Fascism and Ideology: Italy, Britain and Norway, by Salvatore Garau, by Carlos Manuel Martins

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Fascism and Ideology: Italy, Britain and Norway, by Salvatore Garau, by Carlos Manuel Martins RECENSÃO Fascism and Ideology: Italy, Britain and Norway, by Salvatore Garau, by Carlos Manuel Martins Análise Social, 225, lii (4.º), 2017 issn online 2182-2999 edição e propriedade Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa. Av. Professor Aníbal de Bettencourt, 9 1600-189 Lisboa Portugal — [email protected] garau, Salvatore Fascism and Ideology: Italy, Britain and Norway, New York and London, Routledge, 2015, 298 pp. isbn 9780415732192 Carlos Manuel Martins This book by Salvatore Garau is a very were developed and negotiated” (p. 11), useful work for those interested in know- the result of a complex process of syn- ing more about the dynamics of fascist thetization and redefinition of different ideology. It is the result of a doctoral dis- concepts and elements drawn from most sertation supervised by David Cesarini, varied political traditions. the recently deceased historian whose These three perspectives, so Garau field of expertise was the Holocaust and argues, are useful to understand fas- other aspects of Jewish history. cism’s ideological dynamism (that is, With 298 pages, the book is divided the contradictory drives that could lead into two main parts, each of them with the movements to either radicalism or three chapters, plus an introduction and to compromise with existing institu- a conclusion. The first part deals with tions, either to totalitarianism or to an Italian Fascism (which is seen as a case authoritarianism more similar to the one of success, that is, a case in which the fas- espoused by its conservative conflicting cist movement actually attained political allies), and its “aggregative power” (its power) in both its movement and regime capacity to aggregate different elements phases, while the second part deals with from several political traditions). In order the British and Norwegian cases (seen to fully grasp these two aspects, the author as examples of failure, for these fascist introduces three further concepts: a) fas- movements were unable to conquer cist maximum, which refers to the full political power on their own). ideological extent of fascist movements As Garau states in his introduction, he and the different factions that existed agrees with the idea that ideology is one within them; b) totalitarian inclusiveness, important key to grasp the phenomenon that is, the ability of fascist movements of fascism, even though he does not reject to incorporate elements of different ide- paying attention to its political practices. ologies while claiming that they were the Thus, he adopts three perspectives of only ones able to rightly interpret them looking at ideologies, including the one and put them into practice; c) ideolog- that sees fascism as run through by meta- ical ubiquity, the ability to apparently political drives, and the one that sees it occupy different positions in the polit- as a question of mentality and ethos. The ical spectrum (in both its left and right third perspective is the one that sees ide- sides), and due to that gain support from ology as “a space where political concepts the most disparate groups. It is with the 898 RECENSÕES help of these concepts that Garau intends that favored direct action. As to the ideo- to grasp a better understanding of fascist logical morphology (the doctrine), it was movements in Italy, Britain, and Norway, first influenced by concepts coming from their dynamism and ideological fluidity. National Syndicalism and later by more The first chapter in Part i, “At the roots conservative tendencies that started to of Fascism’s Ideological Fluidity”, deals grow from 1920 onwards. with the process of ideological transfor- Continuing the analysis of the com- mation and conceptual redefinition that plexity of Fascist ideology, the chapter preceded the origins of Fascism and took “The Laborious Search for a Balance: Ital- place in a period of profound changes in ian Fascism as a Regime, 1923-1939” dis- several political traditions. Here, Garau tinguishes the main ideological factions mentions the elitist, radical, and organ- that were part of the dynamism of fas- icist type of nationalism espoused by the cist ideology: Radical Fascism (with its Associazione Nazionalista Italiana (ani) violent war-like mentality), the Normal- and the producers-focused revolution- izers (who thought that Fascism should ary ideology of National Syndicalism, accommodate existing liberal elites and whose main goal was to fuse socialism institutions), and National Syndicalists and nationalism. Garau’s main argu- (who advocated a non-statistic corpo- ment is that, even though these ideolo- ratism and the fusion of workers and gies evolved in a post-liberal direction, employers in the same corporations). their main themes and political concepts However, the faction that contributed the had roots in the Italian liberal tradition, most to form the ideological morphol- which