APPENDIX A

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR AND THE SELECTION OFWILLIAM FITZ RIVALLON AS ABBOT OF SAINT-FLORENT OF SAUMUR,JUNE 28,1070

n this appendix I elaborate on the possibility evoked earlier (pp. 30--31) that I William the Conqueror had a personal role in William fitz Rivallon's entry into the monastery of Saint-Florent and his selection as abbot in 1070. Though sparing in detail the successive stages in William fitz Rivallon's conversion to monasticism and selection as abbot are factually documented, as summarized earlier (pp. 23-24). His parents had not destined him for the monastic life from childhood as often happened in the aristocracy. Instead he chose this way of life after already having accepted the succession to his father as secular lord of Dol, and he changed his mind very soon thereafter (prior to 1066). His nomination as abbot in 1070, when thirty or less, came at a very early age, and his novitiate of five years or less prior to accepting the abba­ rial office was exceptionally short. Moreover his nomination almost immediately after the death of his predecessor, only eleven days later, suggests that his succession had been arranged in advance. Not mentioned earlier but also striking is the silence of historians of the time about the circumstances of William's selection. Whereas they name distinguished personalities from outside the monastery, the abbots ofMarmoutiers and the counts of Anjou, who had exercised a decisive voice in the selection of earlier abbots of Saint-Florent, 1 in William fitz Rivallon's case, they say nothing other than that he took the office. 2 The two modern historians who have had occasion to examine the subject have been struck by the apparent absence of those who had traditionally controlled the elections and have proposed other explanations. W Ziezulewicz attributes William's selection to his wealth and personal" contacts among Breton and Norman nobility," and to the success of the monastic community of Saint-Florent in breaking away from the dominance of the abbey of Marmoutiers. 3 H. Guillotel speculates that it was William's association with early stages of the Gregorian reform movement in Anjou which brought about his selection. 4 Both of these explanations 104 WAS THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY MADE IN FRANCE? seem reasonable, particularly Guillotel's, but, like the one made here, they cannot be confirmed by contemporary sources. Nonetheless the suggestion that William the Conqueror encouraged William fitz Rivallon to dedicate himself to a monastic career, with a commitment to arrange his election as abbot, does help to explain several features in the latter's life between ca. 1065 and ca. 1070, as just outlined earlier. Even though his brothers reported that he turned to the monastic life under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, William's abrupt decision could also have been influenced by the Conqueror's promise to advance him to the prestigious office of abbot. Then one might suspect that the intervention of a great personage such as the king of England could have been deci­ sive in bringing about his selection as abbot in 1070.While it is conceivable that a youthful and inexperienced novice could have shown enough talent and dedication in only five years of monastic life to persuade his elders to chose him as abbot at the age of thirty or less, it seems more reasonable to credit his election to the interven­ tion of a distinguished outsider such as the king of England. And, as argued earlier, his election only eleven days after his predecessor's death hints at something pre­ arranged from the outside by someone other than the young monk himself. Two different considerations would seem to stand out as the principle objections to this hypothesis, and the first of these is the silence of the two contemporaries who recorded William's selection in 1070 but made no mention of any Norman inter­ vention. The lack of any detail whatsoever could mean that these historians had no information about what happened, or chose, for one reason or another, to suppress it. Though their silence casts doubt on a Norman intervention it does not rule it out. A more weighty objection asks how the duke of Normandy could have inter­ fered in the territory of the counts of Anjou, something for which there was no precedent from the past. 0. Guillot's 1972 study of the eleventh-century counts of Anjou may help to answer these questions. In his analysis of the role of the counts ofAnjou in abbatial elections during that century, Guillot found that the success of what he calls a pre-Gregorian reform movement with the Angevin church, and championed by papal legate Hildebrand (later Pope Gregory VII) at a council in Tours in 1054, had the effect oflimiting the ability of the counts ofAnjou to control elections as they had done in the past (see summary earlier, pp. 24-25). Then in the decade of the 1060s a familial struggle between Fulk Rechin and Geoffrey the Bearded for the comitial office weakened its authority and led to their abandonment of further attempts to control abbatial elections in their county. 5 At precisely the same time period their Norman counterpart, William the Conqueror, was pursuing a very different policy from that of the Angevin counts. Viewing monasteries as valuable sources of support for his rule, he encouraged monastic expansion in Normandy and involved himself directly in the selection of abbots. While exercising authority in secular matters, that is, landed endowments, he respected the pre-Gregorian insistence on the monks' spiritual liberties in their internal religious life and thus won the support of the papacy. 6 In the case of Saint-Florent William could have profited from the withdrawal of the count of Anjou from abbatial elections, as well as from the political confusion there, and have persuaded the monks to accept his tutelage and select his candidate for the abbatial office. Not a Norman, or an outsider he was trying to thrust upon them, but a APPENDIX A 105 member of their own monastic community. His reasons for favoring William fitz Rivallon are obvious: here was a proven ally from the critical Breton frontier region, and one who through his family ties would have a voice in future elections of the archbishop of Dol. And by promising to respect their religious liberties William could well have won their acceptance.7 Why William the Conqueror might have had an interest in Saint-Florent of Saumur in the 1060s can be clarified by a glance at the Norman duke's relation with the counts of Anjou during the two previous decades. From early in his reign one of his major concerns was to protect his vulnerable southern frontier from Angevin expansionist moves into that county under count Geoffrey Martel. After Geoffrey's death in 1060 the Norman duke reversed the earlier trend and directed a Norman expansion to the south, culminating in the conquest of Maine in 1063, thus placing Normans on theAngevin frontier. 8 The conditions existing in Anjou in the later 1060s, governmental confusion and disorder, the Norman advance from the north, and differing attitudes of those in power regarding secular participation in the choice of abbots, all mean that an intervention by William the Conqueror in William fitz Rivallon's selection in June 1070 is not implausible. What would have amounted to an alliance between the Angevin abbey and the English king could have seemed advantageous to him in that it would enable him to extend his influence into that region as well as bringing him the support of a growing and influential religious house. At a time of political unrest in Anjou the Saint-Florent monks and William fitz Rivallon could have welcomed the support of an able ruler who guaranteed their religious freedom, as well as envi­ sioning future benefits under the patronage of the recently crowned king, conqueror of England. APPENDIXB

COULD QUEEN MATHILDA HAVE COMMISSIONED THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY?

