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Gender and Women's Political Leadership in Nigeria DOI: 10.36108/NJSA/1102/90(0160) Yetunde A

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Gender and Women's Political Leadership in Nigeria DOI: 10.36108/NJSA/1102/90(0160) Yetunde A Gender and Women's Political Leadership in Nigeria DOI: 10.36108/NJSA/1102/90(0160) Yetunde A. Aluko Social & Governance Policy Research Department Nigerian Institute of Social & Economic Research (NISER) Ojoo-Ibadan, Nigeria Vol. 9 Issue 1, 2011 Abstract Political leadership in Nigeria are stratified on the basis of gender distinction, thereby calling to question the assertion of gender neutrality in the political arena. Looking beyond the usual sex variable in a survey, this paper explores the consequences of gender and women’s political leadership in Nigeria using case studies approach to appraise the life histories of two groups of women. It takes gender as a category of analysis, recognizing the contributions feminist theorists have made. The cases observed in this study confirm the capability of Nigerian women to hold political leadership roles and to engage in decision-making activities that can affect the nation’s development. Though, more emphasis should be placed on power politics, without necessarily deemphasising alternative options such as affirmative action, it should, however, be pursued within the framework of competitive politics so that the legitimacy, effectiveness and autonomy of women in decision-making will not be compromised. Keywords: gender, women, affirmative action, political leadership, Nigeria Introduction Leadership, particularly political leadership, is crucial for the development of any nation. The progress, development and fortunes of any nation are tied to the type and quality of the political leadership it has had and continues to have. However, leadership like other processes is gendered. Leadership of and in institutions, like institutionalized practices and the institutional structures themselves, is also gendered. These processes, practices, structures, and institutions exist within hierarchies that generally privilege men over women. Women and men who cross these institutions and processes do so as a lived experience, bringing all their characteristics (e.g., sex, class, education), beliefs and life lessons of individual bodies with them. As a consequence, women and men who attempt to lead in the political realm cross through institutionalized gender power that shapes and structures their lived experience of leadership. Each reality is more than an individual choice or individualized discrimination. It is more of the product of institutionalized gender structures. Because of this, women and men have different experiences. All women and men do not have the same experiences because their heterogeneity and lived experiences also shape their leadership. Moreover, oftentimes leadership as a concept in itself is not well understood. Public and/or political leadership is assumed to exist when someone holds appointive or elective office and acts in a formal capacity. 38 The Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 9 38 Leadership is often studied as the behaviour and outcomes of those holding formal positions, while gender as a category is not seriously considered. Emphasis has primarily been on dominance-masculinist forms of power or patriarchy, instead of democracy, liberalism and socialism. A culture is created according to which leaders are evaluated by masculinist criteria. Those who do not conform to the criteria, especially women, are deemed inferior leaders. Conversely, when women try to exhibit masculine leadership traits, they are criticized as insufficiently feminine. Because of this, women find themselves torn between the need to take charge and exercise leadership, especially in times of crisis, and the desire to work collaboratively with others to make things happen. Women leaders are held to frustratingly conflicting expectations by those who want their leaders to reflect masculinist traits by dominating and aggressively taking charge of a situation, particularly in emergencies, and women are expected to bring a more collaborative empathetic approach to problem solving. The public tends to see women as more liberal than men, more interested in issues that affect women, children, education, and health, and less focused on issues such as business, the economy and foreign affairs. They view women as especially able to deal with what some term ‘feminine’ issues, such as child care and education, but less competent when it comes to managing ‘masculine’ issues such as the economy or war. The gendered context of political information, therefore, creates an environment that has an impact on the way voters perceive candidates running for political office. Or why hasn’t increased women representation in politics translated into voting more women into political offices? If women in politics refuse to support their own, and indeed if Nigerian women fail to use their votes to make a statement, it would be a long time indeed before we can have equal gender representation in elective political offices. It is against this backdrop that this paper explores the consequences of gender and women’s political leadership in both elective and appointive positions in Nigeria, using case studies and life history approach, and taking gender as a category of analysis. The Problem Historical analysis of constitutions, electoral laws and processes in Nigeria are incontrovertibly gender insensitive. Beginning from 1922, when the first constitution in Nigeria was made to the 1999 constitution, which purportedly gave legitimacy to the Fourth Republic, aspirations and concerns of women, who represent at least one-half of the Nigerian population, have been undisputedly discarded. Since the return of civilian rule in 1999, the socio-political realities suggest the need for constitutional and electoral reforms in Nigeria. This development has also challenged the women groups, lending their voices to the electoral and constitutional reform discourse (Akiyode-Afolabi, 2010). As of today, in Nigeria, women marginally participate in governance; women have almost Gender and Women’s Political Leadership in Nigeria 39 39 remained invisible in the party system. While the parties claim to encourage women participation in elective positions through free nomination, yet they are discriminated against in practice. Although one cannot deny that the Nigerian governments have scored well on adopting and or formulating measures to address gender justice, they have however failed to allocate resources critical to the implementation and ensure proper functioning of these measures (Umeha, 2010). Women have participated in the political dispensation even though not many women emerged at the end of the day. Marked progress is evident, but vestiges of masculine domination of political leadership weigh on iterations of change, which also vary by context. It is therefore clear that political leadership in Nigeria are stratified on the basis of gender distinction, thereby calling to question the assertion of gender neutrality in the political arena. Evidence points to the fact that political parties in Nigeria have always been, and are still dominated by men, and there is also an unwillingness to place women high on the electoral list during elections, or to make women issues high on their list of priorities, or even include them in decision-making positions within the party. Party manifestos and activities are yet to fully reflect women’s issues; instead, they remain confined to the women’s wing of the various parties, where they are treated as subordinates and mere supporters instead of equal partners. This paper therefore examined these aspects of gendered institutions and gender power at play in women’s political leadership in Nigeria. Besides competitive elective positions, women have also been reduced to sideline actors in appointive posts at all levels of governance. It is generally assumed that political leaders should be men, an assumption that is supported by long empirical evidence, while ignoring entirely women’s special leadership style which needs to be maximally harnessed. Or what of the likes of Diezani Allison-Maduaeke, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Obiageli Ezekwesili, Dora Nkem Akunyili, Farida Waziri, Ndii Okereke-Onyiuke, Mariam Ciroma, Abike Dabiri-Erewa, Erelu Olusola Obada, Iyabo Anike Anisulowo, Sarah Jubril, and Osomo, amongst others, who have blazed the trail in their various professions and continued to excel in their endeavours? Review of Women’s Political Adventures Women’s Political Participation: A Global Outlook Women constitute slightly more than half of the world population. Their contribution to the social and economic development of societies is also more than half as compared to that of men by virtue of their dual roles in the productive and reproductive spheres. Yet their participation in formal political structures and processes, where decisions regarding the use of societal resources generated by both men and women are made, remains insignificant. Presently, women’s representation in legislatures around the world is 18 40 The Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 9 40 percent (International Women’s Democracy Centre (IWDC), 2008). Also, regional averages of the percentage of women in parliament vary greatly: Nordic countries - 41.4% Americas - 21.8% Europe (excluding Nordic countries) - 19.1% Asia - 17.4% Sub-Saharan Africa - 17.2% Pacific - 13.4% Arab states - 9.6% Today only 22 countries have achieved a critical mass of 30 percent or higher women representation in their national Parliaments, mainly as a result of constitutional quotas written into law and requiring that
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