represents a departure from Stern- ogy of the regime was the one espoused hell’s (1994) thesis that these new forms by Nationalists like Alfredo Rocco who of nationalism advocated an utter revolt came from ani and favored a statistic against liberalism. form of corporatism. The process of find- The next chapter, “Totalitarian Inclu- ing a balance between all these contra- siveness: Italian Fascism from Margin- dictory visions is therefore fundamental ality to Mass Movement, 1919-1922”, to grasp the complexity of Fascist ide- focuses on the movement phase of Ital- ology and the totalitarian inclusiveness ian Fascism. Making use of the con- that was at its core. cept of totalitarian inclusiveness, Garau Having dealt with one example of fas- argues that the Fascist movement set up cist success, Garau then proceeds in Part its ideology in a dynamic process that II to the analysis of two fascist movements included contradictory tendencies. In that were unsuccessful: the British Union this movement phase, Fascism was first of Fascists (buf), led by Oswald Mosley, influenced by the Futurist artistic move- and the Norwegian Nasjonal Samling ment and the ex-soldiers known as arditi, (ns), led by Vidkun Quisling. The chapter who gave it a metapolitical drive prone to “Into the Arms of Fascism: Left, Right and advocate radical change and a mentality New Combinations of Political Concepts RECENSÕES 899 in Britain and Norway, 1923-1933” points a key to understand Fascism, it does not to the existence of an ideological fluidity stick to a static view that tries to sum- in these countries that was similar to the marize fascism in a few fixed concepts one experienced in Italy prior to the com- or ideal-types. On the contrary, when ing of the fascist movement. Thus, Garau pointing to its metapolitical drives, mentions radical nationalist right-wing ethos, inclusiveness, and ubiquity, Garau organizations like the British Fascisti and shows us a dynamic and fluid process Fedrelandslaget. Likewise, it is possible to of constant ideological redefinition. He find some people with a leftist past that thus avoids falling into arguments like followed a path close to that of Italian the ones espoused by Sternhell (1994), National Syndicalists. who defended that the movements were The next chapter, “Building an Inclu- somehow purer than regimes in which sive Political Platform: The British Union compromise was necessary: according to of Fascists and the Nasjonal Samling, Garau, both compromise and adaptabil- 1932-1934” studies the initial evolution ity were at the core of Fascism in all of of the ideology of these movements, its phases. Likewise, he does not separate pointing to their obsession with national between “real” revolutionary fascists and crisis and decline, their violent mental- conservative road-travelers (as Griffin ity, and the ideological inclusiveness the (1993) is sometimes prone to do): con- main goal of which was to attract peo- servatives and radicals were both a part ple coming from all sides of the polit- of the fascist dynamics and the contra- ical spectrum. Garau also argues that dictions, and balancing between these their programmatic incorporation of and other factions is a fundamental com- the most successful aspects of the Italian ponent of movements and regimes. regime resulted paradoxically in a factor We can say that in Garau’s study Fas- that helps explain how their failure for it cism becomes a “living” phenomenon, deprived the movements of the flexibility one that evolved and changed according and adaptability that was fundamental to to different influences and internal con- aid Mussolini’s conquest of power. Finally, tradictions, a phenomenon led by a meta- the last chapter, “Between Authoritarian- political drive and a specific mentality to ism and Totalitarianism: From Expan- which could be added doctrines coming sion to Implosion, 1934-1939”, deals with from different groups and individuals. the internal dialects that characterized While not rejecting the concept of a “fas- both of these movements, distinguishing cist minimum” he goes further and uses between authoritarian/conservative and the notion of “fascist maximum,” and it radical/totalitarian factions that were is exactly here that the main contribution predominant in different phases. of Garau’s work to fascist studies resides, One of the strengths in Garau’s work for in this way he can have a clearer grasp is that while accepting the currently of the totality of the ideological visions generalized standpoint that ideology is that were contained within a movement. 900 RECENSÕES Future studies could test this methodol- sternhell, Z. (1994), The Birth of Fas- ogy further and use it, for example, in cist Ideology, Princeton, Princeton Uni- an important case, the absence of which versity Press. can be seen as one of the weaknesses of this book: we refer to the case of German National Socialism. martins, C. M. (2017), Recensão “Fascism and references Ideology: Italy, Britain and Norway, New York e London, Routledge, 2015”. Análise Social, 225, lii garau, S. (2015), Fascism and Ideology: (4.º), pp.
