HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies ISSN: (Online) 2072-8050, (Print) 0259-9422

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Heretic or rebel? The heresy trial of Albert Geyser

Author: During September 1961, a charge of heresy was laid against New Testament scholar and anti- 1 Wim Dreyer activist Prof. A.S. (Albert) Geyser. The charge was brought by three senior theological Affiliation: students of the . They accused Geyser of interpreting Philippians 2 in 1Department Church History such a way that it undermined the church’s doctrine of Christ’s pre-existence. The heresy trial and Church Polity, University started on 24 October 1961 under massive public interest. The trial lasted 6 months and the of Pretoria, South Africa proceedings covered 2672 typed pages. Reporters of 25 national and international newspapers attended the trial. The heresy trial caused widespread international condemnation of what Project leader: W.A. Dreyer Project number: 77370920 was regarded as an orchestrated attempt to get rid of Geyser, because of his public and radical opposition to apartheid. In this contribution, Geyser’s theological critique of apartheid as well Description: as his conviction of heresy is discussed. The proceedings of the trial, minutes of the moderature, This research is part of the media coverage and Geyser’s publications serve as primary sources. It concludes with a critical project, ‘History of the Netherdutch Reformed evaluation of Geyser’s theology and his role as a public theologian. Church/Geskiedenis van die Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk’, directed by Dr Wim Dreyer, Department of Introduction Church History and Church On 1 May 2015, Prince Mashele wrote an article in the Sowetan (Sowetan Live 2015) on the Polity, Faculty of Theology, defacing of statues in South Africa, in which he said the following of Prof. A.S. (Albert) Geyser: University of Pretoria. Here was a white man, an Afrikaner by blood, adhering obstinately to a biblical truth that essentially Corresponding author: shattered the religious foundations of Afrikanerdom – his very own being. It would indeed be difficult to Wim Dreyer, know the extent to which black anti-statue crusaders of our time value truth. But it is easy to understand [email protected] why white people have built no monument to Geyser. Could it be that those who are busy defacing statues are themselves not different from the very statues they seek to eradicate? True virtue is not when Dates: Received: 14 July 2016 a man defends his own interests, but when he endangers his life in defence of others. This is precisely Accepted: 11 Aug. 2016 what Geyser did. It is time for us, black people, to wage a ‘Geyser must rise’ campaign to protect the Published: 25 Nov. 2016 legacy of a white man who proclaimed that blacks were human at a time when such a basic truth was heresy. (n.p.) How to cite this article: Dreyer, W., 2016, ‘Heretic or rebel? The heresy trial of Heresy trials have become something of a rarity in modern times. This fact alone would have Albert Geyser’, HTS made the trial of Prof. Albert Geyser, which lasted 6 months (1961–1962), remarkable. However, Teologiese Studies/ the events surrounding the trial present us with a rare insight in the complex and volatile history Theological Studies 72(4), of South Africa just after it left the British Commonwealth and became a sovereign republic under a3745. http://dx.doi. org/10.4102/hts.v72i4.3745 the leadership of Dr H.F. Verwoerd as prime .

Copyright: It is also remarkable if we consider who Geyser was (see Dreyer 2015:187–189). Albertus Stephanus © 2016. The Authors. Geyser was born on 10 February 1918 on a farm close to Naboomspruit (Mookgophong), the Licensee: AOSIS. This work is licensed under the heartland of Afrikaner conservative politics and a typical farming community. His father and Creative Commons mother were devout members of the Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk van Afrika (NHKA). He was Attribution License. one of three children. After he matriculated in 1935, Geyser and his brother started their theological studies at the University of Pretoria during 1936. He eventually completed a MA (Classical Languages) in 1942 and had a sound knowledge of Hebrew, Syriac, Aramaic, Greek, Latin, French, German, Dutch and English. Including , he could read 10 languages. In 1941 Geyser was ordained as a minister in the NHKA Heilbron, a small town in the . In 1944 he was called to a congregation in Pretoria where he served until 1946. At various periods he took leave to assist the congregation in .

Geyser started with doctoral studies in Church History. He changed to New Testament during 1944 and within a year Geyser finished the doctoral exams and on 15 March 1946 he received the degree Doctor Divinitatis (Cum Laude). His external examiner was Prof. J. De Zwaan of the Read online: University of Leiden. At the beginning of 1946, at the young age of 27, Geyser was appointed as a Scan this QR lecturer in the Department of New Testament Studies at the University of Pretoria. Later that code with your smart phone or same year, he was promoted to a full-time professor and Head of the Department. He remained mobile device in this position until 1961, a period of 15 years. After the heresy trial he accepted a position at the to read online. University of the Witwatersrand. Albert Geyser was also the first SA New Testament scholar