n the course oflooking for an explanation for Queen Mathilda's gift of a golden I chalice to the abbey ofSaint-Florent sometime prior to 1083 (her date of death), I commented (see p. 36) that there is a remote chance the she herself was the person who ordered the Bayeux Tapestry. The evidence for this comes not from the charter referring to the chalice but from the author of the Historia Sancti Florentii who in a curious passage tells about a certain queen from overseas who ordered two famous tapestries from the abbey. Though it is extremely unlikely, the possibility cannot be ruled out entirely that this sentence refers to Mathilda's commissioning of the famous tapestry. Because this possibility is so remote I have made no further reference to it in developing the hypothesis central to this book. However, the prevailing belief until the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that Mathilda was somehow asso­ ciated with the tapestry makes this new evidence sufficiently fascinating as to justifY presenting it here in an appendix. Everything hinges on the interpretation of a single sentence in the HSF which I have already discussed at length in the first part of this book (see pp. 13-15). This is the anonymous author's report at the end of his list of outstanding hangings, carpets, vestments, and the like at the abbey in the time of Abbot Robert (985-1011) that, "Due etiam praecipua tapetae a transmarinis partibus a quadam regina directa sunt" (seep. 10). I have given my reasons (seep. 14) for translating this as "Two outstanding tapestries were commissioned by a certain queen from over­ seas;' and for my argument that the queen in question was most likely Emma, wife ofKingAethelred I from 1002 to 1015 (seep. 15).When seen in its context, that is, as the last of a series of descriptions of precious cloths associated with the abbey under Robert, this entry seems unexceptional. But a closer look at it shows that it stands out from all the others in its vagueness, imprecision, and brevity. It does not identifY either the queen or her country, nor does it tell anything about the size, subject matter, or the materials used in the tapestries as do the other entries. In my earlier discussion of the translation of this sentence I maintained that the author is vague or silent on the subject because the tapestries, having been sent to the queen 108 WAS THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY MADE IN FRANCE? who commissioned them after the textile workers had finished them, had never been known by the monastic community (seep. 14). In his study of the HSF preparatory to his 1869 edition, P. Marchegay treated this narrative as a compilation taken from documents available to the author at the abbey at the time of composition in the later twelfth century. For his detailed description of Abbot Robert's activities and the hangings he had had made for the abbey, the anonymous author presumably had access to written texts now lost. In contrast to these descriptions the sentence about the two tapestries of the queen from overseas sounds like his written summary of a tradition passed down by word of mouth in the monastic community. Monks living there at the time of its production knew the circumstances but over the generations the collective memory about it lost its precision and people forgot the name of the queen, her country, and the subject matter of the tapestries, matters no longer of any interest to them. Intrigued by this story, still told in the monastery in his day, the author of the HSF decided to include it in his narrative but did not know under which abbot it had happened (his narrative is organized in chapters for each successive abbot) because the loss of the queen's name made it undatable. It seemed most likely to him that it had occurred under Robert whom he knew, from information already assembled, to be the founder and promoter of the abbey workshop, so he inserted it at the end of his chapter on that abbot. Thus there is a chance that the quidam regina passage is a misplaced interpolation and may properly belong elsewhere in the HSE If so, the tradition may well refer to Queen Mathilda of England. Like Emma, Mathilda appears to have had a penchant for linking herself personally with monastic communities in both England and France and with this came her donations to them of various kinds of costly ecclesi­ astical garments (seep. 36). Not the least among the recipients of her favors was the abbey of Saint-Florent of Saumur to which on some unknown occasion and date, and for reasons unknown, she gave a golden chalice. This makes clear that she was well acquainted with the abbey and although the reasons for her donation are unknown, they could have included the tapestry. This evidence should be considered in the light of the belief in the Bayeux region in the early eighteenth century that Queen Mathilda had herself commis­ sioned, and possibly even helped embroider, the tapestry then the property of the cathedral and called the tapisserie de Ia reine Mathilde. 1 The earliest scholars to study the tapestry in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries accepted this as accurate until an ever growing number came to prefer Odo, bishop ofBayeux and the Conqueror's half-brother, as the best candidate for having been the patron. Since early in the twentieth century, specialists have been unanimous on this point on the grounds, first of his association with the cathedral ofBayeux where it has been stored since at least the fifteenth century, and second because the tapestry presents him in a promi­ nent fashion whereas Mathilda is completely absent. 2 In addition to this, the listing of the tapestry in the 1476 inventory of the treasury ofBayeux cathedral, the earli­ est incontestable reference to it, does not mention Mathilda's name in connection with it.3 The accuracy of these arguments is beyond dispute: Odo had something to do with the production of the tapestry. But what is the origin of the 1730 Bayeux story APPENDIX B 109 about Mathilda having commissioned it? Could there be any truth in it? Could both she and Odo have had a voice in the decision to have it made? I see no objection to the possibility of Bishop Odo of Bayeux and Queen Mathilda having both had leading roles in the commissioning and producing of the tapestry. Proof that Odo knew Abbot William of Saint-Florent comes from a charter of the abbey from sometime after the Conqueror's death in 1087, when the two men attended a meeting of the curia of Duke Robert Courthouse.4 Neither of the two observers who first mentioned the story-Dom de Montfaucon and Dom Larcher-knew where people in the Bayeux region got the idea that Mathilda was the matron of the tapestry, and no earlier written sources mention any such thing. Thus one can only conclude that the two monks had heard an oral tradition currant in the 1720s which transmitted from earlier times popular beliefs about when the tapestry was made. A. Leve, who still clung to the belief in Mathilda as the matron in his 1919 study of the tapestry, rejected the idea that the absence of any reference to Mathilda in the 1476 inventory entry proved the 1720s tradition to be legendary. He pointed out that the author of that entry held his description of it to a minimum listing only bare essentials (see text of that entry, see note 3). Under such circumstances the absence of any reference to Queen Mathilde was for him meaningless. 5 The possibility that the 1720s tradition about Mathilda goes back to the event itself and reports what people believed at the time, can only bring attention once again to the mysterious report in the late-twelfth-century HSF about a "certain queen from overseas" having commissioned two tapestries from the abbey ofSaint­ Florent. It is conceivable that the popular tradition of the Bayeux region in the early eighteenth century, and the single sentence in a learned Latin history from a Loire valley monastery of the later twelfth century, are referring to the same queen (Mathilda of England) commissioning the same tapestry, namely, the famous Bayeux Tapestry. Due to their different origins and perspectives the two accounts are not identical; that of Saint-Florent neglects the name of the queen and her overseas country while stressing the production of the tapestries Oeft unnamed) at the abbey. That of Bayeux prides itself on identifying both the queen and the tapestry, and omits any reference to the place of production. Nonetheless the queen's known contacts with this abbey (i.e., her gift of a golden chalice), taken together with the evidence: (1) about the relations between the two William's, abbot and conqueror; and (2) indications in the tapestry itself that it had been produced at Saint-Florent, all tend to support the possibility that the "quadam regina" of the HSF was Mathilda of England. If so, then the Saint-Florent archives will have provided the first contemporary historical evidence about the manner and place of origin of this celebrated work of art. However I fully recognize that the reconstruction of events as I have proposed it here, is extremely tenuous. In all probability the quadam regina sentence refers to Queen Emma of England and not to Mathilda and thus has nothing to do with the BayeuxTapestry. Consequently other than once mentioning it, I have not made use of this "highly unlikely" possibility in the arguments I advance in support of the hypothesis proposed in this book. NOTES

Introduction 1. Martin K. Fey's fine new digital edition, The Bayeux Tapestry. The Digital Edition (Scholarly Digital Editions, Leicester, 2003), now enables one to see the tapestry as if in situ, from beginning to end without interruption and magnified beyond actual size. An impressive collection of texts, essays, com­ mentaries, and bibliography accompanies the visual portion and make this an indispensable "state of the question" publication. Given the newness of this CD I have thought it advisable to continue to refer to D. Wilson's number­ ing of the individual scenes in his The Bayeux Tapestry (London: Thames and Hudson, 1985). 2. R. Gameson, ed., The Study of the Bayeux Tapestry (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1997), 161. 3. No full-scale work has yet been published on this abbey. A XVIIth century His to ire generale du monastere de Saint-Florent pres Saumur by Dom Jean Huynes survives in manuscript (Paris, BN. mss. Franc,:ais, 19862, and at the departmen­ tal archives of the Maine-et-Loire in Angers, H 3746).Also still unpublished is the thesis of Maurice Hamon, Les origines de l'abbaye de Saint-Florent-les­ Saumur. Histoire des monasteres duMont glonne et du chateau de Saumur. Vel VIe siecles- 1026, Ecole des Chartes, Positions des Theses, 1971, pp. 95-102. In addition to these, several historians have recendy written on selected aspects of the abbey's history of which I mention here only those concerned with the later eleventh-century. M. Hamon, "Un aspect de la reconstruction monastique dans l'Ouest: les relations entre Saint-Florent de Saumur et les abbayes de la Loire moyenne (950-1206 environ)," Bulletin Philologique et Historique de comite des travaux historiques et sdentifiques, 1972 (1979), 87-94; W. Ziezulewicz, "Restored churches in the Fisc of St. Florent de Saumur 1021-1118. Reform Ideology or Economic Motivation?" Revue Benedictine 96 (1986), 106--117;"Etude d'un faux monastique aune periode de reforme: une charte de Charles le Chauve pour Saint-Florent de Saumur du 8 Juin 848," Cahiers de Civilisation Medievale 28 (1985), 201-211; "Abbatial Elections at St. Florent de Saumur ca. 950-1118," Church History 57(1988), 289-97; J. Martindale, "Monasteries and Casdes: the priories of St. Florent de Saumur in England after 1066," in Carole Hicks, ed. England in the Eleventh Century, II, Stamford, 1992 (Harlaxton Medieval Studies), 135-56; B. Watkinson, 112 NOTES

"A case study on the revival of stone quarrying in the late XIth century: St. Florent de Saumur and Notre Dame de Noyers,"journal cif'Medieval History 16(1990), 113-28; 0. Guillot, "la renaissance de l'abbaye de Saint-Florent et la naissance de Saumur," in Histoire de Saumur, ed. H. Landais (Toulouse: Privat, 1997), 49-63; C. Port, Dictionnaire historique, geographique et biographique de Maine et Loire (Angers: H. Siraudeau et Cie, 1989), III, 359-63. 4. The only exception to this is the charters edited (according to region; e.g., Normandy) by P. Marchegay in the nineteenth century. See bibliography and the 1926 inventory of Saint-Florent charters by Marc Sache (chapter 7, note 1). 5. J. Mallet, L'art roman de l'andenAnjou (Paris: Picard, 1984), 44-50; 161-69. 6. Mallet, L'art roman de l'anden Anjou, 11; "L'etat des letres en France au Xle siecle," in Histoire litteraire de Ia France, nouvelle edition (Paris: Victor Palrne, 1867), VII, 62; "Suger abbe de Saint-Denys en France. Histoire de sa vie," (Paris, 1867), XII, 362. 7. M. Hamon, "La vie de Saint-Florent et les origines de l'abbaye," Bibliotheque de !'Ecole des Charles 129 (1971), 215-38. 8. M. Hamon, "Un aspect de la reconstruction," 93. 9. G. Beech, "Urban II, the Abbey of Saint-Florent of Saumur, and the First Crusade," Autour de Ia premiere croisade, Actes du Colloque de la Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, Clermont-Ferrand,Juin 22-25, 1995, (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1996), 62-64.

