Traditions of Liberalism in the Middle East
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ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Obstacles to Political Development in the Kurdistan Region
The Obstacles to Political Development in the Kurdistan Region 1992-2014 HIWA MAJID KHALIL 2016 A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Social Sciences College of Business, Law, Education and Social Sciences Bangor University Abstract This thesis examines the main obstacles to political development in the Kurdistan region (KR) in the period 1992-2014. It is an interdisciplinary study of recent history, culture, economics, politics and regional relations with a focus on political outcomes. Data from documentary sources is supported by semi-structured interviews with political stakeholders. The first part reviews the current historical, geographic, economic and social situation in the KR. The analysis is informed by theories of political development and the dependency school. The second part concentrates on the socio-political organisation of the KR, the performance of government and parliament, the role of the political parties and tribes. The third part evaluates the external relationships between the KR and the neighbouring countries, namely Iran and Turkey, and their impacts, positive or negative on political development. The aim of the study is to explain the interaction between all these aspects in the process of political development. Modern political institutions are considered as a tool for development, manifested in general elections in a multiparty system. However, the finding of this thesis is that the political institutions in the KR themselves obstruct the process of political development. The main political parties have a strongly centralised hierarchical structure without devolution of power or rotation of leaders. The parties cooperate with chieftains and tribes to stay in power. -
States of Discipline
States of Discipline 16_892_Tansel.indb 1 1/25/17 8:04 AM Transforming Capitalism Series Editors: Ian Bruff, University of Manchester; Julie Cupples, University of Edinburgh; Gemma Edwards, University of Manchester; Laura Horn, University of Roskilde; Simon Springer, University of Victoria; Jacqui True, Monash University This book series provides an open platform for the publication of path-breaking and in- terdisciplinary scholarship which seeks to understand and critique capitalism along four key lines: crisis, development, inequality, and resistance. At its core lies the assumption that the world is in various states of transformation, and that these transformations may build upon earlier paths of change and conflict while also potentially producing new forms of crisis, development, inequality, and resistance. Through this approach the series alerts us to how capitalism is always evolving and hints at how we could also transform capitalism itself through our own actions. It is rooted in the vibrant, broad and pluralistic debates spanning a range of approaches which are being practised in a number of fields and disciplines. As such, it will appeal to sociology, geography, cultural studies, interna- tional studies, development, social theory, politics, labour and welfare studies, economics, anthropology, law, and more. Titles in the Series The Radicalization of Pedagogy: Anarchism, Geography, and the Spirit of Revolt, edited by Simon Springer, Marcelo de Souza and Richard J. White Theories of Resistance: Anarchism, Geography, and the Spirit of Revolt edited by Marcelo Lopes de Souza, Richard J. White and Simon Springer The Practice of Freedom: Anarchism, Geography, and the Spirit of Revolt, edited by Richard J. -
Resisting Neoliberalism? Movements Against Austerity and for Democracy in Cairo, Athens and London
Armine Ishkanian and Marlies Glasius Resisting neoliberalism? Movements against austerity and for democracy in Cairo, Athens and London Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Ishkanian, Armine and Glasius Marlies (2017). Resisting neoliberalism? Movements against austerity and for democracy in Cairo, Athens and London. Critical Social Policy ISSN 0261-0183 © 2017 the Author This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/85656/ Available in LSE Research Online: November 2017 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. RESISTING NEOLIBERALISM? MOVEMENTS AGAINST AUSTERITY AND FOR DEMOCRACY IN CAIRO, ATHENS AND LONDON 1. Introduction Since 2011, the world witnessed an increase in protests across the globe as citizens have expressed their discontent with the prevailing economic and social policies as well as the political structures and systems of power. -
Study Glorifying the Leader in the Kurdish Political Movement 0 Www
www.jusoor.co Study 0 Glorifying the Leader in the Kurdish Political Movement www.jusoor.co Study 1 Glorifying the Leader in the Kurdish Political Movement www.jusoor.co Study 2 Contents Preface ........................................................................................................ 3 Kurdish Parties and the Concept of Deification ......................................... 4 Democratic Union Party (PYD) which is related to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) ............................................................................ 4 Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) ........................................................ 6 The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) ................................................ 7 Glorifying the Leaders and the Leadership within the Kurdish Movements in Syria .................................................................................... 7 The Holiness of the Political Leader from the Social Views ................... 10 The Political Exploitation through the Holiness of the leader ................. 11 The Motivations of Glorifying the Leader by the People ........................ 11 Methods and Mechanisms of Promoting the Deification of the Leader .. 12 Media .................................................................................................... 12 Spreading Pictures and Statutes ............................................................ 12 Slogans, Songs, and Poems .................................................................. 13 The Applauding Entourage .................................................................. -