http://www.hts.org.za Open Access Page 2 of 10 Original Research elected as the member of the Studiorum Novi Testamenti Moderature of the NHKA released a media statement, Societas and served as the editor of Novum Testamentum. He rejecting the views of Geyser and Engelbrecht in the strongest must also be remembered for the high standards that he set terms (see Oberholzer 2010).1 This was followed with several for his own academic career. He obtained three master’s disciplinary meetings, which continued until the end of 1955. degrees in Greek, Latin as well as French. He translated Eventually it was agreed from both sides not to proceed with Thomas á Kempis’s classical work De Imitatio Christi into disciplinary or legal actions, after Geyser and Engelbrecht Afrikaans (Geyser 1952). gave the assurance that it was not their intention to bring the church into disrepute or become involved in party political In this contribution Geyser’s theological critique of apartheid actions, but rather exercised their responsibility to public as well as his conviction of heresy is discussed. The witness. Engelbrecht, however, continued to sue Die proceedings of the trial, minutes of the Moderature, media Transvaler for libel to an amount of £2000. coverage and Geyser’s publications serve as primary sources. This paper concludes with a critical evaluation of Geyser’s Geyser’s opposition to apartheid became more intense theology and his role as public theologian. during 1960. There were several reasons for this: Firstly, the (21 March 1960) sent shock waves through South Africa and the rest of the world. Secondly, the Geyser’s critique of apartheid World Council of Churches (WCC) planned a meeting during Prof. P.G.R. de Villiers (Van Aarde, De Villiers & Buitendag December 1960 in Cottesloe (), where all the 2014:3) is of the opinion that Geyser’s theological criticism member churches would present their views on the situation and rejection of apartheid had a seminal influence on white in South Africa and to formulate a common witness against South Africans who were opposed to apartheid. It also caused racism. Thirdly, South Africa’s departure from the British a lot of animosity among fellow lecturers at the University of Commonwealth under the leadership of Dr. H.F. Verwoerd Pretoria as well as the general public. Geyser’s opposition to was on the cards and became a reality on 31 May 1961. As apartheid, at a time when it was regarded by many as a such, 1960 became a pivotal year for Geyser’s resistance scriptural principle and the only guarantee for the survival of against apartheid. white people in Africa, resulted in his complete isolation (Van Aarde et al. 2014:4–5) and a feeling among some church Geyser started organising meetings of clergy he knew would leaders that Geyser had to be removed from his position. oppose apartheid. These meetings of clergy became known A charge of heresy could accomplish this. as the Ekumeniese Studiekring. It eventually evolved into the Christelike Instituut, of which Dr. Beyers Naude was the Geyser’s opposition to apartheid had much to do with his director and Geyser the chairman of the Board. Members of teaching stints at the Sorbonne (1949) and University of the Studiekring produced several documents, newspaper Utrecht (1952), contact with the international ecumenical articles and publications in which they criticised the policy of movement and interaction with leading European theologians apartheid (see Dreyer 2015:188–191). Geyser and 10 other such as Karl Barth, Oscar Cullmann and Hendrikus Berkhof. theologians also published a booklet (Geyser & Keet (ed.) His opposition to apartheid also stems from the fact that he 1960) with the title Vertraagde Aksie, translated as Delayed was a firm supporter of the South African Party of Genl. J.C. Action. In this compilation of theological essays, direct or Smuts (see footnote in Van Aarde et al. 2014:4–5). Smuts was indirect criticism was directed against the government well-known for his philosophy of ‘Holism’. As a supporter of and church policies of segregation. The 11 authors who the SAP and opposed to the National Party of D.F. Malan’s contributed to the publication were A.S. Geyser, A. van policy of institutional and legal segregation, Geyser had the Selms, M.J. Redelinghuys and J. Stutterheim (clergy from the support of many like-minded members and ministers of the NHKA); B.B. Keet, B.J. Marais, G.C. Oosthuizen, J.A. van NHKA, the English press in South Africa, Dutch colleagues Wyk and G.J. Swart (clergy from the Dutch Reformed Church, such as Van Selms and Gemser as well as Afrikaans academics or DRC), as well as H. du Plessis and C. Hattingh (clergy from the GKSA). such as S.P. Engelbrecht (who later turned against Geyser), C.J. Labuschagne, B.B. Keet and B.J. Marais. After the Geyser In Vertraagde Aksie (Geyser 1960:12–23), Geyser did not trial, many of his supporters left the NHKA. address the issue of apartheid by name, but rather the question of various ethnic churches which were established through By 1955 (age 37) Geyser had become outspoken in his the missionary work of the white churches. He emphasised criticism of apartheid. A clear indication of this was his the basic ecclesiological principle of church unity and its opposition to the removal of mixed race people from the powerful witness to the world. At a time when the DRC voters’ roll, after the Senate had been enlarged by parliament became known as ‘the National Party in prayer’, criticism of to give the National Party the majority vote. Geyser and a ecclesial segregation had direct political implications. colleague from the NHKA, the well-known church historian Prof. S.P. Engelbrecht as well as 11 other Afrikaner academics, In Geyser’s contribution in Vertraagde Aksie, we find a very signed a petition condemning the orchestrated actions of the specific ecclesiology and understanding of what it means to ruling party in parliament. This happened during a public protest meeting, held on 16 May 1955. This aroused much 1.‘Die Kerk betreur ten seerste die optrede van die twee professore wat hulle daardeur verbind het aan ʼn party-politieke agitasie en so die verantwoordelikheid van hul hoë resentment within the church, to such an extent that the betrekking verontagsaam het’.

http://www.hts.org.za Open Access Page 3 of 10 Original Research be church. In a previous article, the influence of Karl Barth on understanding of mission, as articulated at the Brandenburg Geyser’s ecclesiology was discussed (Dreyer 2015:188–189). Mission Conference (1932) and again at the Willingen We also find very clear traces of an ecumenical ecclesiology, Mission Conference (1952). Barth was of the opinion that especially his reference to John 17 (Geyser 1960:17). Geyser the church should not delegate its mission to mission challenged his readers with the nature of the church, because organisations but should engage in mission itself, because if we understand the true nature of the church it has radical the church is in essence apostolic. The church does not do implications for the way the church speaks and engages mission, it is part of God’s mission to the world and as such with society. By entering the discourse via ecclesiology by nature apostolic (Scott 1977:15). and placing the focus on the true nature of the church, it is clear that Geyser followed the same strategy as Karl Barth From this understanding of the church and the missio Dei, in his opposition to the Nazi ideology in Germany before Geyser (1960:22–23) enters into a sharp criticism of the World War II. establishment of ethnic churches via mission organisations or even the church itself. Doing mission at ‘an arm’s distance’ is Geyser starts his contribution in Vertraagde Aksie with a contrary to the nature of the church and in contradiction to historical overview of Early Church history, with specific the unity of the church. He rejects the view that church unity reference to the persecution of ‘the people of the Way’ (Geyser is ‘invisible’. It is the same criticism of ecclesiastic dualism, 1960:12). He points out that the earliest persecutors of the the distinction between the ‘visible’ and ‘invisible’ church of church knew that the most powerful Christian witness was Christ, which we find in the ecclesiology of Karl Barth (1956, not so much Christian preaching, ethics or confession but CD IV.1) when he writes: rather the very nature of the church. Whenever the church is For that reason the visible and invisible church are not two true to its own nature and the integrity of the church stands churches…. The one is the form and the other the mystery of one foremost, the church as such becomes the most powerful and the self-same church. The mystery is hidden in the form, but witness to the gospel of Jesus Christ. The Christians were represented and to be sought in it. (p. 669) persecuted not because of what they said or what they did, but because of what they were – the church of Christ. This implies that the four attributes of the church are not only applicable to the eternal and invisible church of the Geyser (1960:13–14) then enters into a discussion of the confession, but also to the local congregation or church which confession: ‘Credo unam sanctam catholicam ecclesiam’. He manifests empirically in history (see also Dreyer 2016:4). points out that the ‘una’ is often mistakenly translated not as ‘one’ church but as ‘a’ church. The church of Christ is one – Geyser’s ecclesiology as articulated in Vertraagde Aksie is a the most basic point of departure in our understanding of the theological criticism of separate, ethnic churches as well as church is that its members are one in Christ and that unity the church who became a mirror of what was happening in should become manifest amongst the individual members of society (Geyser 1960:23). It is extremely dangerous for the church to become ‘gelykvormig’ (identical) to the world, to the church. Geyser further points out that the other essential reduplicate political structures and ideologies into church qualities of the church (‘sanctam’ and ‘catholicam’) are practice. It speaks for itself that the publication of Vertraagde fundamentally determined by ‘unam’. The church is holy Reaksie was met with severe criticism and outright hostility. and catholic because of its unity in Christ.