Recommended publications
  • Appendix: More on Methodology
    Appendix: More on Methodology Over the years my fi rst monograph, The Nature of Fascism (1991), has been charged by some academic colleagues with essentialism, reductionism, ‘revisionism’, a disinterest in praxis or material realities, and even a philosophical idealism which trivializes the human suffering caused by Hitler’s regime. It is thus worth offering the more methodologically self-aware readers, inveterately sceptical of the type of large-scale theorizing (‘metanarration’) that forms the bulk of Part One of this book, a few more paragraphs to substantiate my approach and give it some sort of intellectual pedigree. It can be thought of as deriving from three lines of methodological inquiry – and there are doubtless others that are complementary to them. One is the sophisticated (but inevitably contested) model of concept formation through ‘idealizing abstraction’1 which was elaborated piece-meal by Max Weber when wrestling with a number of the dilemmas which plagued the more epistemologically self-aware academics engaged in the late nineteenth-century ‘Methodenstreit’. This was a confl ict over methodology within the German human sciences that anticipated many themes of the late twentieth-century debate over how humanities disciplines should respond to postmodernism and the critical turn.2 The upshot of this line of thinking is that researchers must take it upon themselves to be as self-conscious as possible in the process of constructing the premises and ‘ideal types’ which shape the investigation of an area of external reality. Nor should they ever lose sight of the purely heuristic nature of their inquiry, and hence its inherently partial, incomplete nature.
    [Show full text]
  • Utopian Aspirations in Fascist Ideology: English and French Literary Perspectives 1914-1945
    Utopian Aspirations in Fascist Ideology: English and French Literary Perspectives 1914-1945 Ashley James Thomas Discipline of History School of History & Politics University of Adelaide Thesis presented as the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences University of Adelaide March 2010 CONTENTS Abstract iii Declaration iv Acknowledgments v Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Interpreting Fascism: An Evolving 26 Historiography Chapter Three: The Fascist Critique of the Modern 86 World Chapter Four: Race, Reds and Revolution: Specific 156 Issues in the Fascist Utopia Chapter Five: Conclusion 202 Bibliography 207 ABSTRACT This thesis argues that utopian aspirations are a fruitful way to understand fascism and examines the utopian ideals held by a number of fascist writers. The intention of this thesis is not to define fascism. Rather, it is to suggest that looking at fascism’s goals and aspirations might reveal under-examined elements of fascism. This thesis shows that a useful way to analyse the ideology of fascism is through an examination of its ideals and goals, and by considering the nature of a hypothetical fascist utopia. The most common ways of examining fascism and attempting to isolate its core ideological features have been by considering it culturally, looking at the metaphysical and philosophical claims fascists made about themselves, or by studying fascist regimes, looking at the external features of fascist movements, parties and governments. In existing studies there is an unspoken middle ground, where fascism could be examined by considering practical issues in the abstract and by postulating what a fascist utopia would be like.