Mapping of the Arab Left Contemporary Leftist Politics in the Arab East
Edited by: Jamil Hilal and Katja Hermann MAPPING OF THE ARAB LEFT Contemporary Leftist Politics in the Arab East 2014 MAPPING OF THE ARAB LEFT Contemporary Leftist Politics in the Arab East Edited by Jamil Hilal and Katja Hermann 2014 The production of this publication has been supported by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Regional Office Palestine. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of the authors and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Regional Office Palestine. Translation into English: Ubab Murad (with the exception of the text on Iraq). Turbo Design TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword .............................................................................................................6 Introduction: On the Self-definition of the Left in the Arab East ...................8 The Palestinian Left: Realities and Challenges ..............................................34 The Jordanian Left: Today’s Realities and Future Prospects .........................56 The Lebanese Left: The Possibility of the Impossible ....................................82 An Analysis of the Realities of the Syrian Left ............................................102 The Palestinian Left in Israel .........................................................................126 The Iraqi Left: Between the Shadows of the Past and New Alliances for a Secular Civic State .................................................................................148 MAPPING OF THE ARAB LEFT Contemporary -
The Origins and Evolution of De Facto States: Implications for Iraqi Kurdistan
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Scholarship@Western Western University Scholarship@Western Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository 6-24-2015 12:00 AM The Origins and Evolution of De Facto States: Implications for Iraqi Kurdistan Zheger Hassan The University of Western Ontario Supervisor Adam Harmes The University of Western Ontario Graduate Program in Political Science A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree in Doctor of Philosophy © Zheger Hassan 2015 Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Hassan, Zheger, "The Origins and Evolution of De Facto States: Implications for Iraqi Kurdistan" (2015). Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository. 2918. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd/2918 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Western. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Western. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Origins and Evolution of De Facto States: Implications for Iraqi Kurdistan (Thesis format: Monograph) by Zheger Hassan Graduate Program in Political Science A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The School of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies The University of Western Ontario London, Ontario, Canada © Zheger Hassan 2015 Abstract De facto states, defined as entities that possess control over a defined territory, population, and government, but without recognition from other states, have become increasingly important over the past three decades. -
A Policy for Promoting Liberal Democracy in Egypt
FDD White Paper Series: Voices from the Middle East on Democratization and Reform A POLICY FOR PROMOTING LIBERAL DEMOCRACY IN EGYPT By Dr. Hala Mustafa MAY 2006 American policy-circles are in the midst of a vigorous debate about the wisdom and effectiveness of promoting democracy in the Middle East as a long-term weapon in the war against Radical Islamic Terrorism. In this White Paper series, we endeavor to bring into this debate the voices of those in the front lines of democratization in the Middle East: the civil activists, the dissident intellectuals, the opposition leaders. As Editor-in-Chief of a Cairo-based publication on democ- “The policy recommended racy, Dr. Hala Mustafa brings an insider's perspective on the in this paper ... consists of struggle to liberalize Egyptian politics. She argues that the a realistic approach for choice between authoritarianism and Islamism in Egypt is a transforming the regime false one. American policy towards democratization in Egypt from within by promoting can help pave a third path if it focuses on strengthening liberal liberal ideas and figures.” democrats, and not just the democratic process. Foundation for Defense of Democracies There has been much talk about promoting reform and democratization in Egypt. Yet, the steps that have been taken so far have been limited, and have resulted in little more than cosmetic changes. It has not helped that most analyses on the prospects for political reform in Egypt are stymied by fears that the only alternative to the present authoritarian regime is an Islamist one. But is it really true that Egypt is inherently caught between authoritarianism and Islamism? In fact, it is in the interest of the current regime to present this polarized view of Egypt’s future, and to thereby deny moderate, secular, and liberal forces the opportunity to gain any significant traction. -
Liberty, Democracy, and Discord in Egypt
Tarek Masoud Liberty, Democracy, and Discord in Egypt If hope was the dominant psychology of the protests that unseated Hosni Mubarak, then fear is proving to be that of their aftermath. The unity of the disparate forces that made history during those 18 days in Tahrir Square has given way to discord. Optimism about Egypt’s future and belief in the imminence of the country’s return to glory appears to have yielded to a season of grim pessimism, as erstwhile allies impute dark plans to each other. And given that Egypt’s revolution is decidedly not over, this dissension in the ranks of its revolutionaries bodes ill for the country’s democratic future. Perhaps the current disharmony could have been predicted. The Egyptian revolution was always a pluralistic oneÑmade up of Islamists, leftists, liberals, and even disgruntled former members of the regimeÑunited most by what they opposed: the Mubarak regime, even if they opposed it for different reasons. It is perhaps to be expected that once the dictator was gone, the coalition would have trouble holding, especially since the fissures between its members had not been mended prior to the revolt. No Czech-style Civic Forum had been established, no grand accord had been reached among the various opposition camps outlining a unified vision for the Egypt they wanted to erect in autocracy’s place. They had ridden the whirlwind whipped up by youth, crashed through the surprise mass- psychological opening created by the flight of Tunisia’s strongman, but short of unseating Mubarak and lifting the boot of the security services off of the necks of Egyptians, no political project bound them. -