Geyser’s opposition to apartheid and his criticism of the Geyser (1960:14) continues by explaining the word ‘kuriakon’, church’s mission policies were some of the factors which led as meaning ‘what belongs to the Lord’. From this he comes to the charge of heresy. Officially, this has always been denied. to the conclusion that it is impossible to speak of an Afrikaans However, Geyser’s radical opposition to apartheid leaves church, a Dutch church or a Bantu church. He points out that little doubt that his removal from office would have been in the midst of ethnic, political and geographical divisions important to certain members of the church leadership. the church must be one as one, new humanity which belongs to God. From this it is quite clear that Geyser’s ecclesiology stood diametrically opposed to segregation in church and The Cottesloe consultation state. Geyser’s theological critique of apartheid is also reflected in his actions leading up to the Cottesloe Conference. Delegates Geyser (1960:14–21) then enters into a long discussion of of the WCC and South African member churches convened the word ‘ekklesia’. He highlights the meaning of the word on 7 December 1960 in Cottesloe, Johannesburg. Discussions with reference to the gospels, early church fathers such as during the 7 days focused mainly on race relations in Chrysostomos, Augustine, Cyprian and even the third South Africa. The more direct stimulus for the Cottesloe century Pope Callixtus. In his exegesis Geyser emphasises Consultation was the political turmoil in South Africa, for the communal character of the ‘ekklesia’, of the church. The instance the protest marches against the pass system which church are those people, of all nations, who were called took place all over South Africa. On the 21st of March 1960 by the Lord and sent out by the Lord (Mt 28). From several thousand protesters marched to the police station at this Geyser (1960:16–17) enters into a discussion of Sharpeville, where the leaders of the march intended to burn mission, where it is again evident that he followed Barth’s their passes and hand themselves over to the police for arrest.

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Amidst growing tension the police fired more than 700 shots, In context of growing international criticism of apartheid, wounding 180 people and killing 69. This resulted in a flood Dr H.F. Verwoerd led South Africa from the Commonwealth of criticism against apartheid from churches and governments and after a referendum, declared the country a republic. The all over the world. In the wake of the international fires of Afrikaner nationalism burned high. The trauma of community’s condemnation of the police actions at the Second Anglo-Boer War, which decimated 20% of the Sharpeville and the growing fear that the political unrest may Afrikaner population in concentration camps and on battle escalate into full-blown civil war. fields, remained engraved in the collective memory. The Afrikaner republic, which was lost with the treaty of Civil war was a grim reality in many African states as well Vereeniging on 31 May 1902, was restored on 31 May 1961. as South Africa, especially when the African National Against this background, it became virtually impossible for Congress launched the armed struggle on 16 December 1961 the Afrikaans churches to disassociate with apartheid. To be under leadership of Nelson Mandela – which eventually led against apartheid was regarded as treason to the ideals of to the Rivonia trial (1963–1964) and the imprisonment liberty and Afrikaner nationalism. of Mandela and other leaders of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK). A state of emergency was declared which increased the In this atmosphere of state controlled security, rising powers of state security and made imprisonment without nationalism, political unrest and the possibility of civil war trial possible. It became dangerous to be associated with Geyser’s public resistance to apartheid and his positive anti-apartheid activism. From 1960 onwards, after APLA attitude towards the WCC, is quite remarkable. It was also and MK escalated attacks on civil, police and military the case with Geyser’s involvement with and positive targets hundreds of activists were arrested, imprisoned or assessment of the Cottesloe Consultation, as is evident in the executed. Over a period of 28 years (1961–1989), 134 political Memorandum he and Prof. Adrianus van Selms submitted to activists were executed by hanging after lengthy treason the Moderature of the NHKA (Geyser & Van Selms 1960b). and/or murder trials. Many were ‘executed’ during covert This was accompanied by a letter, dated 23 November 1960 operations. The number of executions escalated after certain (Geyser & Van Selms 1960a), in which they requested the incidents, for instance the Paarl uprising (1963) and the Moderature to submit their Memorandum together with the Bethal trials (1977). church’s official documents to the Cottesloe Consultation. The Moderature refused their request. The other side of the story also needs to be told. Chapter 4 of the report of the SA Truth and Reconciliation Commission The Memorandum Geyser and Van Selms prepared for the states that MK, APLA and POQO ‘committed gross violations Cottesloe Consultation is structured on different ‘levels’, as of human rights in the course of their political activities and they called it (Geyser & Van Selms 1960b:28 [1]). It starts out armed struggles, acts for which they are morally and with an analysis of South African demographics (3 million politically accountable’.2 In the decade 1976 (after the Soweto whites, 1.5 million mixed race people, half a million ‘Asiatics’ uprising) to 1986, 130 people were ‘executed’ by the Black and 10 million ‘Bantu’ of whom 62% lived in so-called ‘white’ resistance movements, although there might be many more areas) and points out that the policy of apartheid would which were not recorded as such. Of these ‘executions’, 30 require the forcible removal of 6 million people without their were members of various security forces and 100 were consent or approval. Forcible removal constitutes gross civilians. Of the civilians, 40 were white and 60 black. On injustice and is a sign of ‘selfishness and self-righteousness’ both sides of the conflict, it became quite dangerous to be (Geyser & Van Selms 1960b:29 [2]). The Memorandum regarded as a political activist. Many chose to be silent and concludes this section by pointing out that apartheid is not stay out of harm’s way. only an injustice to all ‘Non-White’ people of South Africa, but in view of long term economic development and In the light of these events the WCC and South African population growth it is untenable and impractical. We churches agreed that a consultation of churches would be of submit therefore that apartheid is and will of necessity be in extreme importance. During the Cottesloe Consultation the future, a total failure. All the hardships, injustices and churches were asked to condemn apartheid as contrary to injuries it inflicts in the meantime would have been of no Christian principles and unworkable in practice. The effect except that it would have aggravated the legacy of Afrikaans churches were not prepared to condemn apartheid suspicion and hatred for future generations. as such, but opted for a middle of the road position which asked for justice, a living wage, abolition of job reservation Secondly, the Memorandum of Geyser and Van Selms and the act on mixed marriages. The NHKA received articulated the meaning of the gospel for race relations in extensive reports from its Cottesloe delegates. The General South Africa. With reference to the WCC views it explains Assembly, on 20 March 1961, decided to terminate its that any form of segregation based race or ethnic origin is membership of the WCC because of the ‘WCC humanistic contrary to the gospel and incompatible with the Christian ideology and support of revolution as well as its double doctrine of man and with the nature of the Church of Christ morality’ (NHKA 1961c; see Dreyer 2013). (Geyser & Van Selms 1960b:31 [4]). Geyser and Van Selms point out that the church must ‘first and of all accept the 2.See reference at https://www.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/​03lv0 2167/04lv02264/05lv02335/06lv02357/07lv02372/08lv02376.htm unequivocal and unanimous teaching of the Bible that the

