Beyers Naude, 1915 - 1977

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Beyers Naude, 1915 - 1977 FROM ACQUIESCENCE TO DISSENT: BEYERS NAUDE, 1915 - 1977 by COLLEEN GAYE RYAN CLUR submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the subject HISTORY at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: PROF KW SMITH JOINT SUPERVISOR: PROF AM GRUNDLINGH JUNE 1997 From acquiescence to dissent: Beyers Naude, 1915 - 1977 by CG R Clur Degree: Master of Arts Subject: History Promoter: Professor KW Smith Joint Promoter: Professor A M Grundlingh Summary: This dissertation is a biography of Beyers Naude, from his birth in 1915 . until 1977, focusing attention on the period 1963 to 1977, when he was director of the Christian Institute. The study examines how Naude, whose father championed Afrikaans, became a leading minister in the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC). It examines the challenges which confronted Naude over the DRC's support fqr apartheid. The dissertation documents the factors that led Naude to reject apartheid and clash with the DRC, the Broederbond and the National Party government, culminating in his banning in 1977. It assesses the contribution he made to debates on apartheid in church and political circles and explains how he increasingly supported black initiatives to end white rule. The dissertation shows that Naude's background and leadership qualities enabled him to have an impact on the church and political scene as apartheid became a burning issue at home and abroad. Key terms: Beyers Naude biography; Beyers Naude's conflict with the Broederbond; Dutch Reformed Church and apartheid; Christian Institute; African Independent Churches Association; South African Institute of Race Relations; South African Council of Churches; World Council of Churches; Black Consciousness; banning of Beyers Naude. f I Student number: 434-015-9 I declare that From acquiescence to dissent: Beyers Naude. 1915 - 1977 is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. Sigf{/f ........... ..... .l.Q ...~~ .. !.J.!'. DATE (Mrs C G R Clur) ("'""' rm::1t··~ -~·-,: 7·:·--·-.--··---· .... ,,, ~ ' .! -- lee._;.,,.... ."'t /J i.,,·~· § ....................... ~. f 261.7092 NAUD CLUR i lllHllllllHll 0001701178 Ill Contents Page Preface (iv) 1 Early influences and DRC years 1 2 The launch of the Christian Institute, 1963 59 3 A new ministry unfolds, 1963 - 1965 80 4 Changing direction, 1966 - 1968 98 5 Challenge of Black Consciousness, 1969 - 1972 115 6 Escalating conflict with the Government, 1972 - 1974 148 7 Final years of the Christian Institute, 1975 - 1977 174 8 Conclusion 207 Source list 218 IV Preface Dr Christiaan Frederick Beyers Naude, known widely as Beyers Naude, has played an important role in political and church affairs in South Africa. Before 1960 he had silently acquiesced to apartheid, but after this period he became a thorn in the side of the National Party and the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk, or Dutch Reformed Church (DRC) for publicly opposing their race and political policies. By 1977, when he was banned by the Vorster government and the Christian Institute (CI) was declared unlawful, he had become a symbol of resistance and w.as well known locally and internationally. This study is primarily concerned with Naude's work at the Christian Institute between 1963 and 1977, with particular focus on changes in his political thinking during this time. Before discussing sources on Naude and the reasons for and aims of the dissertation, it is necessary to contextualise Naude in the post-February 1990 era since the unbanning of the ANC. The drastic changes that have occurred in South African politics since 1990 have created a new context in which many public figures can now be assessed. For many years Naude was regarded in established white political and church circles as extremely "radical". But since the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC), particularly since this organisation took over power in South Africa in May 1994, the controversy surrounding him has largely disappeared. There has, in fact, been a reconciliation between Naude and the DRC, in the form of a public apology to him at the DRC's general synod in Pretoria in 1994 and an apology by an individual DRC presbytery for ostracising members who criticised apartheid. 