    [Show full text]
  • Buddhism from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia Jump To: Navigation, Search
    Buddhism From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search A statue of Gautama Buddha in Bodhgaya, India. Bodhgaya is traditionally considered the place of his awakening[1] Part of a series on Buddhism Outline · Portal History Timeline · Councils Gautama Buddha Disciples Later Buddhists Dharma or Concepts Four Noble Truths Dependent Origination Impermanence Suffering · Middle Way Non-self · Emptiness Five Aggregates Karma · Rebirth Samsara · Cosmology Practices Three Jewels Precepts · Perfections Meditation · Wisdom Noble Eightfold Path Wings to Awakening Monasticism · Laity Nirvāṇa Four Stages · Arhat Buddha · Bodhisattva Schools · Canons Theravāda · Pali Mahāyāna · Chinese Vajrayāna · Tibetan Countries and Regions Related topics Comparative studies Cultural elements Criticism v • d • e Buddhism (Pali/Sanskrit: बौद धमर Buddh Dharma) is a religion and philosophy encompassing a variety of traditions, beliefs and practices, largely based on teachings attributed to Siddhartha Gautama, commonly known as the Buddha (Pāli/Sanskrit "the awakened one"). The Buddha lived and taught in the northeastern Indian subcontinent some time between the 6th and 4th centuries BCE.[2] He is recognized by adherents as an awakened teacher who shared his insights to help sentient beings end suffering (or dukkha), achieve nirvana, and escape what is seen as a cycle of suffering and rebirth. Two major branches of Buddhism are recognized: Theravada ("The School of the Elders") and Mahayana ("The Great Vehicle"). Theravada—the oldest surviving branch—has a widespread following in Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia, and Mahayana is found throughout East Asia and includes the traditions of Pure Land, Zen, Nichiren Buddhism, Tibetan Buddhism, Shingon, Tendai and Shinnyo-en. In some classifications Vajrayana, a subcategory of Mahayana, is recognized as a third branch.
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936
    fascism 8 (2019) 36-60 brill.com/fasc Norwegian Fascism in a Transnational Perspective: The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936 Martin Kristoffer Hamre Humboldt University of Berlin and King’s College London [email protected] Abstract Following the transnational turn within fascist studies, this paper examines the role German National Socialism and Italian Fascism played in the transformation of the Norwegian fascist party Nasjonal Samling in the years 1933–1936. It takes the rivalry of the two role models as the initial point and focusses on the reception of Italy and Germany in the party press of the Nasjonal Samling. The main topics of research are therefore the role of corporatism, the involvement in the organization caur and the increasing importance of anti-Semitism. One main argument is that both indirect and direct German influence on the Nasjonal Samling in autumn 1935 led to a radi- calization of the party and the endorsement of anti-Semitic attitudes. However, the Nasjonal Samling under leader Vidkun Quisling never prioritized Italo-German rivalry as such. Instead, it perceived itself as an independent national movement in the com- mon battle of a European-wide phenomenon against its arch-enemies: liberalism and communism. Keywords Norway – Germany – Italy – Fascism – National Socialism – transnational fascism – Nasjonal Samling – Vidkun Quisling © Martin Kristoffer Hamre, 2019 | doi:10.1163/22116257-00801003 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc license at the time of publication. Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 09:35:40AM via free access <UN> Norwegian Fascism in a Transnational Perspective 37 In October 19331 – five months after the foundation of the party Nasjonal Sam- ling [NS; National Unity]2 – Norwegian merchant Johan Wilhelm Klüver sent a letter from Tientsin in China addressed to the NS headquarters in Oslo.