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Church must be visibly one in testimony to Christ, in faith, The three senior students who laid the charge of heresy love and personal communion (John 17)’. Following this against Geyser, were H.G. van der Westhuizen, W.C.M. de argument, Geyser and Van Selms rejected the establishment Beer and E. Engelbrecht (NHKA 1961a:98). Over a period of of ethnic churches in South Africa as practised by practically time, each of them took careful notes during class of Geyser’s all the churches in South Africa at that time. lectures. The charges against Geyser were based on his theology and exegesis as articulated during lectures (see Thirdly, Geyser and Van Selms enters into a discussion of NHKA 1961a). Copies of these class notes still exist but can contemporary history and developments in Africa and how only be viewed with permission. The lectures in question it challenged our understanding of freedom, responsibility, were presented by Geyser during 1961 on 17 April, 21 April, justice and order (Geyser & Van Selms 1960b). In this regard 18 May, 23 May, 12 June, 18 August, 25 August and 14 the Memorandum states: September. It was common practice to dictate lectures, in other words, students had to write down everything which the Church must not take a neutral or even less, an opposing was said in class because it formed the basis of examination. stand. Within this process of political and social awakening, the Church must act as the conscience of the nation … (p. 34 [7]) Interestingly enough, the charge sheet also affords us a little insight on the quality and extent of the lectures of Geyser. Further in this section it is pointed out that ‘the rule of law in Geyser used the Greek New Testament as basis for his every country must exclude the arbitrary use of power by lectures, with a strong focus on linguistic analysis of the one group to the detriment of another’. It continued to plead Greek text. As a result, the charge sheet contains numerous Greek passages with a critical analysis of what Geyser said in for the freedom of the press, the right to political self- class. Geyser also combined exegesis with theological determination, distinction between legislative, administrative reflection. After a specific text was analysed with regard to and executive powers, freedom of moral and religious language and structure, the theological implications would convictions in obedience to God. be spelled out. According to the charge sheet, Geyser referred in his lectures to the early philosophers (Seneca) and the Lastly, Geyser and Van Selms analysed the different apartheid Church Fathers (p. 1, 7, 8, 10), (p. 2), the laws and criticised the Church for being silent on the Heidelberg Catechism (p. 8) as well as contemporary implications and effect of many of these laws (Geyser & Van theologians such as Karl Barth (pages 1, 4) and prominent Selms 1960b:32–34 [9–11]). ecumenical theologians such as Natan Söderblom (p. 6) and Robert Bilheimer (p. 9). Geyser and Van Selms’ Memorandum on apartheid is a substantial document, well formulated in terms of The heresy trial lasted almost 6 months. It started on 24 practical, religious, political and moral arguments. It is a October 1961 and adjourned on 8 May 1962 when the findings pity that it was never considered seriously or presented to of the Moderature were announced. The trial adjourned over the Cottesloe Consultation of the WCC. Its severe criticism the Christmas holidays and other periods in which the of apartheid on moral and religious grounds caused a Moderature attended to other business and because Geyser major break in relations between Geyser, the Moderature became ill. The minutes of the trial consists of 2672 typed of the NHKA, colleagues at the Faculty of Theology and pages divided into five volumes (NHKA 1961b) of the church in general. Geyser had become an isolated approximately 500 pages each. The page numbers follow in figure andpersona non grata. He became a public enemy, sequence from 1 to 2672, which indicates that the trial was often portrayed by the press as villain or as hero. Hundreds regarded as one meeting, although there were times in which of articles appeared in newspapers reporting on Geyser the Moderature was not in session. and the other clergy’s opposition to apartheid (see Labuschagne 2014). Geyser was regarded as a traitor and a Turning the charge sheet (NHKA 1961a) per se, the 10 pages threat to Afrikaner nationalism, the reason many wanted contain two main charges against Geyser: The first was a him removed from the Faculty of Theology at the University charge of heresy and the second a charge of resistance to of Pretoria. ecclesial authority. The two charges were subdivided into five sections, namely Christology, Ecclesiology, Anthropology, The heresy trial of Albert Geyser Pneumatology and insubordination/resistance/disobedience to ecclesial authority and synodical decisions. The five On 5 October 1961 Benjamin Pogrund broke the news in the sections were further divided into 20 subsections. Rand Daily Mail that a charge of heresy had been laid against Geyser (Labuschagne 2014 Vol. I:10). The charges were laid by three senior theological students. Geyser’s immediate Christology response to the Rand Daily Mail was to be expected: The The charge of heresy starts out with Geyser’s Christology charge of heresy was without ‘any basis of fact’. Geyser was as articulated in his lectures on the Paul’s Letter to the deeply shocked by the fact that his own students laid a charge Philippians (p. 1). On 18 August 1961 Geyser discussed of heresy against him. He denied that he was a heretic and Philippians 2. The main question was how the Greek word made it clear that he wanted to defend himself on the charges morphe (Phlp 2:6) should be translated and interpreted. (see Dreyer 2015:191). After explaining the different possibilities in translation,

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Geyser referred to the Church Fathers who translated it as Common Prayer as excellent theology, which gave rise to the substantia and Karl Barth who translates it as Gestalt. suspicion that Geyser had an affinity not only for Anglican Geyser explained that morphe could also be translated as but also for Roman Catholic theology. It is clear that Geyser’s status. If ‘morphe’ is translated as ‘status’, it would mean that positive stance on visible church unity, the ecumenical the pre-existent Christ had divine status, but would not movement and social justice was regarded as blasphemy in a necessarily be equal to God the Father. period when segregation reached its zenith.