Chapter 1 The Textile Workshop at Saint-Florent in the Eleventh Century 1. V. Mortet edited the passages of architectural interest in his Recueil de textes relatifs a/'histoire de /'architecture en France (Paris: Picard, 1911), 16-23. 2. B. Bachrach has written about the political activities of Abbot Robert in "Robert of Blois abbot ofSt-Florent-de-Saumur and St. Mesmin de Micy, 985-1011:A Study in Power Politics;' Revue Benedictine 88 (1978), 123-46. 3. Here the author might have been describing the Bayeux Tapestry with its borders decorated with animals, birds, etc. 4. Francisque-Xavier Michel, Recherches sur le commerce, Ia .fabrication et /'usage des etr!lfes de Soie, d'or et d'argent et autres tissus predeux en Ocddent prindpalement en France pendant le Moyen Age (Paris: Crapelet, 1852, 54), I, 17, n. 1, 71; II, 149. 5. A. de Montaiglon, "Inventaire de Saint-Florent de Saumur: communication de M. Parrot, correspondant du Ministere," Revue des sodetes savantes des departements ser. 7, vol.W, 1880, 226-29; Colonel Picard, "Existait-il un atelier de tapissier a l'abbaye de Saint-Florent de Saumur au Xe siecle?" Bulletin de Ia sodete des lettres, sdences et arts du Saumurois]anuary 1921, no. 24,13-30. 6. Betty Kurth, Die Deutsche Bildteppiche des Mittelalters (Vienna: A. Schroll, 1926), I, 19;]. Hubert, L'art pre-roman (Paris: Les editions d'art et d'histoire, 1937), 125-27; J. Evans, Art in Medieval France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1948), 15; M. Deschamps, "Les fresques des cryptes des NOTES 113

cathedrales de Chartres et de Clermont et 1' imitation des tissus dans les peintures murales;'Monuments et memoires publit!s par l'Acadt!mie des Inscriptions et Belles­ Lettres, 48, fasc. 2 (1956), 93-95; E. Lesne, Histoire de Ia proprit!tt! t!cclt!siastique en France. III L'inventaire de Ia proprit!tt!. Eglises et trt!sors des t!glises du commencement du Be aIa fin du Xle siecle (Lille: R. Giard, 1936), III, 244, 249--50, 254, 255, 257, 270. 7. A. Jubinal, Les andennes tapisseries historit!es (Paris: Sansonetti, 1838); E. Muntz, Histoire de Ia tapisserie en Italie, en Angleterre (Paris: Societe Anonyme de Publication, 1878-84); L. de Farcy, LA broderie du Xle siede jusqu' anos jours (Angers: Belhomme, 1890). 8. On Anglo-Saxon England, A. G. I. Christie, Medieval English Embroidery (Oxford: Clarendon, 1938); C. R. Dodwell, Anglo-Saxon Art. A new perspective (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982). With regard to the European scene Dodwell wrote, "Unfortunately, however, there is no further information on workshops (aside from the above-mentioned one atVienne) until we come to twelfth-century Sicily... ;• chapter 2, Embroidery 80{}-1200, The Pictorial Arts if the ~st 80{}-1200 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 30. Dodwell was unaware of the passage about the workshop under Abbot Robert although he knew of Saint-Florent as a center for tapestry production under Abbot Matthew (1128-55) through V. Mortet's edition of that segment of the Historia Sancti Florentii (above n. 1). But the French editor printed only the first eight lines of the total of forty-three and the first references to local production come only later. 9. Designers apparently figure rarely in medieval written sources; Dodwell cites only a single example: Pictorial Arts, 31. 10. This is the view of Picard, "Existait-il un atelier.... " 11. Histoire de Ia proprit!tt! III, 249-50. 12. E. Lesne has a comprehensive discussion of the different types of clerical vestments, liturgical cloths, wall hangings, carpets, etc., made from precious textiles (and their Latin terminology) in his Histoire de Ia proprit!tt! III, 241-72. 13. Picard, "Existait-il," 29; Lesne, Histoire de Ia propriete III, 244. 14. In 990, Prince John of Salerno made gifts of silk rugs, altar cloths, and vestments. B. Kreutz, Bifore the Normans. Southern Italy in the 9th and 1Oth Centuries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991), 204, n. 26. 15. S. Keynes, The Diplomas if King Aethelred the Unready (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 187, n.118; P. Stafford, Queen Emma and Queen Edith. Queenship and J%mens Power in Eleventh-Century England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997), 66, n. 3. 16. Stafford, Queen Emma, 143. 17. If the Bayeux Tapestry was produced in Saumur what might have been the sources of the linen and wool used by the embroiderers? A recent excavation brought to light evidence of textile production at Distre, which is 3 kilometers southwest of Saumur in the Carolingian period. 0. Guillot, "La renaissance de l'abbaye de Saint-Florent," 47. In his 1982 monograph on Les campagnes angevines a Ia .fin du M8yenAge (135{}-1550) (Nantes: Cid, 1982), 399-413, 114 NOTES

M. Le Mene points to Saumur as a regional center oflocal production of both kinds of cloth in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Their unusually rich soil and a favorable location along the Loire river facilitating exchanges with the town, resulted in an exceptional concentration of small farms around Saumur where peasants raised sheep and cultivated flax widely: "Le meme phenomene de concentration s'observe autour de Saumur. Certes les ruraux disposaient la de sols exceptionnels .. .Ia densite des plantations etait remarquable" (403). Peasants sheered, cleaned, carded, spun, and wove the raw materials into the finished products for their own uses or for sale at regional markets: "Ces menus travaux tout a fait necessaire pour obtenir l' appoint numeraire et occuper les longues veillees d'hiver, impregnaient toute la vie rurale" (401). It seems reasonable to assume that in the eleventh century the Saint-Florent workshop would have had a ready made local supply of the linen and wool needed for tapestries like that ofBayeux. 18. S. Bertrand, La tapisserie de Bayeux et Ia maniere de vivre au Xle siecle (Zodiac: Saint Leger-Vauban,Yonne, 1967), 39; Lesne, Histoire de Ia propriete ea/esias­ tique, 249; A. Richard, Histoire des comtes de Poitou (Paris: Picard, 1903), I, 184--86. 19. Dodwell, Pictorial Arts, 7-1 0; E. Sabbe, "L'importation des tissus orientaux en Europe occidentale au haut Moyen Age," Revue Beige de philologie et d'histoire 14 (1935), 811-48. 20. "Et propter hoc donum dederunt monachi uxori meae tapetum unum valde bonum"; cited by de Montaiglon, "Inventaire," 229. 21. "Fecit etiam hie venerabilis pater dossalia duo egregia, quae praecipuis solem­ nitatibus extenduntur in choro; in quorum altero viginti quatuor seniores cum cytharis et phialis depinguntur, in reliquo Apocalipsis Johannis opere descripta est eleganti. Fecit insuper quosdam mirae pulchritudinis pannos sagittariis et leonibus et caeteris quibusdam animantibus figuratos, qui in navi ecclesiae festis sollemnibus appenduntur. Ipsa quoque de qua loquimus navis ecclesiae arcuato opere ipsius tempore incoepta est et completa"; His to ria, 306-07. Colonel Picard writes briefly about these hangings in his "La tapisserie de !'Apocalypse a l'abbaye de Saint-Florent de Saumur au XIIe siecle," Bulletin de Ia Societe des lettres, sciences et arts du Saumurois (1921), no. 25,23-29. 22. Godard Faultrier, La tapisserie de Saint-Florent dessinee par L. Hawke (Angers: Cosnier et Lachze, 1842), 3. 23. A. de Montaiglon, "L'Inventaire de Saint-Florent de Saumur," Revue des societes savantes des departements 7e serie, II (1880), 226-29. 24. Sache, Inventaire sommaire, H 1935,47-48.

Chapter 2 The Relationship between William the Conqueror and Abbot William of Saint-Florent of Saumur

1. In the diocese of Coutances (Department of La Manche), churches at Berneville, Flottemanville, "Karentalago," and "Marescana" and manses at NOTES 115

"Munce!," "Regnacum," and "Malago"; in the diocese of Avranches (Departement of La Manche) an estate at Ceaux; in the diocese of Sees (Dept. of the Orne), churches at Saint-Germain and Protais of Brioux, Courteilles, Ecouche, and Sevrai. Chartes normandes de l'abbaye de Saint-Florent pres Saumur, ed. P. Marchegay (Les Roches Baritaud: Vendee, 1879), nos. 2, 6, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 17, 18, 21, 22. In his 1998 edition of the acts ofWilliam the Conqueror, David Bates has provided more accurate editions with variant versions of several of these charters. Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum. The Acta cifWilliam I (1066-87) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998). His no. 269,812, for Marchegay no. 10; no. 266,797-84, for Marchegay no. 14; his no. 267, 805--D9, for Marchegay no. 15. M. Fauroux edited Marchegay no. 6 as her no. 199, 386--87 in her Recueil des actes des dues de Normandie de 911-1066 (Caen: Caron, 1961). 2. Bates, Regesta, 35-43. 3. An estimate based on the number of different ducal charters extant for each of these houses. There are thirteen for Marmoutiers, five for Saint-Florent, and one or two for all the others. This calculation takes into account only ducal/royal charters, not private ones which in the case ofSaint-Florent are more numerous than those of William himself. 4. Viewed collectively these twelve charters break down into the categories of: (1) donations of churches, lands, revenues, and rights by William, Norman, and Breton nobles; (2) confirmations of the same; (3) an abbey's pleas for restitution of lost holdings; (4) court decisions rejecting attempts of other abbeys to contest Saint-Florent's holdings; (5) abandonment of claims by losing parties. 5. Marchegay, Chartes normandes, no. 2, 5-7. One episode in the early-eleventh­ century Vita of Saint-Florent (who lived in the fourth century) describes how prayers to this saint healed the daughter of a Count Genatius and his wife Bertina in the Co tentin. Acta Sanctorum, September 22, T. VI, 431. Vies des saints et des bienheureux (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1950), T. IX, September, 461-64. Hamon, "La vie de Saint-Florent." 6. Marchegay, Chartes normandes, no. 1, 1-4. 7. Fauroux, Recueil, no. 199, 386--87. 8. Chartes normandes, no. 9 (1 079-83); no. 10 (1 080-83); Bates, Regesta, no. 269. 9. Marchegay, Chartes normandes, no. 11, 19-26. 10. Marchegay, Chartes normandes, no. 14; Bates, Regesta, no. 266, versions 2 and 3, 799-804. 11. Marchegay, chartes normandes, no. 15, 29-32; Bates, Regesta, 267, versions 1 and 2, 805--D9. 12. They figure directly (once indirectly) in all seven of the Saint-Florent charters issued during their reigns as duke/king and duchess/ queen. The remaining five Norman charters of the abbey date from 1093 to 1100 and therefore fall outside the period of interest of this monograph. 13. "Hoc facio ...admonitus precibus domni Guillelrni Rivallonis de Dolo et eiusdem loci abbatis, et fratris sui Johannis in eodem loco monacho"; Bates, Regesta, no. 269, 812. 116 NOTES