How Tourism Accounts for 'Terrorism'
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Online Research @ Cardiff Review of International Studies (2012), 38, 615–640 6 2011 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S0260210511000805 First published online 21 Feb 2012 ‘Who would go to Egypt?’ How tourism accounts for ‘terrorism’ ELISA WYNNE-HUGHES* Abstract. This article examines the tension between British and Egyptian counterterrorism dis- courses and Western tourism industry discourses. I analyse how guidebooks like the Rough Guide and Lonely Planet attract tourists by representing Egypt as an appealing tourist destina- tion in a way that accounts for its positioning, in counterterrorism discourses, as a location and source of terrorism. They do so by producing ‘risk’ in a very specific way. Guidebook representations construct one extreme of Egyptian society as ‘bad’ Muslims who pose an essential threat to Western tourists and their inherently progressive liberal democratic values. Having defined risk in this way, guidebooks justify the production of ‘states of exception’ and ‘exceptional states’ that exclude ‘bad’ Muslims and protect Western tourists. These strategies function together to construct Egypt as non-threatening and appealing to tourists. I argue that guidebooks not only account for terrorism but represent Egypt in a way that largely rein- forces British and Egyptian ‘war on terror’ strategies. These strategies similarly protect subjects and spaces that uphold Western liberal democratic values. This article highlights the constitu- tive role of tourism in international politics and simultaneously helps us better understand the complex and mundane means by which the current Western liberal order is (re)produced. -
On Recognition: the First Steps to Democratization and the Case of the Egyptian Revolution
chapter 6 On Recognition: The First Steps to Democratization and the Case of the Egyptian Revolution Deina Abdelkader In peace building literature one of the important steps in conflict resolution is ‘recognition’, it is impossible to build peace in a post-conflict situation without recognition. However, the literature also qualifies this recognition process. For example, relations of power are very important in the process of recognition and reconciliation. As Ilan Pappé notes in the context of the Israeli– Palestinian conflict, the ‘paradigm of parity’ (the Israeli view of the conflict) and the ‘para- digm of the oppressor-oppressed’ (the Palestinian view of the conflict) should be reconciled in an attempt to achieve: “fair recognition and reconciliation”. (Daniele, Giulia, 2014: 87–88). Not only is it difficult to attempt to define the bases of recognition on a theoretical level, but also on the practical level it is challenging to enact recog- nition because of the asymmetry of power that usually exists in situations of conflict. In the field of international relations and comparative politics there is a similar notion in post conflict and democratization efforts. The goal in po- litical science though is different because its main focus is on the consolida- tion of democratization. Valerie Bunce has expanded on the theory of pacting where she emphasizes the need to include the elite in the process of transition- ing to “democracy and thus pacting” with the elite, although of course there is asymmetry in power relations. Valerie Bunce’s emphasis on the inclusion of the elites in post conflict situations is based on “maintaining/sustaining” democratic transition. -
The Foundations of War and Peace in East Asia and the Middle East
American Political Science Review Vol. 101, No. 4 November 2007 DOI: 10.1017.S0003055407070487 Pax Asiatica versus Bella Levantina: The Foundations of War and Peace in East Asia and the Middle East ETEL SOLINGEN University of California Irvine lthough turmoil characterized both the Middle East and East Asia in the two decades following World War II, the two regions looked dramatically different at the dawn of the twenty-first A century. Since 1965 the incidence of interstate wars and militarized conflicts has been nearly five times higher in the Middle East, as was their severity, including the use of ballistic missiles and chemical weapons. By contrast, declining militarized conflict and rising intraregional cooperation has replaced earlier patterns in East Asia. There are no systematic efforts explaining this contrast between Bella Levantina and an evolving Pax Asiatica. This article traces these diverging paths to competing domestic models of political survival. East Asian leaders pivoted their political control on economic performance and integration in the global economy, whereas Middle East leaders relied on inward-looking self- sufficiency, state and military entrepreneurship, and a related brand of nationalism. I examine permissive and catalytic conditions explaining the models’ emergence; their respective intended and unintended effects on states, military, and authoritarian institutions; and their implications for regional conflict. The final section distills conceptual and methodological conclusions. he dawn of the twenty-first century exposes two tion help envision a “Pax Asiatica”intheEastAsian dramatically different regional circumstances in region.1 TEast Asia and the Middle East. Despite a back- In sharp contrast, the Middle East has hardly been ground of deadly wars (Korea 1950s, Vietnam 1960s), peaceful.