism with Freedom Turkey’s Kurdish Opening Halil M. Karaveli SILK ROAD PAPER October 2010 Reconciling Statism with Freedom Turkey’s Kurdish Opening Halil M. Karaveli © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center Johns Hopkins University-SAIS, 1619 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 Institute for Security and Development Policy, V. Finnbodav. 2, Stockholm-Nacka 13130, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org “Reconciling Statism with Freedom: Turkey’s Kurdish Opening” is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and the Silk Road Studies Program. The Silk Road Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, and ad- dresses topical and timely subjects. The Joint Center is a transatlantic independent and non-profit research and policy center. It has offices in Washington and Stockholm and is affiliated with the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University and the Stockholm-based Institute for Security and Development Policy. It is the first institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse commu- nity of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. The Joint Center is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lec- tures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public dis- cussion regarding the region. The opinions and conclusions expressed in this study are those of the authors only, and do not necessarily reflect those of the Joint Center or its sponsors. -
Erdogan's Islamist Foreign Policy at the Crossroads Kushal Agrawal
MP-IDSA Issue Brief Erdogan's Islamist Foreign Policy at the Crossroads Kushal Agrawal March 17, 2021 Summary Even as he continues to work towards reviving the Ottoman glory and 'Ittihad-I Islam' ('Unity of Islam'), there are significant limitations and vulnerabilities in Erdogan pursuing his Islamist approach to statecraft abroad. The Turkish President will have to choose between a pragmatic and an Islamist foreign policy. If the Turkish economy returns to high growth rates, Erdogan's domestic position will be strengthened and he might still return to his pet Islamist adventures overseas. ERDOGAN’S ISLAMIST FOREIGN POLICY AT THE CROSSROADS In his quest to become the leader of the Muslim world, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has in the recent past vehemently opposed the European Union (EU) governments as well as West Asian and North African countries for their policy positions on Islamic issues. Erdogan, for instance, went on an offensive against French President Emmanuel Macron for the latter’s perceived Islamophobic stance in the aftermath of beheading of Samuel Paty on October 16, 2020 in Paris. On October 24, 2020, Erdogan spoke against German authorities for raiding the Mevlana mosque in Berlin, closely associated with the Turkish Milli Gorus movement. Turkey’s relations with key Muslim countries like Saudi Arabia and Egypt have also been fraught, given Erdogan’s support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Since December 2020, however, Erdogan has been trying to reach out to the European Union and the West, in a possible effort to transform his pan-Islamist foreign policy outlook to a pro-Western Kemalist worldview. -
The Functioning of Democratic Institutions in Turkey
http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 15272 21 April 2021 The functioning of democratic institutions in Turkey Report1 Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Co-rapporteurs: Mr Thomas HAMMARBERG, Sweden, Socialists, Democrats and Greens Group, and Mr John HOWELL, United Kingdom, European Conservatives Group and Democratic Alliance Summary The Monitoring Committee is deeply concerned about recent developments in Turkey which have further undermined democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Procedures seeking to lift the parliamentary immunity of a third of the parliamentarians (overwhelmingly from opposition parties), the attempt to close the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and the continued crackdown on its members put political pluralism and the functioning of democratic institutions at risk. The presidential decision of 20 March 2021 to withdraw from the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (CETS No.210, the Istanbul Convention) to combat violence against women and domestic violence is a regrettable step backwards, made without any parliamentary debate, which raises the question of the modalities of denunciation of conventions in democratic societies. The committee also urges the immediate release of Selahattin Demirtaş and Osman Kavala following the final judgments of the European Court of Human Rights. In order to reverse these worrying trends, the Turkish authorities should seize the opportunity of implementing the Human Rights Action Plan and revising the legislation on elections and political parties to take meaningful steps, put an end to the judicial harassment of opposition and dissenting voices, improve freedom of expression and media and restore the independence of the judiciary, in co-operation with the Council of Europe 1. -
Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations
Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations Updated November 9, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R41368 SUMMARY R41368 Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations November 9, 2020 U.S.-Turkey tensions have raised questions about the future of bilateral relations and have led to congressional action against Turkey, including informal holds on major new Jim Zanotti arms sales (such as upgrades to F-16 aircraft) and efforts to impose sanctions. Specialist in Middle Nevertheless, both countries’ officials emphasize the importance of continued U.S.- Eastern Affairs Turkey cooperation and Turkey’s membership in NATO. Observers voice concerns about the largely authoritarian rule of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Clayton Thomas Turkey’s polarized electorate could affect Erdogan’s future leadership. His biggest Analyst in Middle Eastern challenge may be structural weaknesses in Turkey’s economy—including a sharp Affairs decline in Turkey’s currency—that have worsened since the Coronavirus Disease 2019 pandemic began. The following are key factors in the U.S.-Turkey relationship. Turkey’s strategic orientation and U.S./NATO basing. Traditionally, Turkey has relied closely on the United States and NATO for defense cooperation, European countries for trade and investment, and Russia and Iran for energy imports. A number of complicated situations in Turkey’s surrounding region—including those involving Syria, Libya, Nagorno-Karabakh (a region disputed by Armenia and Azerbaijan), and Eastern Mediterranean energy exploration—affect its relationships with the United States and other key actors, as Turkey seeks a more independent role. President Erdogan’s concerns about maintaining his parliamentary coalition with Turkish nationalists may partly explain his actions in some of the situations mentioned above. -
FEATURE Yemeni Activist on Her Homeland, Politics, Terror, Democracy FEATURE Daily Sabah > Life > Feature Yemeni Activist on Her Homeland, Politics, Terror, Democracy
2/21/2018 Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy - Daily Sabah FEATURE Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy FEATURE Daily Sabah > Life > Feature Yemeni activist on her homeland, politics, terror, democracy HILAL KAPLAN @hilal_kaplan ISTANBUL Published February 14, 2018 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Tawakkol Karman of Yemen smiles during a news conference as part of the Nobel Women’s Initiative to gather a firsthand account of the ongoing violence against women, Tegucigalpa, Honduras, Oct. 24, 2017. Activist, politician, journalist and Nobel Peace Prize laureate are only some of the terms used to describe Tawakkol Karman, who dares to stand against unjust interventions of the United Arab Emirates in Yemen nown as the "Mother of the Revolution," Yemen's Tawakkol K Karman is one of the most influential women in the Arab world. She was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2011, at the age of 32, in recognition of her work in nonviolent struggle for the safety of women, women's rights and for her full participation in peacebuilding work in Yemen. Daily Sabah columnist Hilal Kaplan met with Karman to talk about the United Arab Emirates' influence and policies in Yemen as well as Saudi officials' remarks on President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey's stance regarding the status of Jerusalem, Operation Olive Branch, the coup attempt of the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ) and Turkey's fight for democracy. Daily Sabah: Ms. Karman, you have stated that the United Arab Emirates is destabilizing Yemen. You have even gone further to say that "the UAE is only a collapsible paper tower." Can you explain how you see the UAE's role in Yemen? Tawakkol Karman: Every step taken in Yemen by the UAE is against Yemen's interest. -
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey's
Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey’s Kurdish Policy Ayşegül Aydin Cem Emrence turkey project policy paper Number 10 • December 2016 policy paper Number 10, December 2016 About CUSE The Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) at Brookings fosters high-level U.S.-Europe- an dialogue on the changes in Europe and the global challenges that affect transatlantic relations. As an integral part of the Foreign Policy Studies Program, the Center offers independent research and recommendations for U.S. and European officials and policymakers, and it convenes seminars and public forums on policy-relevant issues. CUSE’s research program focuses on the transforma- tion of the European Union (EU); strategies for engaging the countries and regions beyond the frontiers of the EU including the Balkans, Caucasus, Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine; and broader European security issues such as the future of NATO and forging common strategies on energy security. The Center also houses specific programs on France, Germany, Italy, and Turkey. About the Turkey Project Given Turkey’s geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, and the high stakes posed by the foreign policy and domestic issues it faces, Brookings launched the Turkey Project in 2004 to foster informed public consideration, high‐level private debate, and policy recommendations focusing on developments in Turkey. In this context, Brookings has collaborated with the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TUSIAD) to institute a U.S.-Turkey Forum at Brookings. The Forum organizes events in the form of conferences, sem- inars and workshops to discuss topics of relevance to U.S.-Turkish and transatlantic relations. -