1 1Handelinge van die Algemene Sinode van die N G Kerk, Oktober 1994 and Presbytery of Stellenbosch, DRC, "A submission to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission at its Paarl v One of the features of President Nelson Mandela's early days of rule was a public commitment lo reconciliation. Mandela's presidential theme during 1995 and 1996 was reconciliation and he met a wide range of white and black groups to bring home this point.2 He always had a special word for "honourable" Afrikaners who opposed.apartheid during National Party rule. Elements in the ANC did not always fully go along with the President in his reaching out to whites, but the organisation was more in accord with Mandela when he honoured Afrikaner opponents of apartheid such as Beyers Naude. Naude was the only Afrikaner lo be included in the talks which took place at Groote Schuur on 2 - 4 May 1990 shortly after the unbanning of the ANC and the release of Mandela and other high-profile political prisoners. Mandela and other ANC leaders, such as former ANC general secretary Walter Sisulu, have singled Naude out for praise as a patriotic South African who is also an Afrikaner.3 After his involvement in the talks at Groote Schuur and the subsequent signing of the ground-breaking Groote Schuur Minute, Naude announced that while he fully supported the ANC, his calling as a minister prevented him from officially joining the organisation. From that point he dropped out of formal negotiations involving the ANC and the National Party government, but he continued to be widely consulted behind the scenes and was periodically session of 14 - 16 October 1996 in which an apology is given for supporting the ideology of apartheid; acknowledgement is made of "voices from among our own ranks" who were "suppressed or ignored ... Others suffered defamation and found themselves being given bad names". 2Mandela has made numerous speeches emphasising reconciliation, and signalled his intention to follow such a policy in his inauguration speech on 10 May 1994 at the Union Buildings.Typical of this approach was his meeting with Afrikaner leaders, including Beyers Naude, in Pretoria on 28 June 1995. 3Star, 20 April 1990. VI consulted by the ANC in the months and years that followed. 4 Carl Niehaus, a former ANC spokesman, MP and now an ambassador, has also stressed his Afrikaner roots; he is another figure the ANC can point to as an indication of its acceptance of whites and specifically Afrikaners. It is of significance that Niehaus, perhaps the most influential Afrikaner to serve on the ANC's National Executive Committee, has a close relationship with Naudc. Niehaus has regarded Naudc as a "father figure" and has consulted him frequently. 5 Further evidence of NaudC's stature in the ANC is that many of the organisation's regions nominated him as a candidate on their parliamentary lists before the 1994 elections, but his name was not put forward because he decided to stay out of parliamentary politics.6 Naudc's public identification of himself as an Afrikaner reinforces the argument that one of his important contributions has been that he has acted as a role model for white Afrikaners who rejected apartheid. Several "anti-apartheid" Afrikaners who were close to Naudc in the 1970s and 1980s confirmed in interviews with me that Naudc fulfilled this role for them.7 Carl Niehaus has also stressed that Naude urged him never to deny his Afrikaner roots. 8 Perhaps a more important contribution Naude has made, as far as the ANC is concerned, is that the organisation had a 'This information was supplied by ANC spokesman and MP Carl Niehaus in an interview on 7 May 1994 and was substantiated by Naude in several discussions I conducted with him between 1990 and 1994. 5Interview with C Niehaus, May 1994 and C Niehaus, Fighting for hope, p 84. 6C Niehaus-Clur interview. 7Rcv R Meyer, K Kritzinger, Cle Roux, G Lubbe, D van Zyl interviews with C Clur, 1988 and 1989. 8Nichaus, Fighting for hope, p 74. vu high-profile Afrikaner that they could point to, to demonstrate their public commitment to non-racialism. Thus in the mid-1990s period of transition Naude's major contribution has been that of a symbol of reconciliation. With regard lo sources on Naude, a biography written by myself was published in 1990.9 It was the first detailed biographical work to be published on Naude and my dissertation relies substantially on a portion of the book. Since then, Naude has published his autobiography, which covers much of the same ground as my biography. He deals with the CI years in only 36.pages, but my dissertation covers this crucial period from a critical perspective and in greater detail. 10 Other important recent publications are a Festschrift published to mark his 80th birthday, edited by Charles Villa-Vicencio and Carl Niehaus11, and another book by Villa-Vicencio reflecting on religion and politics in South Africa which includes a chapter on Naude. 12 The latter two books contain biographical information largely based on an earlier essay written by Villa-Vicencio in the first Festschrift which he co-edited to mark NaudC's 70th birthday, published in 1985. 13 Naude is mentioned in several other books, but an earlier work stands out. Edited by Peter Randall, it consists of a short sketch of his life written by Randall and other essays by Peter Walshe, Denis Hurley and Charles Villa-Vicencio which all shed light on issues which shaped 9C Ryan, Beyers Naude: pilgrimage of faith.