14. William's calling attention to Abbot William as the son of Rivallon of Dol is most unusual in contemporary sources. The abbot himself never names himself in this way in his own charters. In effect, the Conqueror is saying that for him what stands out about this Abbot William is that his father was Rivallon ofDol. 15. Fr. Chamard, Les vies des saints personnages de l'Anjou (Paris:]. Lecoffre, 1863), I, 121-35; G. Michiels, "Guillaume, abbe de Saint-Florent de Saumur + 1118," Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie ealesiastique T. 22 (1988), 1009. This is copied from B. Haureau's notice in Nouvelle biographie generale depuis les temps les plus recu/eesjusqu'au 1850-60T. 22 (1857), 663-64. 16. Beech, "Urban II and the Abbey ofSaint-Florent." 17. Mallet, L' art roman de I' ancien Anjou, 44-50. 18. Histoire litteraire de Ia France VII, 62-63; XII, nouvelle edition (Paris, 1869), 362; Mallet, L'art roman, 13. 19. Chronique de Saint-Maixent 751-1140, ed.J. Verdon (Paris: Les Belles Letters, 1979), 130-31. 20. H. Guillotel, "Des vicomtes d'Alet aux vicomtes de Poudouvre," Societe d'histoire et d'archeologie de /'arrondissement de Saint-Malo (1988), 210-15; "Combour: proto-histoire d'une seigneurie et mis en oeuvre de la reforme gregorienne," Family Trees and the Roots if Politics. The Prosopography if Brittany and France from the Tenth to the Twelfth Centuries, ed. K. Keats-Rohan (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1997), 269-98. 21. Fr. Duine, La metropole de Bretagne. Chronique de Dol composee au Xle siecle et catalogue des dignitaires (jusqu'a Ia revolution) (Paris: H. Champion, 1916), 85. 22. J.-P. Leguay, "Une ville episcopale: Dol des origines au XVIe siecle;' Memoires de Ia Societe d'histoire et d'archeologie de Bretagne LXXIX (2001), 1-73. 23. Guillotel, "Vicomtes d' Alet"; "Combour: proto-histoire." 24. Guillotel, "Vicomtes d'Alet," 275. 25. Cartulaire de Saint-Michel de /'abbayette prieure de l'abbaye duMont-Saint-Michel (997-1421), ed. B. de Broussillon (Paris: Picard, 1894), no. 5, 15-16. 26. " ...Willelmus ...in hereditatem nostram post defunctum patri eius successor primus, quando divine gratiae instinctu admonitus seculo abrenunciare seque, sub habitus monasticae religionis christi servitio corde gratuito pro­ posuit mancipare, huius propositi votum in cenobio sancti florentii deo volente conduxit adeffectum;' Livre Noir Saint-Florent de Saumur,Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, Nouvelle acquisitions latines, 1930, fol. 69 v.; Guillotel, "Combour," 275. 27. P. Gallion and M. Jones, The Bretons (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), 177; G. Devailly, "Les dependances bretonnes des abbayes normandes (Xe-XIIIe siecles)," Aspects du monachisme en Normandie (IVe-XVIIIe siecle), Actes du colloque scientifique de l'annee des abbayes normandes, Caen October 18-20, 1979, ed. L. Musset (Paris: J.Vrin, 1982), 115-24. 28. For a map of Saint-Florent possessions in the Dol region at the end of the twelfth century see A. Chedeville, "Le Moyen Age" in L'flle-et- Vilaine des origines a nos }ours, ed. Fr. Lebrun (Saint-Jean d' Angely: Editions Bordessoules, 1984), 102. NOTES 117

29. H. Guillotel proposes an ingenious explanation for William's choice of Saint-Florent over Marmoutiers, which his own father Rivallon had previously favored; "Combour," 275 ff. 30. Les annales de Saint-Florent in Recueil d'annales angevines et vendomoises, ed. L. Halphen (Paris: Picard, 1903), 119. 31. 0. Guillot, Le comte d'Anjou et son entourage au Xte siecle (Paris, 1972), I, 181-93;"A Reform oflnvestiture before the Investiture Struggle inAnjou, Normandy, and England," The Haskins Sodety Journal 3 (1991), 81-100; Guillotel, "Combour," 290-93. 32. Guillot, le comte d'Anjou, 183, based on an unpublished charter. 33. Guillotel, "Combour," 293, speculates that William may have been favored by the monks because of associations with the early stages of the Gregorian reform movement. 34. D. Bates, Normandy before 1066 (New York: Longman, 1982), 65-80. 35. C. Potts, Monastic Revival and Regional Identity in Early Normandy (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1997). 36. Gesta Guillelmi if William if Poitiers, ed. R. H. C. Davis and M. Chibnall (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 72, n. 3; Bates, Normandy before 1066, 82-83; K. Keats-Rohan, "William I and the Breton Contingent in the non-Norman Conquest 1060-87," Anglo-Norman Studies XIII. Proceedings if the Battle Conference if 1990 (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1992), 157-72 at 158. 37. M. Fauroux, Recueil des actes, no. 159,344-48. 38. The land that his son John held at Ceaux around 1082 could have been an inheritance from his father, who may have received it from Duke William; Keats-Rohan, "William I and the Breton Contingent," 165-66. 39. A. Chedeville andY. Tonnerre, LA Bretagne feodale XI-XIIIe siecles (Rennes: Ouest France, 1987), 43-45; M. de Bouard, Guillaume le Conquerant (Paris: Fayard, 1984), 224-45; A. de la Borderie, Histoire de Bretagne (Rennes: ]. Plihon, L. Herve, 1896-1914), III, 14-16. 40. Gesta Guillelmi, 70-77; The Bayeux Tapestry. A Comprehensive Survey, ed. E Stenton (London: Phaidon Press, 1957), plates 20-26. 41. "La chronique de Gael," in the Histoire de Bretagne, ed. Pierre le Baud (Paris: G.Alliot, 1638), 156; Borderie, Histoire de Bretagne III, 20; Guillotel, "La place de Chateaubriant dans l'essor des chatellenies bretonnes Xle-XIIe siecles," Memoires de Ia sodete d'histoire et d'archeologie de Bretagne LXVI (1989), 5-46 at 10; Keats-Rohan, "William I and the Breton Contingent," 168. 42. H. Guillotel, "Une famille bretonne au service du Conquerant: les Baderon;' Droit prive et institutions regionales. Etudes offertes aJean Yver (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1976), 363-67; Keats-Rohan, "William I and the Breton Contingent," 164-66. 43. H. Guillotel, "Bretagne et la papaute au Xle siecle," L'eglise de France et Ia papaute (Xe-Xllle siecle), ed. R. Grosse (Bonn: Bouvier, 1993), 265-86 at 276-77; P. de Fougerolles, "Pope Gregory VII, the Archbishopric of Dol, and the Normans," Anglo-Norman Studies XXI (1999), 47-66. 118 NOTES

44. D. C. Douglas, William the Conqueror. The Norman Impact on England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964), 231-35; Keats-Rohan, "William I and the Breton Contingent," 167-68. 45. Guillotel, "Bretagne et Ia papaute," 277-81. 46. A larger number of French monasteries also received benefactions in the form of lands, revenues and the like. D. Matthew, Norman Monasteries and Their English Possessions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962), 13-14. 47. L. Guilloreau, "Les possessions des abbayes mancelles et angevines en Angleterre d'apres le Domesday Book," Revue archeologique et historique du Maine 54-60 (1906), 6-23. 48. Marmoutiers of Tours had thirteen English priories. M. Chibnall, "Monastic Foundations in England and Normandy 1066-1189 ," England and Normandy in the Middle Ages, ed. D. Bates and A. Curry (London: Harnbledon Press, 1994), 37-50 at 41. 49. J. Martindale, "Monasteries and Castles: The Priories of Saint-Florent-de­ Saumur in England after 1066," Harlaxton Medieval Studies. II England in the Eleventh-Century (Stamford: Paul Watkins, 1992), 135-56; R. Graham, "Four Alien Priories in Monmouthshire," Journal of the British Archaeological Association, new series, 35 (1929), 102-21;). H. Round, "The Origin of the Stewarts," Studies in Peerage and Family History (Westminster: E. Constable & Co, 1901), 115-46 at 115; 120-29. 50. Martindale, "Monasteries and Castles," 148-49. 51. Wihenoc and his brother Baderon, former vassals of Rivallon of Dol, were given Monmouth in 1075. K. Keats-Rohan, Domesday People. A Prosopography qf Persons Occurring in English Documents 1066-1166. Vol. 1. Domesday Book (Woodbridge, Boydell and Brewer, 1997), chapter 3, "The Bretons and the Norman Conquest," 44-58 at 55; H. Guillotel, "Une famille bretonne au service du Conquerant," 361-67. 52. Round, "Origin of the Stewarts," 120-24. 53. " ...fama patris nostri convolvavit, ubi Monemutam et quicquid habemus in Anglia merito suae religionis adquisivit," Historia Sancti Florentii, 303. 54. Chartes anciennes du prieure de Monmouth en Angleterre, P. Marchegay (Les Roches-Baritaud: Vendee, 1879), no. 6, 19-20. As a Breton by descent (paternal side), William may have had a more than casual interest in visiting Monmouth in Wales. 55. The priory in Bramber castle: Bates, Acta, no. 267, version 1, 805-06; Monmouth priory: Bates, Acta, no. 268, 810-11. 56. Earlier scholars had assigned this Andover donation to William Rufus but Bates argues for an attribution to William I; Bates, Acta, no. 270,813-14.

