Identities # 102

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Identities # 102 Identities # 102 Table of Contents Directors #102 Amaru Villanueva Rance, Ivan Rodriguez Petkovic, Rodrigo Barrenechea, Sharoll Fernandez, Caroline Risacher Partners Identities Jack Kinsella, Xenia Elsaesser Editorial Team Caroline Risacher, Matthew Grace, BX docunit Changtse Quintanilla Printing and Advertising Manager Ivan Rodriguez Petkovic Commercial Manager Clubes De Rodrigo Barrenechea Bolivian Coordinator Vermouth Ciencia Wilmer Machaca 08 Social Coordinator 20 Renata Lazcano Head of Production Adriana L. Murillo Argandoña The Online Head of Design Luis Aranda Presence Photography Instructor Michael Dunn Caceres and Production Journalists LA SAYA Anneli Aliaga, George Fearnley, Rhiannon Matthias, of Jiccha Lauren Minion NO ES TODO Our Cover 11 24 © 2019 Gobierno Autónomo Municipal de Cochabamba Follow Us Mimi Swaby Back Cover Lauren Minion Marketing Chevening Connecting to Rodrigo Barrenechea Advertise With Us Scholars Return the Roots From [email protected] Address to Bolivia the Roots Calle Prolongación Armaza, # 2957, Sopocachi, La Paz 14 27 Phone 78862061- 76561628 - 70672031 Contact [email protected] The Elegant Thanks to: Jeff Glekin, United Kingdom’s ambassador to Bolivia; Comunidad Cultural Afroboliviana Cbba; Clubes Andean Rainbows of de Ciencia Bolivia; Gobierno Autónomo Municipal de Cochabamba. 17Condor 30Revolution La Paz – Bolivia February 2020 /Bolivianexpress BX-102 @Bolivianexpress @Bolivianexpress 34RECOMMENDATIONS 37GLOSSARY 38CULTURAL AGENDA www.boliviaunlimited.org 4 Identities 5 Editorial #102: Identities By: Caroline Risacher he 2012 census revealed of Bolivia’s indigenous peoples. But refers to and recognised the rights and that 41 percent of Bolivians for Carlos Macusaya, an indianista- autonomy of inhabitants of rural areas self-identified as belonging katarista thinker and member of as ‘indígenas originarios campesinos’ to an indigenous group, the Jiccha collective, the use of the (native indigenous peasants). For a figure that caused word ‘indigenous’ comes with a price. Macusaya, the ‘native indigenous Tcontroversy and confusion when According to Macusaya, the word peasants’ evoke people who live in compared with the 2001 census in represents ‘a colonial category used to the countryside and are reluctant which 58 percent of the population name an undifferentiated population to change. Meanwhile, mestizos live identified as such. The figure from the subject to colonisation.’ Macusaya in the city. The social changes that 2012 census was a surprise because also points out that South American indigenous groups experience, moving the creation of the plurinational state countries only started to recognise to new economic spaces, are assumed in 2009 and the government’s official and adopt indigenous policies in the as biological changes (miscegenation) recognition of 36 indigenous groups 1990s, when they started to come and are read in racialised terms, seemed to mark a new beginning with international funding. Macusaya points out. where Bolivia embraced its diversity after centuries of colonial domination If you ask Macusaya, he will say A census may need to categorise and assimilation. Reasons for the drop that he is not indigenous; rather, he individuals for practical purposes, but in indigenous self-identification could is Aymara. To him, the indigenous one’s identity is personal and even be attributed to the way the census identity is imposed and represents the private. Identities shift over time, and was framed, the lack of a mestizo interests of other groups. Macusaya they can’t be reduced to one word and category, a resurgence of racism, also considers the notion that in can’t be imposed by anyone else. The social changes, or some combination Bolivia everyone is mestizo to be a next Bolivian census will take place of all of these factors. Indeed, identity colonial concept. ‘We must think of a in 2021, and its results will surely be is an incredibly complex concept, and country not of “indigenous” and not of analysed and discussed extensively. a census wouldn’t be able to reflect “mestizos”, because these are colonial As the country goes through a period that accurately – especially in Bolivia, identities with which the population of political and social change while where identities are shifting and are is racialised to justify exclusions,’ he questioning and trying to assess constantly being reinvented and says. ‘It is useless and even dangerous the legacy of Morales’s presidency, imposed by a dominant group. to be trapped in ideas like “all Bolivians maybe it is time to start rethinking are mestizos because there are no and reflecting on these words we take The word itself, ‘indigenous’, may seem pure races,” because it is a mixture of for granted – mestizo, indigenous, harmless enough and has been used something that does not exist: races.’ native – in order to avoid repeating the by the United Nations since the 1970s failures of history and create a true to help identify and protect the rights The current Bolivian Constitution and durable ‘plurinational’ state. Several Spanish and Aymara words are marked in N.B. bold throughout this issue. Their meanings can be found in our glossary. 