    [Show full text]
  • Nazi Party from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
    Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Nazi Party From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about the German Nazi Party that existed from 1920–1945. For the ideology, see Nazism. For other Nazi Parties, see Nazi Navigation Party (disambiguation). Main page The National Socialist German Workers' Party (German: Contents National Socialist German Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (help·info), abbreviated NSDAP), commonly known Featured content Workers' Party in English as the Nazi Party, was a political party in Germany between 1920 and 1945. Its Current events Nationalsozialistische Deutsche predecessor, the German Workers' Party (DAP), existed from 1919 to 1920. The term Nazi is Random article Arbeiterpartei German and stems from Nationalsozialist,[6] due to the pronunciation of Latin -tion- as -tsion- in Donate to Wikipedia German (rather than -shon- as it is in English), with German Z being pronounced as 'ts'. Interaction Help About Wikipedia Community portal Recent changes Leader Karl Harrer Contact page 1919–1920 Anton Drexler 1920–1921 Toolbox Adolf Hitler What links here 1921–1945 Related changes Martin Bormann 1945 Upload file Special pages Founded 1920 Permanent link Dissolved 1945 Page information Preceded by German Workers' Party (DAP) Data item Succeeded by None (banned) Cite this page Ideologies continued with neo-Nazism Print/export Headquarters Munich, Germany[1] Newspaper Völkischer Beobachter Create a book Youth wing Hitler Youth Download as PDF Paramilitary Sturmabteilung
    [Show full text]
  • Education Or Indoctrination? World War II Ideologies Under Leaders Hitler and Mussolini - Education Systems and Propaganda Campaigns Allison Hills Depauw University
    DePauw University Scholarly and Creative Work from DePauw University Student research Student Work 4-2017 Education or Indoctrination? World War II Ideologies Under Leaders Hitler and Mussolini - Education Systems and Propaganda Campaigns Allison Hills DePauw University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.depauw.edu/studentresearch Part of the Education Commons, and the European History Commons Recommended Citation Hills, Allison, "Education or Indoctrination? World War II Ideologies Under Leaders Hitler and Mussolini - Education Systems and Propaganda Campaigns" (2017). Student research. 70. http://scholarship.depauw.edu/studentresearch/70 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Scholarly and Creative Work from DePauw University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student research by an authorized administrator of Scholarly and Creative Work from DePauw University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. EDUCATION, INDOCTRINATION, & PROPAGANDA CAMPAIGNS 1 Education or Indoctrination? World War II Ideologies Under Leaders Hitler and Mussolini - Education Systems and Propaganda Campaigns Allison Hills Honors Scholar Senior Thesis DePauw University April 10th, 2017 Disclaimer: Allison Hills is a senior undergraduate student at DePauw University in Greencastle, Indiana, majoring in History and double minoring in Education Studies and Political Science. All primary works have been previously translated, or not translated at all, limiting the parameters of the thesis. More works were available detailing Adolf Hitler than Benito Mussolini. The term “powerful leaders” refers to the combination of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. EDUCATION, INDOCTRINATION, & PROPAGANDA CAMPAIGNS 2 Acknowledgements Many individuals helped me in my writing process, especially when recommending sources. Professor Jamie Stockton in the Education Studies department met with me weekly all year, acting as my sponsor for the thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • UMBC Review 2018 Volume 19
    2018 | Vol. 19 UMBC REVIEW JOURNAL OF UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH 2018 | Vol. 19 UMBC REVIEW JOURNAL OF UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH © COPYRIGHT 2018 UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND BALTIMORE COUNTY (UMBC) ALL RIGHTS RESERVED EDITORS IOANA PETRICEL MANISHA VEPA DESIGNER SAMUAL BUETTNER 2018 | Vol. 19 UMBC REVIEW JOURNAL OF UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH Contents 17 Rebecca Gale 111 Nimasha Fernando History Interdisciplinary Studies Cigarettes, Sailors, and Sororities: Latin American Immigrant Health Student Scrapbooks and the Female in the Baltimore Area: Provider Experience at National Park Smeinary, Perspectives of Alternative Remedies 1900–1942 37 Bruce James 137 Susannah Jones-Hochmuth Mathematics Gender and Women’s Studies Optimization of the K-means Environmental Studies Clustering Algorithm through Faith and Feminism: An Exploration Initialized Principal Direction of Intersecting Identities Divisive Partitioning 55 Himadri Patel 159 Jacob Street Interdisciplinary Studies Political Science Brain Mechanisms of Stress-Induced Paying Dividends: Universal Basic Analgesia: Exploring the Relationship Income, Income Inequality, and Between Pain and Stress Public Opinion 75 Manneha Qazi 185 Marina Mizell Biology Interdisciplinary Studies Loss of Function Tool Development Maternal Depression and Other for N-myc Downstream Regulated 1 Possible Barriers to Early Head (NDRG1) Start/Head Start (EHS/HS) Enrollment in Baltimore, Maryland 93 Sean Owen 213 Alexander Sievers Mathematics History Pronounced Leh-nurd Skih-nurd: The Question of ‘Left-Wing Fascism’ Rhoticity and the South in American within the British Union of Fascists Rock Music in the 1930s Editors’ Introduction Since the first edition was published in 2000, theUMBC Review: Journal of Undergraduate Research has been a unique opportunity for UMBC students to share their research, as well as an example of the university’s strong commitment to cele- brating undergraduate research.