Chapter 3 Saint-Florent of Saumur and the Commissioning of the Bayeux Tapestry 1. Seep. 101 ff. below for my response to objections anticipated from scholars who believe Odo ofBayeux commissioned the tapestry. NOTES 119

2. Bates, Normandy bifore 1066,255-57. 3. G. Digby, "The Bayeux Tapestry: Technique and Production," The Bayeux Tapestry. A Comprehensive Survey, ed. F. Stenton (London: Phaidon Press, 1957), 37-55 at 42. 4. Dodwell,Anglo-SaxonArt, 188-219. 5. One exception was Marmoutiers with a much greater number of priories in both places-seep. 20 (Normandy) and 28 (England). 6. Foys, "Introduction," The Bayeux Tapestry. A Digital Edition, 5--6. 7. " ... ilium (i.e. calicem) videlicet quem eis regina Anglo rum Mathildis ded­ erat," Sache, Abbaye de Saint-Florent, p. 272; Archives departementales d'Angers, H 3041, no. 3. 8. G. Beech, "Queen Mathilda of England (1 066-1 083) and the Abbey of La Chaise-Dieu in the Auvergne," Friihmittelalterliche Studien 27 (1993), 349-74 at 368-70.

Chapter 4 The Bayeux Tapestry and Romanesque Art in Western France

1. C. Hart, "The Canterbury Contribution to the Bayeux Tapestry," Art and Symbolism in Medieval Europe, Papers of the Medieval Europe Brugge 1997 Conference, vol. 5, ed. Guy DeBoe and Fr.Verhaeghe (Zellik: Instituut vor het Archeologisch Patrimonium, 1997), 7-15; "The Bayeux Tapestry and the Schools of Illumination at Canterbury," Anglo-Norman Studies 22 (2000), 117-68. 2. W Grape, The Bayeux Tapestry (New York, 1994). 3. The twelfth-century historian of the Historia Sancti Florentii was proud of the wall paintings and colored sculptures with inscriptions decorating the church, which burned in 1026. HSF, 242, 257. 4. A. de Montaiglon, "Inventaire de Saint-Florent de Saumur," Revue des Sodetes savantes 7e serie, II (1880), 226-29, nos. 20, 26, 27.Jean Vezin, an authority on Angevin manuscripts, knows of no illuminated manuscripts from Saint­ Florent extant today: personal communication. V. Leroquais mentions none in his studies of liturgical breviaries, sacramentaries, psalters, pontificals, etc. 5. Christian Davy, La peinture murale romane dans les pays de Ia Loire. L'indidble et le ruban plisse (Laval: Societe d' archeologie et d'histoire de la Mayenne, 1999). 6. M. Durliat, L'art roman (Paris: Editions Citadelle, 1994), 195-98,213-15. 7. La peinture murale, 6. 8. The Bible of Saint-Aubin, Angers, Bibliotheque municipale, ms. no. 4; Vie de Saint-Aubin, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, N.A. Latin, 1390; Psalter,Amiens, Bibliotheque municipale, ms. Lescalopier 2; Vies des eveques d'Angers.Vatican, Regina Lat., 465; Legendae Sanctorum, Nantes, Musee Dobree, ms. 1; ]. Vezin, Les scriptoria d'Angers au 11e siecle (Paris: H. Champion, 1974), 178. 9. Davy, Peinture murale romane, 245-65. 10. Davy, Peinture murale romane, 234-36. 120 NOTES

11. R. Gameson identifies this as one of the distinctive traits of the Canterbury school of illumination; "The Origin, Art and Message of the Bayeux Tapestry," in The Study of the Bayeux Tapestry (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1997), 157-211 at 169. 12. Fr. Lebrun, Paroisses et communes de France. Dictionnaire d'histoire administrative et demographique. Maine-et-Loire (Paris: Ecole pratique des hautes etudes, 1974),342. 13. Davy, Peintures murales, 259 ff. 14. Saint-Savin. L'abbaye et ses peintures murales, ed. R. Favreau et al. (Poitiers, 1999); Les peintures murales de Poitou-Charente, ed. B. Brochard andY.-). Riou (Saint-Savin, 1993), 62-69. 15. Grape, The Bayeux Tapestry, 57, 73. 16. Saint-Savin. L'abbaye, 147. 17. M.-Th. Camus, "la peri ode romane," in Les Peintures murales de Poitou­ Charente, ed. B. Brochard and Y.-J. Rioux (Saint-Savin: Centre lnternationale d'art mural, 1993), 56-61. 18. Camus, "la periode romane," 70-73; Notre-Dame-/a-Grande de Poitiers, ed. R. Favreau, M.-Th. Camus, and Fr.Jeanneau (Poi tiers: Triolet, 1995). 19. Camus, "Le baptistere Saint-Jean de Poitiers," in Peintures murales, 74-75. 20. P. Skubiszewski, "La decoration de la vie de Radegonde de Poitiers," in La vie de Sainte-Radegonde par Fortunat. Poitiers, bibliotheque Municipale. Ms. 250 (136), ed. R. Favreau (Paris: Seuil, 1995), 127-238. 21. J. J. G. Alexander, Norman fllumination at Mont Saint-Michel 966-1100, (Oxford: Clarendon, 1970); M. Dosdat, L'enluminure romane du Mont Saint­ Michel (Rennes:Editions Ouest France, 1991). 22. The evidence for a Canterbury origin for the tapestry comes from manuscript illuminations. 23. Mallet, L'art roman de l'ancienAnjou, 46-48. 24. M.Deyres and). Porcher, L'Anjou Roman, 2nd ed. (Paris: Zodiaque, 1987), 95. 25. Ch. Lelong, La Touraine Romane, 3rd ed. (Paris: Zodiaque, 1977), 13-20. 26. Sculpture romane du Poitou. Les grands chantiers du XIe siecle (Paris: Picard, 1992): Poitiers (churches of Saint Hilaire-le-Grand, Notre Dame-la­ Grande, Saint-Radegonde, Saint-Porchaire, Saint-Nicolas, Montierneuf), Saint-Savin, Charroux, Saint-Maixent, Maillezais, Lusignan, Nouaille, Champdeniers, Parthenay, Airvault, Saint-Jouin-de-Marnes, Loudun, and Melle. 27. "Animals in Medieval Art. The Bayeux Tapestry as an Example," Journal of Medieval History 13 (1987), 15-73 at 64-67. 28. "The Borders of the Bayeux Tapestry;' England in the Eleventh Century, Harlaxton Medieval Studies, II (Stamford: Paul Watkins, 1992), 251-66; Animals in Early Medieval Art (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1993), 254. 29. Camus, Sculpture romane, plates on 100, 102, 124, 131, 155, 163, 190,225. On lions (but without reference to the tails) in Poitou see M.Jagarashi-Takeshita, "Les lions dans la sculpture romane en Poitou," Cahiers de civilisation medievale 23 (1980), 37-54. NOTES 121

30. A. Tcherikover, High Romanesque Sculpture in the Duchy cifAquitaine (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 21 and plate 42. Lelong, Touraine romane, 62, plate 5. 31. G. Zarnecki, English Romanesque Sculpture (London: A. Tiranti, 1951), plate 12; P. M. Johnstone, "Ecclesiastical Architecture," in Victoria History cif the Counties ifEngland. Sussex (London: Eyre and Spottiswode, 1907), II, 327-79 at 331,332,340, 349;T. P. Hudson, "Bramber Rape: Steyning Hundred;' in Victoria History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980),VI, 213-14. I have been unable to locate a photo of this capital and the poor quality of the one printed in Zarnecki precludes its use here. 32. This is a central theme in the first extensive article on the subject by H. Chefueux, "Les fables dans la tapisserie de Bayeux," Romania 60 (1934), 1-35,63-94. 33. M. Lappidge and ]. Mann, "Reconstructing the Anglo-Latin Aesop: the Literary Tradition of the Hexametrical Romulus," Latin Culture in the 11th Century. Proceedings cif the 3rd International Conference on Medieval Latin Studies, Cambridge, September 1998, ed. M. W. Herren, C. ]. McDonough, and R. G. Arthur (Tournhout: Brepols, 2002), II, 1-33. One of the reasons for their supposing a third version of the fables to have existed is that;"No single one of the surviving literary sources-the Romulus Nilanti, the Hexametrical Romulus, Marie (de France)-corresponds in every detail to the fables represented on the Tapestry," 23. 34. G. Thiele, Der illustrierte Lateinische Aesop in der Handschrift des Ademar Codex Vossianus Lat. Oct. 15 (Leiden,A.W. Sijthoff, 1905). 35. R. Scheller, Model Book Drawings and the Practice cif Artistic Transmission in the Middle Ages (ca. 900-ca. 1450), (Amsterdam, University of Amsterdam Press 1995), 109-118; F. Bertini, fl monachoAdemaro e Ia sua raccolta defavolefedriane (Genoa, Tilgher, 1975). 36. Thiele, Der illustrierte, 36, 37; ]. Comte, La tapisserie de Bayeux, reproduction d' apres nature en 79 planches phototypographiques avec un texte historique, descriptif et critique (Paris, J. Rothschild, 1878). 37. " ...Vielmehr Hisst sich zeigen dass die Differenzen sehr gross and Beriihrungen kaum vorhanden sind;' Der illustrierte, 36. 38. "Le texte d'Ademar, qui ne pouvait donner naissance qu'a une image tres differente de celle de Bayeux, est done a eliminer de la comparison"; Chefneux, "Les fables dans la tapisserie de Bayeux;' 29. 39. In 1947, A. Goldschmidt briefly compared the fables represented in the tapestry and in the Adernar manuscript from the perspective of content but not style, and, like Gaborit, did not ask whether the one could have bor­ rowed from the other:"Most of the fables represented in the tapestry occur also in the manuscript ofAdemar, though sometimes with small alterations"; A. Goldschmidt, An Early Manuscript cif the Aesop Fables cif Avianus and related manuscripts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1947), 49. 40. D. Gaborit Chopin, "Les dessins d'Ademar de Chabannes;' Bulletin archeologique du comite des travaux historiques et scientifiques nouvelle serie, 3 (1967), 163-224 at 178-86. 122 NOTES