6 Identities 7 Bolivian Vermouth One for the Taste Buds TEXT: Lauren Minion PHOTOS: Courtesy of Master Blends ermut Titicaca, produced by the renowned Master Blends company, claims to be Bolivia’s first ever take on the traditional vermouth used in cocktails Vacross the world, and it is certainly not one to be overlooked. Inspired by agricultural engineer and wine expert Joan Carbó, who originally hails from Barcelona, the vermouth ‘blanco’ and ‘rosso’ have only just appeared on Bolivian shelves. But already the product is showing signs of huge potential on the global stage with interest from the Cuban, Chilean and Argentinian markets. CONTINUES ON PAGE 10 8 Identities 9 The Online Presence and Production of Jiccha How a small group of Aymara academics managed to take Bolivia’s social-media outlets by storm TEXT & PHOTO: Anneli aliaga Anahí Cusicanqui, a business administrator tropical rainforest. This is an even fruitier or many years, Bolivia’s academic with the Master Blends company, says vermouth, composed of approximately 24 content and political proposals with a laugh that thanks to Carbó’s ‘crazy locally sourced ingredients, among which were exclusively broadcast ideas’, the company was able to produce a are more berries and fruits than herbs, from and to an elite social product whose aim is to ‘maximise all that unlike the vermouth Andino. The history sector. Wilmer Machaca, Carlos is Bolivian.’ Encompassed under this identity encompassed by the colourful and detailed FMacusaya, Iván Apaza Calle and Franco are the flavours that are so particular to label of this bottle tells the story of the Limber, all academics from El Alto in their Bolivia due to the plants and herbs that can arrival of Hispanic colonists and their search own right, decided it was time for things to be found exclusively on the altiplano and in through the Amazon for El Dorado. Canelón change. They are managing to dispel the the Amazonian rainforest. was considered to be nearly as valuable as idea that Bolivian popular sectors have no gold in this era, as it was a flavour that the academic agency and potential. Inspired Master Blends’ vermouth ‘blanco’ – or Spanish had never before encountered. by the word for ‘now’ or ‘the present’ in Andino – is a drink inspired by the Bolivian Aymara, Machaca created Jiccha in 2017 as altiplano and the flavours and culture In order to produce both the vermouth a personal online blog. Two years later, the that it represents for Bolivian people. The ‘blanco’ and ‘rosso’, Master Blends has blog became a portal and Machaca teamed herbs rica-rica and ajenjo (also known as teamed up with the Kuhlmann Distillery, up with Macusaya, Apaza Calle and Limber wormwood) are the main contributors located in Tarija. Vermouth is approximately to create a group with various social-media to the vermouth’s flavour, and they are 90 percent wine, and so the balancing and platforms such as Facebook, Youtube and sourced in the renowned Salar de Uyuni mixing that takes place in Tarija carries Twitter. Now consisting of an official team and ancient Inca settlement of Isla del equal importance to the infusions of herbs of 12 members, Jiccha is a cultural and Sol in Lake Titicaca, respectively. A and fruits that is carried out in La Paz. The political platform that supports, produces beautifully designed image on the label of infusion, which reaches an 80-90 percent and broadcasts academic content in the the bottle shows a tableau of indigenous alcohol content, is sent to the Kuhlmann field of indigenous studies and theindianista people on the aforementioned Isla del Sol. Distillery to be mixed, balanced and bottled and katarista political ideologies to an Cusicanqui says that altitudes of more than with high-quality white and red wine. international and national following of over 3,000 metres does not affect vermouth Kuhlmann’s Franz Molina says that a white 15,000 people. production as it does the distillation muscatel wine is used for the white vermouth process of other alcohols, and that this that is extremely aromatic, fine and clean. white vermouth is a much more fruitier The red vermouth is produced from alternative to a dry vermouth ‘blanco.’ She muscatel and tannat, which thrives at Tarija’s adds that Master Blends makes a special 2,000-metre altitude. effort to locally source all 32 of the distinct and natural ingredients that contribute to Both vermouths are already Bolivia’s this vermouth’s rich and characteristically showing great potential in Bolivian flavour. the international market; first ever take however, at this early stage CONTINUES ON PAGE 12 The vermouth Andino’s counterpart, of production the Master on traditional vermouth Amazónico, gains its flavour Blends company is prior- from the extensive Bolivian Amazon itising making it available in vermouth. region. Its most noticeable ingredient is Bolivia nationwide in restau- canelón, a plant found in the heart of the rants, bars and cafés.