    [Show full text]
  • British Fascism from a Transnational Perspective, 1923 to 1939
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive Breaking Boundaries: British Fascism from a Transnational Perspective, 1923 to 1939 MAY, Rob Available from Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive (SHURA) at: http://shura.shu.ac.uk/26108/ This document is the author deposited version. You are advised to consult the publisher's version if you wish to cite from it. Published version MAY, Rob (2019). Breaking Boundaries: British Fascism from a Transnational Perspective, 1923 to 1939. Doctoral, Sheffield Hallam University. Copyright and re-use policy See http://shura.shu.ac.uk/information.html Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive http://shura.shu.ac.uk Breaking Boundaries: British Fascism from a Transnational Perspective, 1923 to 1939 Robert May A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Sheffield Hallam University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy July 2019 I hereby declare that: 1. I have been enrolled for another award of the University, or other academic or professional organisation, whilst undertaking my research degree. I was an enrolled student for the following award: Postgraduate Certificate in Arts and Humanities Research University of Hull 2. None of the material contained in the thesis has been used in any other submission for an academic award. 3. I am aware of and understand the University's policy on plagiarism and certify that this thesis is my own work. The use of all published or other sources of material consulted have been properly and fully acknowledged. 4. The work undertaken towards the thesis has been conducted in accordance with the SHU Principles of Integrity in Research and the SHU Research Ethics Policy.
    [Show full text]
  • European Fascism Since 1919
    PAPER 20. EUROPEAN FASCISM SINCE 1919 Introduction Fascism was the most consequential political invention of the twentieth century. Its challenge to the liberal, capitalist order of Europe was more momentous – and murderous – than that of communism. The terror and destruction unleashed by the major fascist regimes have left an indelible mark on the course of modern history and our collective memory. The symbols and imagery of fascism remain instantly recognizable, while its ideas have seen a remarkable renaissance in the past twenty years. Despite this enormous impact, fascism has proved strangely elusive as an object of historical analysis. Since 1945, it has been frequently explained away as a political pathology: a horrific, but fleeting deviation from Europe‟s path to modernity. Marxist commentators in particular have downplayed its significance by reducing it to a mere reflection of the „disintegrating bourgeois state‟. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, German (as well as Italian) historians insisted that „their‟ brand of fascism was so much more (or less) extreme than other variants that comparative interpretations were morally reprehensible (or lacking in heuristic value). Today, after a decade of renewed academic interest in „generic fascism‟, prompted by the works of Roger Griffin, Stanley Payne and Zeev Sternhell, there is still considerable scholarly hostility to the notion that fascism represented a serious alternative to parliamentary democracy and the free market on the one hand and communism on the other. Paper 20 takes fascism seriously. It provides a sober, scrupulous recharting of the fascist „third way‟, beyond the ira et studium of the anti-fascists and the pieties of the Sonderweg theorists.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideologies and Totalitarianism
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-77605-9 - The European Dictatorships: Hitler, Stalin, Mussolini Allan Todd Excerpt More information Dictatorships: 1 ideologies and totalitarianism Any comparative history of the three interwar dictatorships must involve looking at three main questions. First, to what extent were the ideologies and regimes associated with Lenin and Stalin similar and thus both part of communism? Second, to what extent were the movements of Mussolini and Hitler the same and how far were their fascist states similar? Finally, there is the much more controversial question of the degree of similarity between the communist and fascist ideologies, movements and states, with the related issue of whether the Soviet, Fascist and Nazi states were authoritarian or totalitarian dictatorships. The first two of these issues will be discussed below. As regards the final question, there are two main viewpoints. Many historians believe that communism and fascism are two politically extreme but fundamentally opposed movements, with drastically different origins and aims, even though their methods of rule were very similar during the 1920s and 1930s. This view sees communism as a revolutionary left-wing movement and fascism as an essentially reactionary right-wing one (despite some ‘radical’ aspects in its methods and style of rule). The fundamental difference between them is said to lie in the fact that communism is dedicated to destroying capitalism, while fascism is seen as capitalism’s most ruthless defender. Not all historians share the view that these two political ideologies are diametrically opposed. R. Pipes in Russia under the Bolshevik regime, 1917–24, for example, sees them as having many ‘affinities’ and as competing ‘for the same constituencies’.