41. " .. .l'iconographie des fables de la Tapisserie de Bayeux est, a plusieurs reprises, voisine de celle du codex de Leyde (the Ademar manu­ script)," 181. 42. Thiele, Der fllustrierte, plate III, 9; V, 17(2); VI, 18(2); XV, 49(2); XVI, 52, 53(3). 43. C. Hicks, "The Borders of the Bayeux Tapestry," 253; scenes from the fables adorned the vaulting at Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire (1026-29) and the nave at Saint-Savin in Poitou (later 11th century). 44. "Chartes de Saint-Florent-pres-Saumur concernant l'Angoumois," Bulletin de Ia societe archeologique et historique de Ia Charente (1877), 5-32. 45. "Chartes de Saint-Florent-pres-Saumur," no. 3, 14-16; D. Gaborit-Chopin, La decoration des manuscrits aSaint-Martial de Limoges et en Limousin du IXe au X!Ie siecle (Paris, Droz, 1969), 22. 46. It is essential to note that all of the printed editions consulted, published photos of only a sampling of what can be seen today.

Chapter 5 The Breton Campaign in the Tapestry and Abbot William of Saint-Florent of Saumur

1. Two near contemporaries, Orderic Vitalis and William of Malmesbury, mention it, but their brief allusions to it are based on William of Poitiers's account and do not contribute anything original to the subject." ...tunc etiam dux eundem Heraldum in expeditione secum contra conanum comitem Britonum, armisque fulgentibus et equis aliisque insignis cum commilitonibus suis spectabiliter ornaverat"; The Ealesiastical History rif Orderic Vita/is, ed. M. Chibnall (Oxford, 1969), II, 136. "Comes (i.e.,William) eum magna dignatione gentilitio ornatu in cibis et vestibus coluit et ut notiorem faceret, simul et virtutem experiretur Britannia expeditione, quam tunc forte susceperat, secum habuit. lbi Haroldus, et ingenio et manu probatus, Norrnannum in sui amorem convertit atque, ut se magis commendaret, ultro illi tunc quidem castellum Doroberniae... "; William of Malmesbury. Gesta Regum Anglorum. The History rif the English Kings, ed. and trans., R. A. B. Mynors and completed by R. M. Thompson and M. Winterbottom (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998), I, 418-19. 2. The artist does not use the word Breton or Brittany to identify either the country or the people as does William ofPoitiers (seep. 85). 3. R. Gameson called attention to this use of the imperfect; "Origin, Art, and Message;' 190. 4. Foys, Commentary on Panel 43, The Bayeux Tapestry. 5. Foys, Commentary on Panel43, 172-73. 6. Grape, The Bayeux Tapestry, 58. 7.]. ].Alexander, Norman Illumination at Mont Saint-Miche/966-1100 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1970), 16-17. 8. R. H. C. Davis, "William of Poitiers and His History rif William the Conqueror," in The Writing of History in the Middle Ages. Essays Presented to NOTES 123

Richard William Southern, ed. R. H. C. Davis and ]. M. Wallace-Hadrill (Oxford: Clarendon, 1981), 71-100 at 82. 9. L. Musset, La tapisserie de Bayeux (Paris: Zodiaque, 1989), 261. 10. 0. K. Werckmeister, "The Political Ideology of the Bayeux Tapestry," Studii Medievali 3rd series (1976), 535-95 at 539-40. 11. The two recent editors of the Gesta, M. Chibnall and R. Foreville, Guillaume de Poitiers. Histoire de Guillaume le Conquerant (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1952), translate this passage in quite different ways. Chibnall: 121; Foreville: "Son defenseur, Ruallus, s'efforca de retenir Conan, le rappela avec ironie, le pria de s'attarder deux jours encore, alleguant que ce delai suffirait :l.le mettre :l. ran~on," 110. 12. For example, Fr. Neveux, "The BayeuxTapestry as Original Source," in The Bayeux Tapestry: Embroidering the Facts of History, 189-90; C. H. Gibbs Smith, "notes on the Plates," in The Bayeux Tapestry, ed. F. Stenton (London, 1957), 166-67. 13. Gameson, "Origin, Art and Message;' 204. 14. N. P. Brooks and H. E. Walker, "The Authority and Interpretation of the Bayeux Tapestry," in The Study of the Bayeux Tapestry, 65-66. 15. R. H. C. Davis, "William of Poitiers and His History," 82; L. Musset, La tapisserie de Bayeux," 261. 16. Hart, "The BayeuxTapestry and the Schools of Illumination," 154. 17. E. Freeman, The History of the Norman Conquest of England. Its Causes and Results (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1879), III, 700-01; de la Borderie, Histoire de Ia Bretagne, III, 18; F. R. Fowke, The Bayeux Tapestry. A History and Description (New York: G. Belland Sons, 1898), 83; Bernstein, The Mystery of the Bayeux Tapestry, 174-76. 18. "On his return home William... ;' Gesta Guillelmi, 76-77. 19. A. Kuhn, "Der Teppich von Bayeux in seinen Gebarden. Versuch einer Deutung;' Studii Medievali 3rd series, 33 (1992), 1-72 at 38. 20. Bernstein, "The Mystery of the Bayeux Tapestry," 17 4-76. 21. "Tenez les clefs de ceste citet large"; The Song ofRoland.AnAnalytical Edition. Oxford Text and English Translation, G. ]. Brault (University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1978), 1. 654; also lines 677,2752,2762, and 2768. S. Brown noted similarities in narrative exposition between the Song of Roland and the tapestry in, "The Bayeux Tapestry and the Song of Roland," Olifant 6 (1978-79), 339-50. 22. " .. .it (the arms scene) comes after the depiction of that campaign (the Breton) and therefore appears to lack any practical purpose. Clearly isolated from the preceding and following scenes ...;' 0. K. Werckmeister, "The Political Ideology of the BayeuxTapestry," Studii Medievali 3rd series (1976), 535-95 at 567. 23. K. S. B. Keats Rohan is exceptional in not even mentioning the Bayeux Tapestry's account in her discussion of the Breton war;"La rivalite bretonne et 1' etat anglo-normand 1066-1152," Memoires de Ia societe d'histoire et d'archeologie de Bretagne (1991), 57-59; "William I and the Breton 124 NOTES

Contingent in the non-Norman Conquest 1060-87," Anglo-Norman Studies 13 (1990), 157-72 at 164-66. 24. Freeman, History of the Norman Conquest, III, 229-41, appendix 700-701. Yet, Freeman wrote the following in that appendix: "But there is really no distinct contradiction between the two authorities: their two accounts may easily be reconciled, if we only suppose a remarkable omission on the part ofWilliam of Poitiers .. .It is certainly strange that William of Poi tiers should leave out all mention of so considerable an exploit." 25. Histoire de Bretagne, III, 16-19. 26. S. Brown speaks of the tapestry's presentation as "propaganda," in "The BayeuxTapestry: History or Propaganda?" The Bayeux Tapestry: Synthesis and Achievement, ed. V. D. Woods and D. Pelteret (Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1985), 11-26 at 17-19; "The pictorial version of the cam­ paign in the Tapestry is thus a distortion of the facts," Grape, The Bayeux Tapestry, 58. The following take a similar stand. Gameson, "The Origin,Art," 204; Musset, La tapisserie de Bayeux, 255; Fr. Neveux, La Normandie des dues aux rois (Rennes: Editions Ouest France, 1998), 138-40; Bernstein, The Mystery of the Bayeux Tapestry, 20, 115-16; de Bouard, Guillaume le conquerant 222-27;Wilson, The Bayeux Tapestry, 21-24; 197-98,212. Two historians of medieval Brittany, A. Chedeville and N.-Y. Tonnerre, have been more selective in their reactions to the Dinan incident. Both accept the fact of a siege by the Normans but both reject the idea of Conan's surrender; A. Chedeville, Dinan au M8yenAge (Dinan: Bibliotheque Municipale, 1986), 17-19; N.-Y. Tonnerre in A. Chedeville and Y.-N. Tonnerre, La Bretagne feodale X1e-X111e siecles (Rennes: Ouest France, 1981), 43-45. See also M. Foys, "William's Breton Campaign," The Bayeux Tapestry. Digital Edition, and Fr. Neveux, "The BayeuxTapestry as Original Source", 174. 27. M. Chibnall, "Introduction," The Gesta Guillelmi ofWilliam of Poitiers, ed. and trans. R. H. C. Davis and M. Chibnall (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998), xxvii-xxxii. For instance the conversations between Duke William and Conan of Rennes and Rivallon of Dol in the Breton campaign could well have come from reports from Norman knights present at the time, or even from William himself. 28. E M. Stenton, "The Historical Background," The Bayeux Tapestry (London, 1957), 9-24; Gameson, "Origin, Art, and Message," 202. 29. Gameson, "Origin, Art, and Message," 204. 30. Grape, The Bayeux Tapestry, 57; B. Bachrach, "Some Observations on the Bayeux Tapestry," Cithara 27 (1987), 5-28. 31. No Breton narrative sources exist today for this period though it is possible that there were some now lost from which the designer borrowed. It is highly improbable that a now lost Norman or northern French chronicle would have been known only to the Tapestry designer and not also to other contemporary historians such as William of Poitiers. 32. Lepelley, "A Contribution to the Study of the Inscriptions in the Bayeux Tapestry," in The Study of the Bayeux Tapestry, 39-45 at 40. NOTES 125