Recommended publications
  • Performing Blackness in the Danza De Caporales
    Roper, Danielle. 2019. Blackface at the Andean Fiesta: Performing Blackness in the Danza de Caporales. Latin American Research Review 54(2), pp. 381–397. DOI: https://doi.org/10.25222/larr.300 OTHER ARTS AND HUMANITIES Blackface at the Andean Fiesta: Performing Blackness in the Danza de Caporales Danielle Roper University of Chicago, US [email protected] This study assesses the deployment of blackface in a performance of the Danza de Caporales at La Fiesta de la Virgen de la Candelaria in Puno, Peru, by the performance troupe Sambos Illimani con Sentimiento y Devoción. Since blackface is so widely associated with the nineteenth- century US blackface minstrel tradition, this article develops the concept of “hemispheric blackface” to expand common understandings of the form. It historicizes Sambos’ deployment of blackface within an Andean performance tradition known as the Tundique, and then traces the way multiple hemispheric performance traditions can converge in a single blackface act. It underscores the amorphous nature of blackface itself and critically assesses its role in producing anti-blackness in the performance. Este ensayo analiza el uso de “blackface” (literalmente, cara negra: término que designa el uso de maquillaje negro cubriendo un rostro de piel más pálida) en la Danza de Caporales puesta en escena por el grupo Sambos Illimani con Sentimiento y Devoción que tuvo lugar en la fiesta de la Virgen de la Candelaria en Puno, Perú. Ya que el “blackface” es frecuentemente asociado a una tradición estadounidense del siglo XIX, este artículo desarrolla el concepto de “hemispheric blackface” (cara-negra hemisférica) para dar cuenta de elementos comunes en este género escénico.
    [Show full text]
  • Norbert Díaz De Arce
    ∗ Lioba Rossbach de Olmos Expresiones controvertidas: Afrobolivianos y su cultura entre presentaciones y representaciones Resumen: El artículo contrasta las representaciones del “negro” que forman parte desde hace mucho tiempo del folclor andino de Bolivia, con los conceptos que los mismos negros han articulado en los últimos años de sí mismos como afrobolivianos. Punto central de esta disputa es el tema de la “saya”, que es un ritmo, canto y estilo de baile que se inicia y surge dentro de la cultura afroboliviana pero que en un momento dado fue y es actualmente reinterpretada a la manera típica del folclor andino ganando de esta manera fama internacional. En este contexto la saya se ha convertido en un tema de negociación entre presentación y representa- ción de los negros en un área de tensiones entre el folclor boliviano andi- no y el revivir de las tradiciones culturales de los afrobolivianos. Summary: The article confronts the representations of black people that have been part of the Bolivian Andean folklore for a long time with con- cepts Black people articulate about themselves as Afro-Bolivians in re- cent years. The central point of this dispute is the “saya”, i.e. is a rhythm, a song and dance style that was initiated and created among the Afro- Bolivian culture but in a certain moment has been and still is reinter- preted in the typical Andean folklore style gaining in this way interna- tional recognition. In this context “saya” became the object of negotiation of presentation and representation of Black people within an area of ten- sions of Bolivian Andean folklore and the revival of the cultural tradi- tions of the Afro-Bolivians.