    [Show full text]
  • Italian Fascism and Culture: Some Notes on Investigation
    HAOL, Núm. 9 (Invierno, 2006), 141-151 ISSN 1696-2060 ITALIAN FASCISM AND CULTURE: SOME NOTES ON INVESTIGATION Jan Nelis Universiteit Gent, Belgie. E-mail: [email protected] Recibido: 26 Octubre 2005 / Revisado: 23 Noviembre 2005 / Aceptado: 9 Enero 2006 / Publicación Online: 15 Febrero 2006 Resumen: In the following article we will domains such as visual propaganda, the written illustrate some of the most actual and fertile word, the arts et cetera were central components tendencies in the study of Italian fascism and of in the establishment of what can effectively be its relationship to culture. We will start off from called ‘fascist culture’. This awareness might at the viewpoint that fascism in Italy succeeded in first sight seem obvious, but it has not always obtaining a high degree of popular support. been regarded as such. Following Renzo De Felice, it could be argued that mass consenso (consensus) was crucial to In fact, it is only since the quite controversial Mussolini’s survival. Presenting itself as the and even provocative, but nonetheless very only choice for the new Italy, fascism did thus in convincing Mussolini-biography by Renzo De a very real sense reach a certain degree of – Felice1 that the notion of popular consensus has albeit unstable- gramscian egemonia been the subject of open and vivid debate. (hegemony). The latter was in its turn the Following the publication of the 1974 volume consequence not only of the use of force, but entitled Mussolini il duce: Gli anni del consenso also of a careful orchestration of public life and, 1929-1936, numerous studies have appeared on a higher level, of aesthetics, of culture.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fascination of Fascism a Concluding Interview with Roger Griffin
    The Fascination of Fascism A Concluding Interview with Roger Griffin The following is an edited and revised version of a recorded interview of Roger Griffin [RG]by Matthew Feldman [MF],which took place in May 2005. The originaldis- cussion was chairedbyDr Robert Pyrah as part of the University of Oxford’s ongoing Central and South-Eastern Europe Seminar Series. As a result, this concluding text is both the most recent and most informal in this collection, and rounds out the previous essays byoffering Griffin’s synoptic reflections on his pursuit of the ‘fascist minimum’. Note the tripartite structure of the interview, focusing first on the ‘back story’ to Grif- fin’s involvement with Fascist Studies; then on his evolving approach and contribution to this interdisciplinaryfield of study;andfinally, a summary and overview of thepre- ceding chapters in this volume. These discursive and synoptic aspects are also intended to provide a more accessible ‘way in’ to the debates surrounding fascist historiography – indeed, virtually none of thepolysyllabic wordsinthis sentence are either found in the ensuing questions or in Griffin’s response to them. [MF] ***** MF: To start off on a biographical note, how didyou first get involved in Fascist Studies, at a time when it wasn’t yet a recognised academic discipline? RG: Two pivotal experiences, reinforced bypragmatic considerations, helped crystallise my abiding fascination with the nature of fascism as a multifaceted, protean political force that has had a major impact on modern history. First, in 1967, while I was an undergraduate studying French and German literature at University, I spent a day in the city of Weimar as part of a cultural tour of students from ‘the West’ to what was still the German Democratic Republic, andhence a Soviet satellite state.
    [Show full text]