Recommended publications
  • Albert Geyser's Resignation Speech on 03 September 1968
    HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies ISSN: (Online) 2072-8050, (Print) 0259-9422 Page 1 of 2 Editorial Albert Geyser’s resignation speech on 03 September 1968 On 01 October 1962, Albert Geyser resigned as professor of the University of Pretoria after Author: Andries G. Van Aarde1 having been found guilty of the charge of heresy. The Rector Professor C.H. Rautenbach, under pressure from church leadership, made it impossible for him to stay on. Subsequently, on Affiliation: 26 August 1963, Prof. Adrianus Van Selms resigned as lecturer of the Faculty of Theology. The 1Faculty of Theology, Executive of the General Assembly of the Hervormde Kerk decided that Van Selms’s resignation Department of New Testament Studies, University as lecturer meant that his status as ordained minister of the Hervormde Kerk, was automatically of Pretoria, South Africa rescinded. Research Project Registration: Project Leader: A.G. van Aarde Geyser appealed to the Supreme Court against the Church’s guilty verdict on the heresy charge. Project Number: 2334682 The judge ordered the advocates to negotiate a retraction of the Church’s verdict. The Church agreed and Geyser’s status as minister of the Church was restored. Johan Buitendag, in Van Corresponding author: Aarde, De Villiers and Buitendag (2014), points out on account of the written memoirs of Judge Andries van Aarde, [email protected] Frik Eloff that: we ought to understand the reinstatement of Geyser’s ministerial office in much more radical terms than How to cite this article: we have done so far … It is quite clear: Prof. Geyser was not reinstated in his office as if he were the Van Aarde, A.G., 2017, ‘Albert recipient of a favour, but in the sense that he had never been found guilty.
    [Show full text]
  • “Men of Influence”– the Ontology of Leadership in the 1914 Boer
    Journal of Historical Sociology Vol. 17 No. 1 March 2004 ISSN 0952-1909 “Men of Influence” – The Ontology of Leadership in the 1914 Boer Rebellion SANDRA SWART Abstract This paper raises questions about the ontology of the Afrikaner leader- ship in the 1914 Boer Rebellion – and the tendency to portray the rebel leadership in terms of monolithic Republicans, followed by those who shared their dedication to returning the state to the old Boer republics. Discussions of the Rebellion have not focused on the interaction between leadership and rank and file, which in part has been obscured by Republican mythology based on the egalitarianism of the Boer commando. This paper attempts to establish the ambitions of the leaders for going into rebellion and the motivations of those who followed them. It traces the political and economic changes that came with union and industrialization, and asks why some influential men felt increasingly alienated from the new form of state structure while others adapted to it. To ascertain the nature of the support for the leaders, the discussion looks at Republican hierarchy and the ideology of patri- archy. The paper further discusses the circumscribed but significant role of women in the Rebellion. This article seeks to contribute to a wider understanding of the history of leadership in South Africa, entangled in the identity dynamics of mas- culinity, class and race interests. ***** Man, I can guess at nothing. Each man must think for himself. For myself, I will go where my General goes. Japie Krynauw (rebel).1 In 1914 there was a rebellion against the young South African state.
    [Show full text]
  • From Broederbond to Brotherhood— a Tribute to C
    making choices but of failing to recognize alternatives, of stressing one truth at the expense of its companion The gospel message itself must, truth Truth has a way of being elliptical, and heresy in these bewildered times, be is the attempt to circularize that which in its very nature followed by "Be ye reconciled is elliptical The two foci may not be reduced to one to God." he Reformed heritage has in it several items which Tmust be very carefully handled in times such as guilt And when we had difficulty with the concept of ours, items which can very easily be made to feed the guilt we had to rename our penitentiaries, for only modern mind and contribute to the cancelling out of where there is subject-role can there be penitence, we subject-role One of these is the doctrine of the "cove­ call them houses of correction now We try to solve the nant/' which when spoken of as "monopleunc" or made crime problem while we view people in the object-role, over into a "testament" becomes a case of circularizing and then we wonder why it is that we cannot build the ellipse The associated concept of "pedobaptism" prisons fast enough or big enough must likewise be carefully watched in times such as Our assumption in the face of poverty is that where ours, and for the same reason The very concept of the people live below an artificially established level, some­ "decrees," especially when it is dissociated from its thing or someone out there is the cause Such people companion doctrine, can be employed to feed the "spirit are said to be "underprivileged,"
    [Show full text]
  • Class, Race and Gender Amongst White Volunteers, 1939-1953