    [Show full text]
  • Contemporary Muisca Indigenous Sounds in the Colombian Andes
    Nymsuque: Contemporary Muisca Indigenous Sounds in the Colombian Andes Beatriz Goubert Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2019 © 2019 Beatriz Goubert All rights reserved ABSTRACT Nymsuque: Contemporary Muisca Indigenous Sounds in the Colombian Andes Beatriz Goubert Muiscas figure prominently in Colombian national historical accounts as a worthy and valuable indigenous culture, comparable to the Incas and Aztecs, but without their architectural grandeur. The magnificent goldsmith’s art locates them on a transnational level as part of the legend of El Dorado. Today, though the population is small, Muiscas are committed to cultural revitalization. The 19th century project of constructing the Colombian nation split the official Muisca history in two. A radical division was established between the illustrious indigenous past exemplified through Muisca culture as an advanced, but extinct civilization, and the assimilation politics established for the indigenous survivors, who were considered degraded subjects to be incorporated into the national project as regular citizens (mestizos). More than a century later, and supported in the 1991’s multicultural Colombian Constitution, the nation-state recognized the existence of five Muisca cabildos (indigenous governments) in the Bogotá Plateau, two in the capital city and three in nearby towns. As part of their legal battle for achieving recognition and maintaining it, these Muisca communities started a process of cultural revitalization focused on language, musical traditions, and healing practices. Today’s Muiscas incorporate references from the colonial archive, archeological collections, and scholars’ interpretations of these sources into their contemporary cultural practices.
    [Show full text]
  • Bolivia - Afro-Bolivians
    Bolivia - Afro-Bolivians minorityrights.org/minorities/afro-bolivians/ June 19, 2015 Profile Most of the 23,300 Afro-Bolivians live in the Yungas region of the Department of La Paz, where they are employed on farms, cultivating the coca-leaf, coffee or citrus fruits. Many Afro- Bolivians are bilingual in Aymara and Spanish and their religion shares the Roman Catholic Andean syncretism. They are usually distinguished from ‘whites’ and mestizos in economic rather than racial terms, and the majority tend to think of themselves as Bolivian rather than African. ‘Afro-Bolivian’ was adopted as a self-description with the emergence of a black consciousness movement in the early 1990s; but the movement has faced organizational problems as well as a split between the interests of urban intellectuals and rural peasant farmers. Historical context Bolivia’s Afro-Latin population is descended from slaves who were brought to work in the silver mines in Potosí in the early 1500s. Many died due to maltreatment and inhumane conditions. They were also unaccustomed to the high altitude and cold temperatures. When mining declined they migrated to the Yungas, where they were exploited as slaves on the large haciendas. The agrarian reform of 1953 ended this form of slavery. Since the 1980s a large number of Afro-Bolivians have migrated from the Yungas to the cities of La Paz, Santa Cruz and Cochabamba. Over time many Afro-Bolivians adopted Aymara language and culture, and the Afro-Bolivian Spanish dialect, and their music and dance, became less distinctive. However, this trend was reversed in the late twentieth century with the revival of the saya dance, as part of a black consciousness movement.
    [Show full text]
  • ¿Una Peregrinación Extranjera? Espacialidad Y Estrategias Identitarias Del Colectivo Boliviano En Argentina*
    ¿Una peregrinación extranjera? Espacialidad y estrategias identitarias del colectivo boliviano en Argentina* A foreign pilgrimage? Spatiality and identity strategies of the Bolivian community in Argentina Carlos Luciano Dawidiuk** Carolina Vogel*** Universidad Nacional de Luján, Argentina Resumen La colectividad boliviana en Argentina celebra a la Virgen de Copacabana movilizándose hacia la ciudad de Luján, el centro de peregrinación más grande del país, cada primer fin de semana del mes de agosto desde hace más de sesenta años. La circulación de múltiples símbolos de reivindicación y reafirmación identitarias de este colectivo, como así también sus músicas y danzas, que manifiestan mediante diversas prácticas corporales esta pertenencia, imprimen a esta celebración un carácter distintivo respecto a otras * Este artículo es producto del trabajo realizado en el marco del proyecto de investigación "Cartografías sociales de lo sagrado: territorios, fiestas religiosas y paisajes peregrinos (II Parte)", radicado en la Secretaría de Investigaciones, División Investigación, Posgrado y Transferencia, Departamento de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Nacional de Luján. Director: Dr. Fabián Claudio Flores; codirectora: Dra. Cristina Teresa Carballo. Período: enero 2018-diciembre 2019. Disposición DISPCD-CSLUJ: 0000760/17. ** Profesor y licenciado en Historia, Universidad Nacional de Luján, Argentina. Docente e investigador, Grupo Interdisciplinario de Estudios sobre Paisaje, Espacio y Cultura, Departamento de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Nacional de Luján. Correo electrónico: [email protected] *** Licenciada en Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, Argentina. Investigadora, Grupo Interdisciplinario de Estudios sobre Paisaje, Espacio y Cultura, Departamento de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Nacional de Luján. Correo electrónico: [email protected]. Cómo citar este artículo: Dawidiuk, C. y Vogel, C.