Protesting As a Terrorist Offense RIGHTS the Arbitrary Use of Terrorism Laws to Prosecute and Incarcerate Demonstrators in Turkey WATCH
Turkey HUMAN Protesting as a Terrorist Offense RIGHTS The Arbitrary Use of Terrorism Laws to Prosecute and Incarcerate Demonstrators in Turkey WATCH Protesting as a Terrorist Offense The Arbitrary Use of Terrorism Laws to Prosecute and Incarcerate Demonstrators in Turkey Copyright © 2010 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-708-6 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org November 2010 1-56432-708-6 Protesting as a Terrorist Offense The Arbitrary Use of Terrorism Laws to Prosecute and Incarcerate Demonstrators in Turkey I. Summary ......................................................................................................................... 1 Key Recommendations ..........................................................................................................6 Methodology ........................................................................................................................ -
Pertek Kalesi Pertek Kalesi
ERTUĞRUL DANIK* PERTEK KALESİ PERTEK KALESI I. ESKİ PERTEK'İN metinlerinde geçen "Pittiiarik" kentinin Pertek COĞRAFYASI VE JEOLOJİSİ olarak önerilmesi^ bu konuya ilişkin ilk ve tek bilgi olarak görülmektedir. Her ne kadar yerleşim nfik dönemdeki adı ile Arsanias'ın yani yerinde yeterli ve detaylı araştırma ya da bilimsel Murat Nehri'nin kıyısında, Tunceli iline kazı yapılmamışsa do, mevcut kimi bilgiler bağlı bugünkü Pertek ilçe merkezinin 5 A bölgede Hitit, Asur ve Unartu egemenliklerinin km güneyinde kurulu iken, Keban Baraj yaşandığını göstermektedir. Bu egemenlikler Gölü rezervuar alanı içinde kalan Eski Pertek sırasında ise, kale alanının kullanıldığını^ kale kenti; dönemi içinde güneyde Elazığ ili ile içinde ve kalenin oturduğu kayalık alanda bulu sınırlanırken; doğusunda, batısında ve kuzeyinde, nan işçiliklerden anlayabilmeldeyiz. kuzeye doğru gittikçe yükselen dağ sıraları ile çewilidir. Batı yönünde Kurmizak ve Çemişkezek, Hitit metinlerindeki "Pittiarik" dışında farklı kuzey yönünde Sağman, doğu yönünde Mazgirt bir isim önermesi bulunmayan Pertek yerleşiminin, kaleleri, güney yönünde ise Bekçiler ve Harput adı ve kaynağı konusunda ilk önermeyi yapan kalesi, yakın ilişkili kaleler durumdadır. Evliya Çelebi, kalede bir dönem var olduğunu Güneydeki alçak seviyeli tepelerin söylediği bir karakuş kabartması ya da heykeli oluşturduğu Harput Platosu'na ve dönemin Murat nin, Moğol dilinde "Pertek" olarak anıldığını belir Vadisi'nden batıdaki Çemişkezek'e doğru giden tir'. Evliya Çelebi'nin görmediği ancak, var az engebeli alana karşın, doğu ve kuzeyde yer olduğunu söylediği söz konusu heykelin varlığı ve obn yüksek rakımlı dağ sıraları, günümüzde de açıklaması, Pertek adının açıklaması için yetersiz olduğu gibi, Pertek'i daha çok güney yöndeki kalırken; bu görüşten sonra gelen önermeler Harput ve batıdaki Çemişkezek ile ilişki kurmaya arasındaki en ciddi öneri "küçük kale" ya da zorlamıştır. -
Turkey Country Report – Update November 2017 [3Rd Edition]
21 November 2017 (COI up to 11th September 2017) Turkey Country Report – Update November 2017 [3rd edition] Explanatory Note Sources and databases consulted List of Acronyms CONTENTS 1. Main Developments since the attempted Coup d’état (July 2016) a. Overview of major legislative and political developments: i. Recent legislative developments incl. new amendments or decrees 1. State of Emergency 2. Emergency decrees a. Decree of 22 July 2016 (KHK/667) b. Decree of 25 July 2016 (KHK/668) c. Decree of 31 July 2016 (KHK/669) d. Decrees of 17 August 2016 (KHK/670 and 671) e. Decrees of 1 September 2016 (KHK/672, 673 and 674) f. Decrees of 29 October 2016 (KHK/675 and 676) g. Decrees of 22 November 2016 (KHK/677 and 678) h. Decrees of 6 January 2017 (KHK/679, 680 and 681) i. Decrees of 23 January 2017 (KHK/682, 683, 684 and 685) j. Decree of 7 February 2017 (KHK/686) k. Decree of 9 February 2017 (KHK/687) l. Decree of 29 March 2017 (KHK/688) m. Decrees of 29 April 2017 (KHK/689 and 690) n. Decree of 22 June 2017 (KHK/691) o. Decree of 14 July 2017 (KHK/692) p. Decrees of 25 August 2017 (KHK/693 and 694) 3. 2016: Observations by the Council of Europe Committee, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of opinion and expression and the Council of Europe’s Venice Commission 4. January – September 2017: Observations by the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly, the Council of Europe’s Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe, and the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of opinion and expression 5. -