Geyser disagreed with the traditional translation of morphe Anthropology as substantia or ousia, as is done by many systematic In his lecture on Philippians 2:3 he discussed the question of theologians as proof of Christ’s divine nature. He was of the human dignity, again with reference to the views of Karl opinion that this translation needed to be revised (p. 2). Barth (p. 7). Geyser quoted Barth’s view that all human What is reflected in the charge sheet, is a typical New beings should be regarded as objects of God’s grace which Testament scholar at work: Geyser engaged with text of the implies that we should regard fellow human beings with New Testament in a scientific way. Precise linguistic analysis ‘limitless respect’. The real problem arose during a lecture was elucidated with exegetical examples from history and on 12 June 1961, when Geyser discussed the imago Dei. He various ecclesial traditions. It is also clear that Geyser made the remark that the image of God was not totally exposed the students to the diverse Christologies as destroyed in man which was regarded by the students as articulated in the New Testament as well as the writings of contrary to the Heidelberg Catechism III/6. Interestingly the Early Fathers. However, this did not imply that he enough, Geyser’s view corresponds to that of John Calvin as rejected the traditional Christology and divinity of Christ as articulated in his Institutes of Christian Religion (Inst. III/7/6; articulated in the Nicene Confession (p. 3). His view was Calvin [1559] 1864). that Philippians 2 could not be used to substantiate the equality of the first and second Persons of the Trinity. Pneumatology The charge sheet continued to criticise Geyser’s views on the The charge sheet refers to Geyser’s discussion of the meaning of what it means to be in Christ (Phlp 1:1), to love Heidelberg Catechism 1/1 and our only comfort in life and your neighbour unconditionally (agape, Phlp 1:9), Christ as death (p. 8). Geyser made the point that the Holy Spirit example to us (Phlp 2:5) and a ‘holy revolution’ (p. 5, assures us of eternal life through our knowledge of sin, ‘heilsrewolusie’). It is clear that the charge wished to indicate salvation and how we should thank God for our salvation. that Geyser maintained a humanistic Christology in which The criticism as articulated in the charge sheet does not Jesus would be little more than a good moral example of how address Geyser’s Pneumatology as such, but rather Geyser’s we should live and as such confirmed that Geyser’s reference to Seneca ‘who could teach Christians how to live Christology was contrary to the reformed confessions. and in fact put Christians to shame in terms of morality’. The Reading it many years later, it seems that Geyser merely implication is clear: Geyser was of the opinion that Seneca articulated the ethical implications of Christian faith without had more to offer than the Bible or even the Holy Spirit. denying the divinity of Christ. Geyser also pointed out that faith and life is the same thing – Ecclesiology without ethical actions and a Christian lifestyle there is no faith. This is a theme already evident in Geyser’s early The same argument is followed in the section on Geyser’s theological development, especially with his translation of ecclesiology. In his lecture on Philippians 2:4 Geyser the De Imitatio Christi (Geyser 1952). ‘Heresy’ in this section is explained that koinonia with fellow-believers could not be implied in Geyser’s view that true Christian faith needs to be dislocated from our community with God. Rather, community realised in a Christian life and love for humanity – in other with God constitutes community among all believers and is words – a humanistic interpretation of the gospel. the guarantee that God will never leave his church. In his lecture on 1 Corinthians 10:17 Geyser made a point about Paul’s understanding of the Eucharist and the visible unity of Resistance to ecclesial authority the church. In his lecture Geyser also referred to Ignatius’ In the last section of the charge sheet Geyser is taken to task Letter to the Philippians in which he explains the unity of the for his criticism of the church, for instance his view that the church which becomes manifest in the Eucharist. The charge church is too dogmatic in its exegesis (p. 9). Exegesis should sheet is particularly worried about Geyser’s positive be determined by a ‘precise determination of the meaning of evaluation of the WCC (p. 6) and his view that the church the Greek words’ (‘korrekte bepaling van die woord betekenis’). had to engage the world wherever the world is ‘sick’ (i.e. Geyser was an exponent of historical-critical exegesis and Angola, Korea – war zones at the time). Geyser also pleaded regarded literary exegesis as more important than ‘dogmatic’ for social justice (again with reference to Ignatius’ letters to exegesis. The implied allegation is that Geyser undermined the Philippians and Trallians), which would indicate that he the authority of the reformed confessions, although it is not was a proponent of social gospel. Lastly, Geyser is also articulated expressis verbis. In this way, Geyser ‘influenced’ criticised for his positive assessment of the Anglican Book of students against the church.