    From War to Workplace: Class, Race and Gender amongst White Volunteers, 1939-1953 By Neil Roos Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Faculty of Human and Social Sciences at the University of North West Supervisor: Dr. Tim Clynick Mafikeng, North West Province August 2001 To Dick Abstract Through a case study of the war and post-war experiences of those who volunteered to serve in the Second World War, the thesis explores aspects of the social and cultural history of white men in South Africa. The thesis begins from the premise that class and ethnicity, the major binary categories conventionally used to explain developments in white South African society, are unable to account for the history of white men who volunteered to serve in the Second World War. It argues that the history of these volunteers is best understood in the context of racist culture, which can be defined as an evolving consensus amongst whites in South Africa on the political, social and cultural primacy of whiteness. It argues that, when the call to arms came in 1939, it was answered mainly by white men from those little traditions incorporated politically into the segregationist colonial order, largely through the explicit emphases of white privilege and the cultural hegemony of whiteness. Their decision to enlist was underscored by an awareness that volunteering entailed a set of rights and duties, which centred on their expectations of post-war "social justice." Chapter three examines some of the highly idealised and implicitly racialised ways in which, during wartime, white troops expanded their understanding of social justice.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role and Application of the Union Defence Force in the Suppression of Internal Unrest, 1912 - 1945
    THE ROLE AND APPLICATION OF THE UNION DEFENCE FORCE IN THE SUPPRESSION OF INTERNAL UNREST, 1912 - 1945 Andries Marius Fokkens Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Military Science (Military History) at the Military Academy, Saldanha, Faculty of Military Science, Stellenbosch University. Supervisor: Lieutenant Colonel (Prof.) G.E. Visser Co-supervisor: Dr. W.P. Visser Date of Submission: September 2006 ii Declaration I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it, in its entirety or in part, to any university for a degree. Signature:…………………….. Date:………………………….. iii ABSTRACT The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order.
    [Show full text]
  • Selection from the Smuts Papers Volume
    SELECTION FROM THE SMUTS PAPERS VOLUME III SELECTIONS FROM THE SMUTS PAPERS VOLUME III JUNE 19IO-NOVEMBER 1918 EDITED BY W.K.HANCOCK Professor of History at the Australian National University, Canberra AND JEAN VAN DER POEL Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Cape Town CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1966 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www. Cambridge. org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521051927 Original Smuts Papers © The Smuts Archive Trust 1966 Editorial Material © Cambridge University Press 1966 First published 1966 This digitally printed first paperback version 2007 A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 64—21586 ISBN-13 978-0-521-05192-7 hardback ISBN-10 0-521 -05192-4 hardback ISBN-13 978-0-521-03366-4 paperback ISBN-10 0-521-03366-7 paperback CONTENTS OF VOLUME III page PART IX: THE UNION UNDER STRAIN 9 JUNE 19IO-24 DECEMBER 1914 Documents 478-616 3 PART X: THE AFRICAN CAMPAIGNS 4 JANUARY 1915-4 FEBRUARY 1917 1. German South West Africa Documents 617-670 231 2. German East Africa Documents 671-711 332 PART XI: THE WAR IN EUROPE 15 FEBRUARY I917-IO NOVEMBER 1918 1. The Imperial War Conference and the Imperial War Cabinet, 15 February 1917-31 May 1917 Documents 712-764 443 2. The British War Cabinet, 5 June 1917-10 Novem- ber 1918 Documents 765-852 529 PART IX THE UNION UNDER STRAIN 9 JUNE 19IO-24 DECEMBER 1914 THE UNION UNDER STRAIN As in Part VIII the papers of this period are at times illuminating but historically disjointed.
    [Show full text]
  • By John Lazar Balllol College Oxford University Michaelmas Term, 1987
    CONFORMITY AND CONFLICT: AFRIKANER NATIONALIST POLITICS IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1948-1961 by John Lazar Balllol College Oxford University Michaelmas Term, 1987 One of the principal themes of this thesis is that it is incorrect to treat M Afrikanerdom" as a monolithic, unified ethnic entity. At the time of its election victory in 1948, the National Party (NP) represented an alliance of various factions and classes, all of whom perceived their Interests in different ways. Given, too, that black resistance to exploitation and oppression increased throughout the 1950s, apartheid ideology cannot be viewed as an immutable, uncontested blueprint, which was stamped by the NP on to a static political situation. The thesis is based on four main strands of research. It is grounded, firstly, in a detailed analysis of Afrikaner social stratification during the 1950s. The political implications of the rapid increase in the number of Afrikaners employed in "white-collar" occupations, and the swift economic expansion of the large Afrikaner corporations, are also examined. The second strand of research examines the short-term political problems which faced the nationalist alliance in the years following its slim victory in the 1948 election. Much of the NP's energy during its first five years in office was spent on consolidating its precarious hold on power, rather than on the imposition of a "grand" ideological programme. Simultaneously, however, intense discussions - and conflicts - concerning the long-term implications, goals and justifications of apartheid were taking place amongst Afrikaner intellectuals and clergymen. A third thrust of the thesis will be to examine the way in which these conflicts concretely shaped the ultimate direction of apartheid policy and ideology.