Democracy and Good Governance in the Black Sea Region Policy Report IV
Franz-Lothar Altmann Johanna Deimel Armando García Schmidt Democracy and Good Governance in the Black Sea Region Policy Report IV www.blackseacom.eu An initiative of The Black eaS Trust for Regional Cooperation IV About this report The Black Sea region is increasingly becoming a priority on the international agenda. In fact, a regional approach is emerging as actors understand that common problems need to be addressed jointly. Nevertheless, cooperation efforts are hampered by a number of factors, such as uneven economic and political development within and among countries, nationalist forces, and longstanding animosities between regional players. In this context, it is imperative to foster sound policies aimed at strengthening dialogue and cooperation so as to contain and ultimately resolve conflicts with peaceful means. However, there is little policy-oriented research on the challenges and opportunities for cooperation in the Black Sea region. The Commission on the Black Sea aims to redress this imbalance by presenting a series of four policy-oriented reports which reassess the economic, social, regional political and military developments in the region. This report is the fourth one, providing a better understanding of the current status of transformation towards democracy and good governance in the countries of the Black Sea region. The Commission on the Black Sea does not take a collective position with this paper. This text represents only the views of its authors. About the authors Franz-Lothar Altmann is Associate Professor for Intercultural Relations, Bucharest State University. Among many other engagements he served as deputy director of the Southeast Institute in Munich and head of the research unit Western Balkans at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP). -
Culture, Politics and Contested Identity Among the “Kurdish” Alevis of Dersim: the Case of the Munzur Culture and Nature Festival
Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies Copyright 2019 2019, Vol. 6, No. 1, 63-76 ISSN: 2149-1291 Culture, Politics and Contested Identity among the “Kurdish” Alevis of Dersim: The Case of the Munzur Culture and Nature Festival Ülker Sözen1 Netherlands Institute in Turkey This article analyzes the Munzur Culture and Nature Festival organized by the people of Dersim, an eastern province of Turkey, as a site of political activism, cultural reproduction, and intra-group contestation. The festival began as a group- remaking event for restoring cultural identity, defending locality, and mobilizing Dersimli people in the face of political repression. In time, socio-spatial and political fragmentation within Dersimli society became more prevalent. The festival experience came to reflect and contribute to the debates and anxieties about identity whereby different political groups competed to increase their influence over local politics as well as the event itself. On the one hand, this article discusses the organization of the Munzur Festival, its historical trajectory, and the accompanying public debates and criticisms. On the other, it explores festive sociabilities, cultural performances, and the circulation of politically-charged symbols throughout the event which showcases the articulation and competition of multiple ethno-political belongings which are the Dersimli, Kurdish, Alevi, and socialist ones. The festival’s historical trajectory is dealt as two stages, unified struggle and internal strife, whereby the festival appeared as first a group-remaking then unmaking public event. The paper argues that this transformation is tied to hanging power relations in the local politics of Dersim, and the shifting state policies, namely the phase of repressive control strategies until the mid-2000s and the peace process and political relaxation until 2015. -
Why Do Political Parties Split? Understanding Party Splits and Formation of Splinter Parties in Turkey
WHY DO POLITICAL PARTIES SPLIT? UNDERSTANDING PARTY SPLITS AND FORMATION OF SPLINTER PARTIES IN TURKEY A PhD Dissertation by ÖZHAN DEMİRKOL Department of Political Science İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University Ankara August 2014 To Defne and Günay WHY DO POLITICAL PARTIES SPLIT? UNDERSTANDING PARTY SPLITS AND FORMATION OF SPLINTER PARTIES IN TURKEY Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences of İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University by ÖZHAN DEMİRKOL In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE İHSAN DOĞRAMACI BİLKENT UNİVERSİTY ANKARA AUGUST 2014 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Zeki Sarıgil Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Professor Elizabeth Özdalga Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Cenk Saraçoğlu Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science. -------------------------------------------- Assistant Professor Ioannis N. Grigoriadis Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science.