33. In the case ofLewine and Gyrth (scene 64-65) the author may have thought his identifYing them as the brothers of Harold dispensed with the need to give them titles. On the question of his identifYing people in the tapestry see my article; "Personal, Place, and Ethnic Names and the French Perspective in the Bayeux Tapestry Inscriptions;' forthcoming in the Cahiers de Civilisation Medievale. 34. When summarizing the Breton campaign in his ecclesiastical history, Orderic Vitalis referred to him as Count Conan. See above, p. 54, chapter 4, note 45. 35. Wilson, The Bayeux Tapestry, 231; Bachrach, "Some Observations," 8. 36. R. A. Brown, "The Architecture of the Bayeux Tapestry," in The Bayeux Tapestry, ed. F. Stenton (London 1969), 76-87; M. Jones, "The Defense of Medieval Brittany; A Survey of the Establishment of Fortified Towns, Castles, and Frontiers from the Gallo-Roman Period to the End of the Middle Ages," The Archaeological journal 138 (1981), 149-204 at 157-58; Musset, LA tapisserie de Bayeux, 75-6, has some reservations about them but on the whole accepts them as accurate. Although they reject Conan's surrender of Dinan as a tapestry exaggeration, both A. Chedeville and Y.-N. Tonnerre regard the depiction of the Breton castles as accurate; LA Bretagne fiodale, 194, 414-16; A.-M. Flambard Hericher "Archaeology and the Bayeux Tapestry," in The Bayeux Tapestry: Embroidering the Facts of History, 261-87 at 261-63. 37. Of the modern scholars who have doubts about the authenticity of the Dinan scenes (Brown, Chedeville/Tonnerre, etc. see note 26), none addresses the question as to why the designer might have invented or distorted this scene; all simply dismiss it as propaganda or invention with no further comment. 38. Grape, The Bayeux Tapestry, 58; Bernstein, The Mystery, 20, 115; Brown, "The Bayeux Tapestry; History or Propaganda?" 17-19. 39. Musset, Tapisserie, 255-56. 40. Parisse, The Bayeux Tapestry, 55, believes the designer added the Breton episode to show how Harold was subject to William. C. H. Gibbs-Smith, "Notes on the Plates," 166, reads it as showing "how the friendship of Harold and William is cemented." Wilson, The Bayeux Tapestry, "William is portrayed as a brave warrior and so is Harold. They are seen acting together with William as the leader and Harold as a subordinate," 198. 41. This is the only segment that deals in any way with Brittany; I know of no examples of a possible Breton influence in other parts of the tapestry. 42. In a study of the abbey's relations with the neighboring aristocracy, C. Potts cautions against the established view that Mount Saint-Michel was the outpost of the Norman dukes for their intended conquest of Brittany, and stresses the importance of Breton influences in the monastic community there; Monastic Revival and Regional Identity in Early Normandy (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1997), 103. 43. Unpublished charter in the cartulary of Mont Saint-Michel, Avranches, Bibl. Mun., fol. 38, cited by]. Laporte, "L'abbaye duMont Saint-Michel aux Xle et Xlle siecles," in Millenaire du Mont Saint-Michel, I, Histoire et vie monastique, 126 NOTES

ed. ]. Laporte, 53-80 at 74. Unpublished charter cited by C. Potts, "Normandy or Brittany? A Conflict of Interest at Mount Saint-Michel, 966-1035," Anglo-Norman Studies 12 (1989), 135-56 at 146, n. 54. 44. Cartulaire de Saint-Michel de /'abbayette,prieure de /'abbaye duMont-Saint Michel 977-1421, ed. B. de Broussillon, (Paris: Picard, 1894), no. 5, 15-16. Unpublished charter of Mont Saint-Michel, Bibl. Mun.Avranches, ms. 210, fol. 66 r. and v., cited by Potts, Monastic Revival, 103, n. 124. 45. Laporte, Millenaire, I, 76; Alexander, Norman Illumination, 86, no. 1, doubts this identification. 46. M. Bayle, Les origines et les premiers developpements de Ia sculpture romane en Normandie (Caen:J. Pougheol, 1992), 112b, plate 391. 47. Laporte, Millenaire, 92.

Chapter 6 The Saint-Florent Hypothesis and Baudri of Bourgueil's Poem to Countess Adele

1. Baldricus Burgulianus Carmina, ed. K. Hilbert (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1979), 154-64; S. A. Brown and M. W Herren, "The Adelae Comitissae of Baudri of Bourgueil and the Bayeux Tapestry," in The Study cif the Bayeux Tapestry, 139-55, at 151, 152. 2. Brown and Herren, "The Adelae Comitissae," 139-55. 3. H. Pasquier, Baudri abbe de Bourgueil archeveque de Dol 1046-1130 d'apres les documents inedits (Paris: E. Thorin, 1878); G. Bond, "locus amoris: The Poetry ofBaudri ofBourgueil and the Formation ofOvidian Subculture;' Traditio 42 (1986), 143-93 at 145--49; Brown and Herren, "Adelae comitissae," 140--41. 4. In an unpublished Saint-Florent text, Abbot William speaks ofhis bonds of fraternal charity," caritativa fraternitas;' with Baudri ofBourgueil; quoted by Pasquier, Baudri de Bourgueil, 205. An unpublished original charter from Bourgueil,Archives d'Indre-et-Loire, H 24, no. 29, dated 1086-97, records an agreement between the two abbots, enacted successively in both monas­ teries with both present. I owe this reference to Paulette Portejoie, editor of an unpublished collection of charters of Bourgueil. Of unknown origin to me is the assertion of the author of the eighteenth-century biography of Abbot William of Saint-Florent that the latter "Baldricum Burguliensim Abbatem amicum habuit," Gallia Christiana XIV, col. 630. 5. ].-Y. Tilliette, Baldricus Burgulianus. Baudri de Bourgueil. Carmina (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1998), I, no. 25, 45.

Chapter 7 Conclusion 1. The exceptionally detailed inventory of those records by M. Sache, is an exem­ plary aid for searching for desired charters. Saint-Florent de Saumur. Inventaire sommaire des archives departementales anterieures a 1790, Maine-et-Loire,Archives Ecclesiastiques, serie H, Tome 2 (Angers: Siraudeau, 1926). 2. The scientific examination of the tapestry in 1982-83 did not include this kind of testing. B. Ogier, "The Bayeux Tapestry: Results of Scientific NOTES 127

Tests 1982-83," in The Bayeux Tapestry. Embroidering the Facts if History, 117-24 at 122. 3. "The Bayeux Tapestry and the Schools of Illumination at Canterbury," Anglo-Norman Studies 22 (2000), 117-68 at 117. See also Hart, "The Canterbury Contribution to the Bayeux Tapestry," 7-15. 4. Hart, "The BayeuxTapestry;' 10. 5. Hart, "The Bayeux Tapestry," 124. 6. For instance, Ademar of Chabannes, author of the Aesop's illustrated fables under discussion earlier, tells of two monks ofSaint-Martial ofLimoges sent to Saint-Augustine's in the 1020s to study the litanies and martyrologies of that abbey; G. Beech, "England and Aquitaine in the century before the Norman Conquest," Anglo-Saxon England 19 (1990), 81-101 at 85. 7. L. Delisle, Rouleaux des morts du IXe au XVe siecle (Paris: Mme Ve J. Renouard, 1866), 155-62; no. 116, no. 143. 8. "Les prieures anglais de Saint-Florent-pres-Saumur;' ed. P. Marchegay, Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Chartes 40 (1879), no. 5, 167-68;"Chartes normandes de l'abbaye de Saint-Florent-pres-Saumur," Memoires de la societe des antiquaires de Normandie 4e serie, I (1879), no. 19, 42. 9. Gameson, "The Origin, Art, and Message," 167. 10. " ...Much of the work at Canterbury was commissioned for other English houses (e.g., Cnut's foundation at Bury Saint Edmunds in 1020 was provided with manuscripts from Canterbury), and also for several of the greater Continental schools. Canterbury-trained artists also worked as visitors in the scriptoria of other English and Continental centres ... ,"Hart, "The Bayeux Tapestry;' 118. 11. "Circumstantially, therefore, Canterbury is a likely location for the commis­ sioning and design of the tapestry at least," Gameson, "Origin, Art and Message;' 171. 12. G. Owen-Crocker, "The Bayeux Tapestry: Invisible Seams and Visible Boundaries," Anglo-Saxon England 31 (2002), 257-73 at 260,261. 13. I. Short, "The Language of the Bayeux Tapestry Inscriptions," Anglo-Norman Studies 23 (2001), 267-80. The argument in favor of an English origin calls attention to evidence of English influence in the inscriptions in the tapestry. Several scholars long ago pointed out that the spelling of several personal and place names betrays the English origin of the author: e.g., the th in the name Gyrth, Ea in Edward, at for ad Hestinga, and the symbol 7 for et. The validity of these identifications has not, however persuaded most specialists that this means Englishmen embroidered the inscriptions and the most recent article on the subject maintains that orthographic borrowings from the French spoken at the time, point to its French origin. 14. E. A. Freeman, History if the Norman Conquest if England III, 572; " ... these is no evidence to connect it with Mathilda; there is every evidence to connect it with Odo";"Mr.Amyot's arguments with regard to Wadard,Vital, and Turold seem to me distincdy to prove that the work (i.e., the tapestry) was a contemporary one, and one made for bishop Odo and the church of Bayeux," 570. The reference is toT. Amyot, "Defence of the Early Antiquity 128 NOTES