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The real issue appears in the last section: Geyser expressed exegete; (2) the precise exegesis of Philippians 2:6–11 and (3) himself in favour of the Cottesloe Consultation and asked the the charge was instigated and motivated by external agents students if they wanted to meet Dr. Robert Bilheimer, to listen and as such without substance or legal standing (NHKA to his viewpoint. This would be, according to Geyser, an 1962:3). These three points of the defence were discussed academic and scientific approach to listen to all viewpoints. extensively and attended to in the findings. On point 2 of the Geyser also criticised the selective inequality as practiced in defence, the Moderature readily acknowledged the skill and South Africa and equated it to ‘Communism and slavery’ (p. expertise of Geyser as Biblical scholar and exegete of 10). Confronting students with these views put the church in Scripture. On point 3, the Moderature was of the opinion (pp. a bad light. Geyser was charged with undermining the 14–15) that it would be impossible to determine whether authority of the church, the Church Order and policies as there were external agents who instigated the charge of approved by the General Assembly. heresy and that the Moderature had to assume the integrity and good intentions of all involved. Evaluation The charge of heresy against Geyser boiled down to three Looking at the charge of heresy and resistance to ecclesial interrelated questions: The freedom of the exegete (pp. 3–8), authority, one is struck by the almost artificial construction of the binding of the exegete to the confessions and doctrine of theological arguments, but even more the obvious criticism the church and whether Geyser, in his exegesis and lectures of Geyser’s socio-political views. Reading texts is very often on Philippians 2, entertained a subordianistic Christology a question of finding the true intention of the author not in (pp. 8–14). The Moderature found Geyser guilty of heresy what is written, but rather in what is not written, in the empty (dwaalleer) and suspended his status and privileges as spaces between the lines. In the heresy trial of Geyser the real minister of the NHKA. issue, his criticism of apartheid and separate ethnic churches, is never mentioned explicitly except for a cursory reference to At various (23) times during the heresy trial Geyser made a Article III of the Church Order which envisaged the point to declare his unconditional agreement with the establishment of racially segregated churches (p. 10). confessions of the church. His exegesis of Philippians 2:5–11 is in agreement with other New Testament scholars, namely Geyser found guilty of heresy that it could not be used to substantiate the doctrine of the The deliberations of the Moderature on the heresy charge Trinity. Despite this, he was convicted of heresy. against Albert Geyser came to a conclusion on 8 May 1962, when the findings were made public (NHKA 1962:1–18). The After the trial, Geyser received an offer from the University findings follow the same structure as the charge laid against of the Witwatersrand to take up a position as professor in the Geyser. It is quite significant that Geyser was foundnot guilty Department of Religious Studies, which he accepted in 1962. on all charges related to his Ecclesiology, Pneumatology, In 1963 he resigned his office as minister of the NHKA and in Anthropology and resistance to ecclesial authority. In fact, the 1968, 50 years old, he resigned his membership of the NHKA. charge of heresy with regard to his Anthropology doesn’t even However, before he died in 1985 he expressed the desire to be appear in the findings. Regarding Geyser’s Christology, no buried by a minister of the NHKA. In accordance with his reference is made to Geyser’s exegesis in terms of ‘being in last wish his funeral was conducted by Dr. Joop Lensink, also Christ’, ‘unconditional love’ or Christ as ‘example’. In known for his opposition to apartheid. summary: The charge sheet consists of 20 sub-sections under 3 the various headings, of which the Moderature rejected 19. Media coverage of the trial Geyser was found guilty only in terms of the very first section, As mentioned before, the Rand Daily Mail broke the news which focused on his exegesis of Philippians 2:6–11. on 5 October 1961 that a charge of heresy had been laid against Geyser (Labuschagne 2014 Vol. I:10).4 This started a After introductory remarks on procedure and the relevant media frenzy. In London, the Daily Mail (12 October 1961; articles of the Church Order, the Moderature turned to the Vol. I:13–14) published an article based on telephonic charge of heresy regarding Geyser’s Christology (p. 2). The interviews it had had with four well-known Dutch Moderature condensed the charge and 2672 pages of theologians: Prof. P.A. van Stempvoort (Groningen), minutes into one single aspect, namely Geyser’s lectures on Hendrikus Berkhof (Leiden), J.N. Barkhuizen van den Philippians 2:6–11 which, according to the supplicants, Brink (Leiden) and B. Gemser (emeritus of the University accommodated the view that Christ before and after His of Pretoria living in Groningen). They were unanimous in incarnation, in terms of status, was subordinate to God the Father and that the post-existent Christ was of higher 3.Some sections of this paragraph had been published previously (see Dreyer 2015). status than the pre-existent Christ. This was in contradiction 4.The newspaper clippings used in this contribution were collected and bound in three volumes by Prof. Casper Labuschagne, co-activist, colleague and friend of to the pure doctrine as articulated in confessions, especially Albert Geyser. The collection starts in 1960 and ends in 1968. Prof. Labuschagne entrusted his collection to me in 2014 when I visited him in Groningen. Onmy the Athanasium. return I deposited copies of these volumes (totalling 400 pages and approximately 900 newspaper articles) in the archives of the DRC as well as the Ned. Hervormde Kerk van Afrika (NHKA). The unpublished volumes of newspaper clippings will be The Moderature points out that in his defence Geyser placed referenced (in example) as ‘Labuschagne 2014 Vol. I’: with page number and if known, the original author. In most instances the author is indicated only as ‘Staff much emphasis on three aspects: (1) The freedom of the Reporter’.

http://www.hts.org.za Open Access Page 8 of 10 Original Research their condemnation of the heresy charge, calling Geyser one heresy as well as the members of the Moderature were ‘of the most brilliant theologians of South Africa’ whose published. Geyser was depicted as a staunch Hervormer credentials and credibility were impeccable. They were with an Afrikaner lineage going back two centuries. The Rand unanimous in their view that the charge of heresy against Daily Mail (24 October 1961) writes: Geyser was politically motivated, orchestrated by the Born and brought up in the fervent tradition of Afrikaner and devoid of all theological nationalism, the descendent of an early Trekker family, a brilliant substance. Two days later the Rand Daily Mail also carried and highly-regarded theologian in a conservative church, now a a report on Rabbi B. Isaacson who called Geyser a ‘Noah self-admitted crusader against the intolerances and abuses of of this generation’ during a sermon he delivered in the nationalism … (Vol. I:18) Krugersdorp Synagogue. He found Geyser’s actions ‘inspiring and refreshing’, a man who did not sacrifice his It continues to describe how deeply Geyser had been principles on the altar of expediency. influenced by books he read on the struggle of Christianity against Nazism in Germany and his growing conviction that The heresy charge against Geyser coincided with a vote in Christianity, nationalism and authoritarianism could never the United Nations which censured South Africa (Vol. I:15). be reconciled. The Sunday Times reported (15 October 1961) that a major crisis was looming in relations between the and The Transvaler (9 May 1962) published the verdict of the South Africa, under the heading ‘Grave crisis in S.A. Holland heresy trial in toto (Vol. I:57). The newspaper’s emphasised relations’. According to the Sunday Times reporter, the aspects of the findings of the Moderature, for instance that ‘grave crisis’ was precipitated by two factors, namely the Geyser was reckless in the way he confronted the students in Netherlands who had been the only European country to class with different interpretations of Scripture, some vote with the Afro-Asia block in the United Nations to contrary to the confessions, to such an extent that students’ censure South Africa, and secondly the severe and public faith was undermined. The Rand Daily Mail (10 May 1962) condemnation by the Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk of summed up the events in a main editorial under the heading the charge of heresy against Geyser. The general feeling Heretic or rebel? And then continues: expressed by Prof. Hendrikus Berkhof was that normal The ’trial’ of Dr Albert Geyser, Professor of New Testament relations with the NHKA had become impossible. In the Theology at the University of Pretoria and minister of the same statement the Dutch church expressed its support for Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk, on charges of heresy and the decisions of the United Nations. The Geyser trial again insubordination has been one of the most extraordinary events surfaced at the United Nations on 8 November, when the of recent years in South Africa and the outcome has been equally remarkable … if he had been a political conformist, his theological South African minster of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Eric Louw, was views would never have been questioned … Dr. Geyser has been called to address the UN Commission on the issue (Transvaler, pilloried for his moral stand on race questions – whatever has 9 November 1961 Vol. I:48). been decided against him on theological grounds. (Vol. I:62).