    [Show full text]
  • PGR De Villiers Dedication
    Page 1 of 11 Editorial P.G.R. de Villiers Dedication – A tribute Author: P.G.R. de Villiers dedication: A tribute Ernest van Eck1 The Editorial Board of HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies pays tribute to Prof Dr Pieter Affiliation: G.R. de Villiers, an internationally recognised scholar and esteemed colleague. Prof De Villiers 1Chairperson of the Executive has been the Executive Director of the Centre for Christian Spirituality and Ethics since 1990 Committee of the Editorial and has been a Research Fellow and Professor Extraordinarius in Biblical Spirituality at the Board of HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies Department of Old and New Testament Studies at the Faculty of Theology, University of the Free State (since 2001). He is a member of 15 national and international academic societies (including Correspondence to: invited membership of Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas). He has edited 15 books, authored Ernest van Eck four monographs, published 120 peer-reviewed academic articles and chapters in books as well Email: as numerous general articles and book reviews. During his academic career (since 1971), Prof [email protected] De Villiers has been a member of several editorial boards and served in the executive of various academic societies. Currently, he is the chairperson of South African Association for Spirituality Postal address: (SPIRASA), the executive Director of the Centre for the Study of Christian Spirituality and Ethics, Private Bag X20, Hatfield 0028, Pretoria, South Africa the chair of the Mysticism Group of the New Testament Society of South Africa and editor of LitNetAkademies (Godsdienswetenskappe). Since January 2008, he has been the organiser of the How to cite this article: NAVNUT project (Nederlandse, Afrikaanse, Vlaamse Nuwe-Testament Projek) on social justice Van Eck, E., 2015, ‘P.G.R.
    [Show full text]
  • Fascist Or Opportunist?”: the Political Career of Oswald Pirow, 1915–1943
    Historia, 63, 2, November 2018, pp 93-111 “Fascist or opportunist?”: The political career of Oswald Pirow, 1915–1943 F.A. Mouton* Abstract Oswald Pirow’s established place in South African historiography is that of a confirmed fascist, but in reality he was an opportunist. Raw ambition was the underlying motive for every political action he took and he had a ruthless ability to adjust his sails to prevailing political winds. He hitched his ambitions to the political momentum of influential persons such as Tielman Roos and J.B.M. Hertzog in the National Party with flattery and avowals of unquestioning loyalty. As a Roos acolyte he was an uncompromising republican, while as a Hertzog loyalist he rejected republicanism and national-socialism, and was a friend of the Jewish community. After September 1939 with the collapse of the Hertzog government and with Nazi Germany seemingly winning the Second World War, overnight he became a radical republican, a national-socialist and an anti-Semite. The essence of his political belief was not national-socialism, but winning, and the opportunistic advancement of his career. Pirow’s founding of the national-socialist movement, the New Order in 1940 was a gamble that “went for broke” on a German victory. Keywords: Oswald Pirow; New Order; fascism; Nazi Germany; opportunism; Tielman Roos; J.B.M. Hertzog; ambition; Second World War. Opsomming In die Suid-Afrikaanse historiografie word Oswald Pirow getipeer as ’n oortuigde fascis, maar in werklikheid was hy ’n opportunis. Rou ambisie was die onderliggende motivering van alle politieke handelinge deur hom. Hy het die onverbiddelike vermoë gehad om sy seile na heersende politieke winde te span.