    [Show full text]
  • Afrobolbtw.Pdf
    4 Africanisms in Afro-Bolivian Spanish John M Lipski 1. Introduction At first glance, one of the least likely places to look for Africanisms in Latin Ameri ca is Bolivia, a nation whose population is some 75% Nati ve American or mestizo, an d where individuals of visible African ancestry are an exceedingly rare sight. A glance at the history of Alto Peru, as the territory now kn own as BoUvia was called in colonial times, presents a much different picture.! Early in the colonial enterprise, the enormous silver deposits of Potosi were discovered, literall y a mountain of sil ver ore, and the village of POtOSI quickly grew to become tl1e largest city in Spanish America, rivaling Mad.rid and Seville in Spain. After failing to engage indigenous la borers in sufficient quantity, Spain began its first massive importation of African sl aves to the region first known as Alto P /m~ , then as the AUliie71cia de Charms. The African slave population in Bolivia was never large, many mixed with indigenous or European residents, and the cultural, linguistic, and demographic profile of Afro-Bolivians declined steadily fro m a h igh point in the early 17th century, when Africans represented nearly 5% of the population (Crespo 1977: 28). A small coll ection of songs and indirect descriptions of Afr icans' dances and Janguage survives as testimony of a much larger cultural patrimony (Lipski 1994, 2005ai Arellano & Eichmann 2005: 163-217). In view of the socio-demographic history of Africans in col onial Bolivia, a big surprise Iwaits researchers who assume that all traces of Afro-Hispanic language and culture have long since vanished from this co un l-ry.
    [Show full text]
  • Ni Tinku, Ni Saya, Ni Kullaguada: La Práctica Del Fútbol Como Práctica Cultural Boliviana En Lules Tucumán
    IX Congreso Argentino de Antropología Social. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales - Universidad Nacional de Misiones, Posadas, 2008. Ni tinku, ni saya, ni kullaguada: la práctica del fútbol como práctica cultural boliviana en Lules Tucumán. Fulvio Rivero Sierra. Cita: Fulvio Rivero Sierra (2008). Ni tinku, ni saya, ni kullaguada: la práctica del fútbol como práctica cultural boliviana en Lules Tucumán. IX Congreso Argentino de Antropología Social. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales - Universidad Nacional de Misiones, Posadas. Dirección estable: https://www.aacademica.org/000-080/397 Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: http://www.aacademica.org. IX Caas “Fronteras de la Antropología Ni tinku, ni Saya… Fulvio Rivero Sierra Mesa de trabajo ANTROPOLOGÍA DE LAS MIGRACIONES CONTEMPORÁNEAS EN LA ARGENTINA Comisión 3: Acciones colectivas y dinámicas identitarias de los y las migrantes. Coordinador: Roberto Benencia RESUMEN: Ni tinku, ni saya, ni kullaguada: la práctica del fútbol como práctica cultural boliviana en Lules Tucumán Fulvio Rivero Sierra PIRCA/UNT [email protected] Las migraciones limítrofes hacia la Argentina de, al menos, los últimos treinta años han propiciado la formación de colectividades de bolivianos en casi todo el territorio de nuestro país. La década del 1990 se caracterizó por un marcado rechazo del gobierno menemista hacia los inmigrantes limítrofes. Frente a este panorama hay autores, como Grimson, que hablan de una reetnización o etnización de las identidades nacionales en la Argentina como resultado de contrarrestar los efectos de la estigmatización hacia comunidades como las de los peruanos, bolivianos y paraguayos.