At least 25 national and international newspapers had After the trial and Geyser’s removal from office, he received reporters on standby at the church offices, but they were more than a thousand letters of support from all over the denied access to the trial. The area around the offices was world. He received several invitations to deliver speeches packed with interested members of the public, who were also and to preach in various churches. The Pretoria News reported denied entry except if they were members of the NHKA. So that Geyser, during a sermon (on the text of Hebrews 5:8) in many members of the church attended the trial that they had the Congregational Church of Pretoria, told the congregation to sit on the floor in a hall which could seat 450 people ‘that a church which has no compassion with suffering, (Vaderland, 25 October 1961 Vol. I:26). On the day the trial irrespective of race or creed, has lost its Christianity ...’ started, the Utrecht Theological Faculty sent an official (Labuschagne 2014 Vol. II:1). Christians needed to be brave in telegram to the Pretoria Faculty of Theology to do their the face of threats and intimidation, probably referring to the utmost to stop the trial (The Star, 24 October 1961 Vol. I:19). It fact that he received several death threats, abusive phone was followed by a telegram from the Praeses of the Dutch calls and letters condemning his views. General Synod delivered to the Moderature of the NHKA, imploring them not to take any decisions which would On 16 May 1962 the Rand Daily Mail reported that Prof. jeopardise the Reformed principles of the church. Telegrams Adrianus van Selms resigned his position as professor of of support were sent to the Geyser home, including from Old Testament at the University of Pretoria as a protest several theological faculties such as Groningen and Pittsburgh against the verdict against Geyser. In his letter of resignation Theological Seminary, which invited Geyser to apply for a he states: ‘Conscience forbids me to allow any human being position (Vol. I:50). to dictate to me what the Divine Word says’ (Vol. II:2). The theme of justice, human dignity and conscience was also Newspapers carried reports on a daily basis in which the the main focus of a lecture which Geyser delivered to a trial’s progress was described. Personal profiles of Geyser, packed hall of between 1600 and 2000 students on the Mrs Celia Geyser (who confirmed her support of her campus of the Witwatersrand University (Pretoria News, 16 husband’s views), his father, students who accused Geyser of May 1962). Geyser pointed out that the lack of human

http://www.hts.org.za Open Access Page 9 of 10 Original Research dignity in South Africa was leading the country to its According to Eloff, the conviction of Geyser on the charge of destruction. South Africa, he said, was prepared to hang a heresy was declared null and void, as if it did not happen. man because he tries to protect human dignity. Without Geyser was reinstated as minister of the NHKA and in his the concept of justice and human dignity there is no position as lecturer at the University of Pretoria and the civilisation. South Africans have become ‘mental acrobats’, NHKA had to pay all the legal fees. Although Geyser was turning justice into self-righteousness, love into self-love vindicated by the court, it was still not the end of the saga. and respect for life into self-preservation. Although Geyser resigned as minister of the NHKA he remained a member of the church until 1968, after a second Following the conviction of Geyser and the resignation of court battle in which Albert Geyser and Beyers Naude sued Van Selms, other lecturers also came under fire. The Sunday Prof. A.D. Pont for libel. The court found Pont guilty of libel Times reported (30 September 1962) that Dr Casper and he had to pay damages to Geyser and Naude. That Labuschagne, a ‘new deal’ theologian, had been dismissed as history still needs to be written. lecturer in Biblical Studies at the University of Pretoria because, it was believed, he was an ally of Geyser and a critic of apartheid. Labuschagne challenged the decision but was Conclusion informed that it was a ‘practical’ arrangement due to the Public theology could be regarded as theology engaged in change in the structure of the theological curriculum social, political and practical issues of the day. Mannion (Dagbreek, 14 October 1962 Vol. II:7). Five years later (2009:122) is of the opinion that the ‘best public theology Labuschagne relocated to Groningen where he was appointed involves theological hermeneutics in the service of moral, as lecturer and later professor of Old Testament. social and political praxis’. Bromell (2011:15) is of the opinion that public theology is ‘critical thinking about faith and The Geyser verdict overturned in public life’. In public theology questions of ethics, ecclesiology the Supreme Court and integrity are of constant importance. This was illustrated to the point in Nazi Germany by theologians like Dietrich Geyser appealed his conviction of heresy in the Supreme Bonhoeffer and Karl Barth as well as the Barmen Declaration Court of South Africa. The case started on 1 May, 1963. Geyser which became a classic text of public theology (Mannion asked the court, under presiding judge J.F. Ludorff, to set 2009:137). The Belhar Confession could also be included in aside his conviction of heresy. Geyser’s argument in court this line of classical texts. was that the findings of the heresy trial should be set aside because the members of the commission were biased, acted Public theology is neither political activism nor ideology male fide and the process was fraught with irregularities. clothed in the robe of Christian faith. Public theology reflects During the trial Geyser confirmed his faith in the Triune God on socio-political issues from a sound theological perspective as articulated in the confessions. and relies on proper Biblical exegesis. For that simple reason many of the famous theologians since the Early Church On 14 May the hearing was postponed, to give the parties an opportunity to come to some agreement. On 15 May 1963 the could be regarded as ‘public theologians’. Augustine, trial ended dramatically, when the court heard that Geyser Aquinas, Hus, Luther, Calvin, Bonhoeffer, Barth, Moltmann had been restored to his office as minister of the NHKA – and many more – could be considered ‘public theologians’, (Dreyer 2015:195). The church undertook to pay all legal fees. precisely because they were excellent theologians and The Commission of the General Assembly (Moderature) also students of Scripture. It requires a fundamental understanding declared publicly that it had made a ‘bona fide and of the gospel, moral sensitivity, sound knowledge of history, unintentional mistake’ in the interpretation of Geyser’s a fair amount of bravery and insight into the complexities of viewpoints. It is clear the church realised it would lose the current socio-political issues to be a public theologian who court battle. In one passage of his unpublished ‘Memoirs’, could contribute substantially to the well-being of church and Judge Frik Eloff (Geyser’s legal advisor at the time of the society. heresy trial) wrote: Na ongeveer twee weke van verhoor was dit redelik duidelik dat Albert Geyser was such a theologian. He was convinced that die Hervormde Kerk op die afdraande pad was. Op ’n dag nader the gospel of Jesus Christ was of immense importance to Adv. Tienie de Kock ons om te verneem of die verhoor vir ’n society. To follow Jesus Christ (Mk 8), requires of every wyle kan oorstaan sodat ʼn skikking bespreek kan word. Ons het Christian and the church to bear a cross and to lay down your ingewillig, en Tienie versoek regter Ludorff om tyd af te staan life for others. sodat ‘’n broederlike samespraak’ kan geskied. Die Regter het ingestem, en ons het in die kantore van die Hervormde Kerk vergader. Sy eerste voorstel was dat Geyser as predikant herstel Acknowledgements word. Ons antwoord was ‘’n duidelike ‘nee’, Geyser moet nie Competing interests herstel word nie; die Kerk moet instem tot ’n bevel dat Geyser se skuldigbevinding aan kettery van meet af nietig was. En die The authors declare that they have no financial or personal Kerk moet al sy gedingskoste, op die skaal van prokureur/ relationships which may have inappropriately influenced kliënt, betaal. (Eloff n.d.) them in writing this article.