    [Show full text]
  • Professional Historians and Political Biography of South African Parliamentary Politics, 1910-1990
    “THE GOOD, THE BAD AND THE UGLY”: PROFESSIONAL HISTORIANS AND POLITICAL BIOGRAPHY OF SOUTH AFRICAN PARLIAMENTARY POLITICS, 1910-1990 FA Mouton1 Abstract Biography strengthens the historian’s attempts to decipher the behaviour of individuals and also provides a historical window on a certain era, contributing to our knowledge and understanding of the past. Biographical studies of those who were involved in parliamentary politics between 1910 and 1990, the prime ministers, presidents, cabinet ministers, party leaders, humble backbenchers and unsuccessful parliamentary candidates can help to explain why the white minority, after decades of acquiescing the abuse of South Africa’s limited democratic tradition, decided to peacefully surrender its political power. And yet, despite the proven value of political biography in the United States and Britain, the library shelves of South African universities are bare of biographies on pre-1990 parliamentary politicians by professional historians. This article explains the reasons for this dearth of biographies, as well as the reasons why it is essential for professional historians to write them and concludes with a recommendation on how such biographies should be written. 1. INTRODUCTION By deciphering the behaviour of individuals, providing in the process a historical window on societies of the past, the historian as biographer plays a crucial role to convey knowledge and understanding of our history to the reading public. Biographical studies of the lives and careers of parliamentary politicians between 1910 and 1990 are for example essential to comprehend South African history in the twentieth century. And yet, despite the internationally proven value of biography, the library shelves of South African universities are bare of biographies by professional historians on pre-1990 parliamentary history.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter One: Introduction
    Chapter One: Introduction 1.1 Relevance The Kairos Document (KD) analysed in an unprecedented way the stances the Church could take as part of the greater community of South Africa and as part of civil society in the latter part of the 1980s, challenging the churches to accept their prophetic role in apartheid South Africa. It created quite a stir and led to numerous initiatives taken by the ecumenical community. However, since the institution of a democratic dispensation in 1994, the churches often appear paralysed and ominously silent when confronted by the challenges of the new South Africa. The problem appears both on a theological and a practical level. When in 1990 when then state president FW de Klerk made his groundbreaking announcement about the imminent release of all political prisoners including Nelson Mandela in particular, the Church, which was in a relatively better position to challenge the then status quo, appeared to have been caught on the wrong foot. Since then there has been no visible cohesive response to the new dispensation. It is a debatable question whether the inclusion of the South African Council of Churches (SACC), the South African Catholic Bishops Conference (SACBC) and The Evangelical Association of South Africa (TEASA) within the political negotiations would have made a difference in securing leverage for the Church as a whole. Attempts have been made by the SACC to realign themselves in the new South Africa but little is heard of these endeavours. Does the Church in South Africa not think that the existing disunity constitutes a crisis? How much of the entrapments of power, status-seeking and one-upmanship is hindering the Church from being the Church in South Africa? Situations still exist where Christians still can not receive Holy Communion together as in the case of Roman Catholics, for example.
    [Show full text]
  • A S Geyser, Teologiese Dosent 1946-1961
    A S Geyser, teologiese dosent 1946-1961 A G van Aarde Universiteit van Pretoria Abstract A S Geyser, lecturer in theology 1946-1961 In this article the academic role of Professor A S Geyser is briefly discussed. He lectured in New Testament Stu­ dies and Practical Theology at the University of Preto­ ria from 1946. He resigned in 1961, after a period of strife. His publications show a consistence in eXegetical approach and theological description. His historical-cri- ticai investigation was aimed beyond the New Testa­ ment into the preteXts which evidenced the commence­ ment of the universal apostolate at Antioch. Inferred from his eXegetical results he propounded the unity of the church as an imperative for today. However, against the background of the South African political history from 1948 to 1961, the political and ecumenical implications of Geyser’s theological convictions were not acceptable to the Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk. 1. INLEIDING Albert Geyser - ’n uitmuntende en charismatiese geleerde met ’n omstrede per- soonlikheid, ’n internasionaal erkende Nuwe-Testamentikus, bekend in die ge- selskap van geleerdes soos Cullmann, Clavier, Black, Barrett, Aland, Vielhauer, Van Unnik en Van Stempvoort - was agt en twintig jaar oud toe by in 1946 as op- volger van professor J H J A Greyvenstein aan die Universiteit van Pretoria as lek- tor aangestel is (kyk o a Die Hervormer 1944b, 1953; Engelbrecht 1988:4; Hartin 1988:32; Botha 1992:34). Die redakteur van Die Hervormer, ds Joh Dreyer (1946:5), verwys in dié tyd na hom as ’n predikant met “wye praktiese ervaring’ (vgl ook Die ISSN 0259 9422 = HTS 48/1A 2 (1992) 159 A S Geyser Hervormer 1938, 1940a, 1940b, 1940c, 1941a, 1941b, 1941c, 1941d, 1941e, 1942a, 1942b, 1942c, 1943a, 1943b, 1943c, 1943d, 1943e, 1943f, 1943g, 1944a, 1944c, 1944d, 1944e, 1944f, 1946a).
    [Show full text]