    [Show full text]
  • Flamenco, Tango, Tondero, Chacarera, Vallenatos, Nueva Canción Chilena Y Más Música En Facebook Con Los Alumnos De Segundo Año De La Clase De ELE Universitaria
    Flamenco, tango, tondero, chacarera, vallenatos, nueva canción chilena y más música en Facebook con los alumnos de segundo año de la clase de ELE universitaria Karín Chirinos Bravo ([email protected]) Università degli Studi di Catania-Ragusa / Universitá degli Studi di Roma Tre FICHA DE LA ACTIVIDAD 1. Objetivos: – Presentar las expresiones musicales del mundo hispánico. – Conseguir un dominio de la pronunciación, del léxico y la gramática de ELE. – Adquirir unos conocimientos socioculturales y pragmáticos de esta lengua meta. 2. Nivel específico recomendado: B1 / B2 (MCER). 3. Tiempo: 2 clases de 45 minutos cada una. 4. Materiales: proyector de vídeo, ordenadores, conexión a Internet, audio de las canciones, fotocopias con las actividades y letras de las canciones, manual del alumno, diccionarios. 5. Dinámica: parejas, grupos, individual. 34 1. OBJETIVOS ESPECÍFICOS Los objetivos específicos se trazaron en función de los dos campos de actua- ción utilizados de forma contemporánea y complementaria: un campo en el que se trabajó mediante métodos convencionales haciendo uso del manual del alum- no; y el otro, en el que se trabajó exclusivamente a través de actividades realizadas en la red social Facebook. Los objetivos fueron entre otros: – Conseguir un aprendizaje dentro y fuera del aula motivado y un proceso de adquisición gratificante, porque el potencial creativo de los estudiantes es ilimitado y hay que usarlo. – Activar y ampliar las estructuras lingüísticas y conocimientos socioculturales que se tratan durante las clases presenciales con el libro de texto y ponerlas al servicio de la expresión personal y la interacción entre los alumnos a tra- vés del entorno Facebook.
    [Show full text]
  • • 1 • SANTIAGO JACHA MARKA: Danzas, Cosmovisión, Festividades Y Acción Política En El Espacio Urbano
    • 1 • SANTIAGO JACHA MARKA: Danzas, cosmovisión, festividades y acción política en el espacio urbano Compañía de Investigación y Danzas Andinas Taypi Aru Fotos: Alejandra Díaz Colaboración: Pamela Loncon Primera edición en Chile Producción y Diseño Gráfico: Editorial Quimantú www.quimantu.cl http://editorialquimantu.blogspot.com/ [email protected] Santiago de Chile, diciembre 2011 • 2 • Presentación Con libros como Taypi Aru, nuestra editorial va aprendiendo nuevos modos de cantar y contar el mundo, ya no es sólo contar historias como un legítimo ejercicio militante, o procurar desviar el lente de la cultura oficial para visibilizar los vastos sectores olvidados de la sociedad, o dar espacio para un discurso reivindicativo. Sino que con Taypi Aru, vemos cómo los lentes se transforman en espejos, en juegos de espejos al ser colectivos, por los que rebotan y deslizan cien- tos de experiencias y proyecciones sin más pretensiones que testimoniar, en honestidad, el caleidoscopio urbano que somos, a partir de los nuevos vientos que soplan por tarkas, quenas y sikuris, o que despeinan wipalas multicolores en las cejas de los edificios, o que bajan de la cordillera trayendo plumas de un nuevo cóndor desaparecido, para hacerlo reaparecer en la potencia de quienes apuestan por reencontrarse comunidad. Taypi Aru son 6 capítulos de andarse bailando las poblaciones, los libros, los cerros, los trenes, las cletas y las micros, aunados por el sentimiento común de que un nuevo mundo late en el vientre de éste, y queriendo ser parte de ese nuevo parto,
    [Show full text]
  • Evo Morales and Printer Who Doesn’T and to What Degree
    Harvard University non-profit org David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies u.s. postage 1730 Cambridge St. paid boston, ma Cambridge, MA 02138 permit no. 1636 contributors 40 Gonzalo Alaiza is the director of Pro Mujer in Bolivia. 18 Xavier dad Mayor de San Simón in Cochabamba. 34 Juan Antonio Morales, Albó is a linguist, anthropologist and Jesuit priest who has lived for professor of economics at the Universidad Católica San Pablo in La Paz, many years in El Alto. 58 Nigel Asquith was a 2009-10 Giorgio Ruf- was president of the Central Bank of Bolivia for more than ten years. folo Fellow in Sustainability Science at Harvard Kennedy School. 95 86 Alcides Parejas Moreno is a Bolivian historian who has written more Fernando Berguido (Nieman ’11) is the editor of La Prensa in Panama. than thirty books. 45 Félix Patzi Paco, Bolivian Education Minister 28 Kate McGurn Centellas is Croft Assistant Professor of Anthropology 2006-07. is a professor at the Universidad Mayor de San Andrés in La at the University of Mississippi. 81 Miguel Centellas is Croft Visiting Paz. 15 Tom Pegram is an interdisciplinary research fellow at New York Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Mississippi. University School of Law. 30 Paula Peña Hasbún is the director of the 9 Gonzalo Chávez A. is the director of the School of Production and Museo de Historia y Archivo Histórico de Santa Cruz. 12 Raúl Peñaran- Competivity at the Universidad Católica San Pablo in La Paz. 54 David da U. (Nieman ’08) is the editor-in-chief of Pagina Siete.