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Geyser, A.S. & Van Selms, A., 1960b, ‘Memorandum’, in Handelinge van die Kommissie References van die Algemene Kerkvergadering Januarie 1960 tot Desember 1960, pp. 28–40 (1–11 of memorandum), NHKA Archives, Pretoria. Barth, K., 1956, Church Dogmatics Vol. IV/1, edited by G.W. Bromiley & T.F. Torrance Geyser newspaper clippings and translated by G.T. Thomson & H. Knight, T & T Clark, Edinburgh. Labuschagne, C., 2014, , vols. I, II & III, NHKA Archives, Pretoria. Bromell, D., 2011, ‘What is public theology?’ Unpublished lecture delivered at Otago University, May 2011, viewed 21 March 2016, from http://www.otago.ac.nz/ctpi/ Mannion, G., 2009, ’A brief genealogy of public theology, or doing theology when it otago032508.pdf seems nobody is listening’, Annali di Studi Religiosi 10, 121–154. Calvin, J., [1559] 1864, ‘Institutio Christianae Religionis’, in G. Baum, E. Cunitz & E. NHKA, 1961a, Klagskrif, Handelinge van die Kommissie van die Algemene Reuss (eds.), Corpus Reformatorum Vol. XXX Ioannis Calvini opera quae super Kerkvergadering, 24/10/1961, NHKA Archives, Pretoria, pp. 89–98. suntomnia Volumen II, C.A. Schwetsschke et Filium, Brunsvigae. NHKA, 1961b, Notule Geyser-verhoor, Handelinge van die Kommissie van die Dreyer, W.A., 2013, ‘Fifty years of isolation: The Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk Algemene Kerkvergadering, vols. I, II, III, IV & V, (25/10/1961–4/4/1962), NHKA 1960–2010’, in M.A.P. van Huffel & R. Vosloo (eds.), Reformed Churches in South Archives, Pretoria, pp. 1–2672. Africa and the struggle for justice. Remembering 1960–1990, pp. 133–142, Sun Media, Stellenbosch. NHKA, 1961c, Notule van die Algemene Kerkvergadering, NHKA Archives, Pretoria. Dreyer, W.A., 2015, ‘In pursuit of justice: Albert Geyser’s story as told by the media’, NHKA, 1962, Handelinge van die Kommissie van die Algemene Kerkvergadering 8 Mei Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41(3), 184–197. 1962, Bevindinge en uitspraak met betrekking tot die klag teen Prof A.S. Geyser, NHKA Archives, Pretoria, pp. 1–18. Dreyer, W.A., 2016, ‘Church, mission and ethics. Being church with integrity’, HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 72(1), a3163. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ Oberholzer, J.P., 2010, ‘Politieke spanning en ekumeniese druk 1954–1960’, in hts.v72i1.3163 ‘Honderd Jaar Kerken Teologiese Opleiding: ‘n Kroniek van die Hervormde Kerk’, Eloff, F., n.d., ‘Memoirs’, unpublished. HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies suppl. 9, 66(3), Art. #920, 1–10. http:// dx.doi.org/104102/hts.v66i3.920 Geyser, A.S., 1952, Die Navolging van Christus, H.A.U.M., Kaapstad. Scott, W., 1977,Die Missionstheologie Karl Barths, BrunnenVerlag, Basel. Geyser, A.S., 1960, ’Die Eerste Evangelie oor die eenheid van die kerk as Christusgetuienis’, in A.S. Geyser & B.B. Keet (ed.), Vertraagdeaksie: ’n Ekumeniese getuienis vanuit die Sowetan Live, 2015, Some whites deserve a statue, viewed n.d., from http://www. Afrikaanssprekende kerk, pp. 5–11, published by the editors, Pretoria. sowetanlive.co.za/incoming/2015/05/01/some-whites-deserve-a-statue Geyser, A.S. & Van Selms, A., 1960a, ‘Brief aan die Algemene Kommissie 23 November Van Aarde, A.G., De Villiers, P.G.R. & Buitendag, J., 2014, ‘The forgotten struggle of 1960’, in Handelinge van die Kommissie van die Algemene Kerkvergadering Albert Geyser against racism and apartheid’, HTS Theological Studies 70(1), Art. Januarie 1960 tot Desember 1960 Deel V, p. 28, NHKA Archives, Pretoria. #2820, 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v70i1.2820

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