    [Show full text]
  • Mayo 2013 CARNAVAL DE LAS CULTURAS
    Presseerklärung No 15/13 ‐ Comunicado No 15/13 .03.13 Pressemitteilung No.15‐ Mai 2013 – Comunicdo de Prensa No. 15 – mayo 2013 KARNEVAL DER KULTUREN ‐ BERLIN BOLIVIEN TANZT CAPORALES 17.05 ‐ 20.05 2013 CARNAVAL DE LAS CULTURAS – BERLÍN BOLIVIA PRESENTE CON CAPORALES Belin‐14.05.13: KARNEVAL DER KULTUREN IN BERLIN ‐ schon seit 1995: 79 Gruppen, circa 4.400 Teilnehmer, 49 motorisierte Wagen vereint in Karnevalskunst: Musik, Tanz, Akrobatik, Performance, bildende Künste in einem Umzug auf der größten Bühne der Stadt – der Straße. Kostüme, Stelzen, Trommeln, Riesen und Zwerge, Vehikel und Trucks – neun Stunden lang in Kreuzberg. CAPORALES AUS BOLIVIEN: Organisiert vom Club Amigos de Bolivia, Freunde Boliviens Rhein + Ruhr e.V. in Zusammenarbeit mit Amigos del Folklore e.V. aus Berlin, werden zahlreiche Caporales Tanzgruppen aus dem Bundesgebiet und aus dem Ausland anreisen, um als Gruppe Nr. 38 am Karneval der Kulturen in Berlin teilzunehmen. 320 Personen aus Frankreich, Spanien, Holland, Irland, der Schweiz etc. und aus mehreren Städten Deutschlands (Düsseldorf, Freiburg, München, Hamburg, Frankfurt, Berlin etc) werden als große und gemischte Caporales Tanzgruppe beim Karneval der Kulturen 2013 in Berlin auftreten. Die Botschafterin des Plurinationalen Staates Bolivien, Elizabeth Salguero Carrillo, wird sich bereits am Samstag mit den Tänzerinnen und Tänzern der Caporales treffen und natürlich auch den großen Umzug am Sonntag besuchen. AMIGOS DE BOLIVIA – F.O.B.E. : www.facebook.com/AmigosdeBolivia Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=2EEiq8iOI1U#! Presseerklärung 15/13‐ Comunicado 15/13 P 13/13 DER TANZ ‘CAPORALES’ stammt aus der afro‐bolivianischen Bevölkerungsgruppe aus den Yungas (La Paz). Diese entwickelte sich aus der Versklavung der Afrikaner/innen, die während der Kolonialzeiten nach Bolivien gebracht wurden.
    [Show full text]
  • Los Kjarkas and the Diasporic Community on the Internet
    Sari Pekkola Los Kjarkas and the Diasporic Community on the Internet No se acaba el mundo The world will not end cuando un amor se va when a loved one goes away no se acaba el mundo The world will not end y no se derrumbará and not be overthrown.41 This article examines questions of how elements of musical traditions are repro- duced in new social contexts, and what kind of music-making processes are in- volved when Los Kjarkas, an urban folk music group from Bolivia, encounters a diasporic community in Europe.42 Transnational experiences and opportunities for new forms of communication are significant for this urban folk music culture, which travels between places and spaces, as will be discussed in this article. This essay also focuses on the relationship between representations of Bolivian urban folk music and spaces where old and new meanings of identity and relationships are based on a sense of community. Aspects concerning relationships between Andean popular music, Latin American music and Bolivian folk music and their relationships to the audience are explored. Issues such as how relationships bet- ween a musical culture and a globally marginalised musical culture are articulated on the Internet, and new as well as old identities are also studied. Furthermore, issues about how cultural events are organised in diasporic formations and staged in new media relating to a tour in Europe will also be addressed. I will attempt to show how Los Kjarkas and Andean diasporic groups contribute to the construc- tion of a relationship between folk, popular, rural and urban music as well as a relationship between a local and a global scene.
    [Show full text]