of the Bayeux Tapestry," Archaeologia 19 (1821), 192. A. Leve was exceptional in continuing to prefer Mathilda as late as 1919; La tapisserie de Ia reine Mathilda dite Ia tapisserie de Bayeux (Paris, 1919). 15. D. Bates, ed., Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum. The Ada cif William I (1066-87) charters no. 39, 68, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87; N. P. Brooks and H. E. Walker, "The Authority and Interpretation of the Bayeux Tapestry," in The Study cif the Bayeux Tapestry, 76-77; Gameson, The Study cif the Bayeux Tapestry, 171. 16. By pointing out that William made no reference to the tapestry on his death bed, Fowke revealed that he had entertained this possibility but dismissed it on the grounds that if the king had commissioned such a work of art he would surely have mentioned it when looking back over his life and career. The Bayeux Tapestry. History and Description (London: G. Bell & Sons, 1898), 22-23. 17. H. E. J. Cowdrey speculates that "he (William) would hardly have welcomed the depiction of the Conquest as something of a consortium of himself with his half-brothers," "Towards an Interpretation of the Bayeux Tapestry," in The Study, 97. 18. Odo and Abbot Scodand were also fellow witnesses to King William's charters in 1072 and 1081. Bates, The Acta cifWilliam I, nos. 39, 68. 19. Bates, The Acta, no. 26 7, version II, 809.

Appendix A William the Conqueror and the Selection ofWilliam Fitz Rivallon as Abbot of Saint-Florent of Saumur,June 28, 1070

1. On the earlier appointments see W Ziezulewicz, "Abbatial Elections at Saint-Florent-de-Saumur (ca. 950-1118)," Church History 57 (1988), 289-97. 2. "Post excessum venerabilis vitae Sigonis, quidam bonae adolescens indolis, Guillermus nomine, in abbatem praeficitur," Historia Sancti Florentii, 302; "Obiit abbas Sigo II Idus Juni, cui successit Willelmus IV kalendas Julii," Annales de Saint-Florent, Recueil d' annales angevines et vendomoises, ed. L. Halphen (Paris: Picard, 1902), 119. 3. Ziezulewicz, "Abbatial Elections," 295. 4. Guillotel, "Combour," 293. 5. 0. Guillot, Lecomte d'Anjou et son entourage au 11e siecle I, 181-93; S.Jessie, "The Angevin Civil War and the Norman Conquest of 1066," The Haskins Sodety ]ourna/3 (1991), 101-109. 6. Guillot, Comte d'Anjou, I, 192; Bates, Normandy before 1066, 206-208. 7. The attention given by several different Angevin chroniclers to the Conquest in 1066 and to William's death in 1087 suggests that he was well known in Anjou, and may be an indication of his earlier influence in the region. Breve chronicon Sancti Florentii Salmurensis (Chroniques des eglises d'Anjou, ed. P. Marchegay, Paris: Mme Ve J. Renouard, 1869), 189; Chronica NOTES 129

Rainaldi Archidiaconi Andegavensis, 11, 13; Chronicae Sancti Albini Andegavensis, 25-27; Chronicon Sancti SergiiAndegavense, 137-39. 8. Bates, Normandy before 1066, 73-82.

Appendix B Could Queen Mathilda have Commissioned the Bayeux Tapestry? 1. "L' opinion commune a Bayeux est que ce fut la reine Mathilde, femme de Guillaume le conquerant, qui la fit faire. Cette opinion qui passe pour une tradition dans le pays, n'a rien qui de fort vraisemblable"; Bernard de Montfaucon, Monuments de Ia monarchie .franfaise (Paris: J.M. Gandouin, 1730), II, 2. " .. .la tradition porte que c' etoit la reine Mathilde epouse de Guillaume le conquerant, qui avoit travaille elle-meme a ces tapisseries"; Abbot Mathurin Larcher, letter of September 22, 1728, cited in G. Huard, "Quelques lettres de Benedictins :i Dom Bernard de Montfaucon pour la documentation des monuments de la monarchie fran~aise," Bulletin de Ia sodhe des antiquaires de Normandie XXVIII (Caen, 1912), 344-49; 359-61. 2. Bernstein, The Mystery tif the Bayeux Tapestry, 28-30. 3. " .. .item une tente tres longue et estroicte de telle a broderie de ymages et escripteaulx faisons representation du Conquest d' Angleterre, laquelle est tendue environ la nef de l'eglise le jour et par les octaves des reliques"; Manuscript du chapitre de Ia Cathedrale, no. 199, 95. 4. Bates, Acta, no. 26 7, version 2, 809. 5. A. Leve, LA tapisserie de Ia reine Mathilde, dite Ia tapisserie de Bayeux (Paris: H. Laurens, 1919), 197. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Original Sources

Annales de Saint-Florent, Recueil d'annales angevines et vendomoises, ed. L. Halphen (Paris: Picard, 1903). Baldricus Burgulianus Carmina, ed. K. Hilbert (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1979). Bayeux Tapestry. A Comprehensive Survey, ed. F. Stenton (London: Phaidon, 1957). Cartulaire de Saint-Michel de l'abbayette, prieure de l'abbaye du Mont-Saint Michel 977-1421, ed. B. de Broussillon (Paris: Picard, 1894). Chartes anciennes du prieure de Monmouth en Angleterre, ed. P. Marchegay (Les Roches­ Baritaud: Vendee, 1879). Chartes de Saint-Florent-pres-Saumur concernant l'Angoumois, ed. P. Marchegay, Bulletin de Ia societe archeologique et historique de Ia Charente 1877, 5-32. Chartes normandes de l'abbaye de Saint-Florent pres Saumur, ed. P. Marchegay (Les Roches Baritaud: Vendee, 1879). Chronique de Gael, in the Histoire de Bretagne, ed. Pierre le Baud (Paris: G. Alliot, 1638). Chronique de Saint-Maixent 751-1140, ed.J. Verdon (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1979). The ecclesiastical history rif Orderic Vita/is, ed. M. Chibnall (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969), II. Gesta Guillelmi rifWilliam rif Poitiers, ed. R. H. C. Davis and M. Chibnall (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998). Guillaume de Poitiers. Histoire de Guillaume le Conquerant, ed. R. Foreville (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1952). Historia Sancti Florentii Salmurensis, ed. P. Marchegay and E. Mabille, Chroniques des eglises d' Anjou recueillies et publiees pour Ia Societe de l'histoire de France (Paris: Mme Ve]. Renouard, 1869), 217-338. Historia Sancti Florentii Salmurensis, ed. E. Martene and U. Durand, Veterorum scripto­ rum et monumentorum historicorum dogmaticarum, moralium, amplissima collectio (Paris: Monthalant, 1724),V, 1082-1145. Historia Sancti Florentii Salmurensis, ed. V. Mortet, Recueil de textes relatifs al'histoire de /'architecture en France (Paris: A. Picard, 1911), 16-23. Huynes,Jean, Histoire de l'abbaye de Saint-Florent de Saumur, survives in manuscript: Paris, BN. mss. Frans;ais, 19862, and at the departmental archives of the Maine-et-Loire in Angers, H 3746. Prieures anglais de Saint-Florent-pres-Saumur, ed. P. Marchegay, Bibliotheque de !'Ecole des Chartes 40 (1879), 5-134. 132 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Adele, countess of Blois, xii, 89,95 Dinan, town in northeastern Brittany, Ademar ofChabannes, 3, 49-57,59, Cotes-du-Nord, 3, 4, 20, 21, 23, 24, 94,97,102 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 34, chapter 5 Aesop's fables, 49-56,79 passim, 94 Alan fitz Flaad, Breton from Dol, Dol, town in northeastern Brittany, founder of Sporle priory, Cotes-du-Nord, 23,73-75,76,77, Norfolk, 29 78,79,80,81,82,83,84,87,92,95 Andover, Hampshire, priory of Saint-Florent ofSaumur, 28, Emma, Queen of England, early 29,35 11th century, 3, 15, 92, 107 Even, archbishop of Dol (1077-81), 27 Baudri ofBourgueil, xii, 1, 3, 4, 89-90, 96, 102 Fulk Nerra, Count ofAnjou, Bourgueil, abbey of Saint-Pierre, (987-1040),4 Indre-et-Loire, 90, 95 Fulk Rechin, Count ofAnjou, Bramber, Sussex, St. Nicolas of, 28, 29, (1068-1109), 24, 104 35,48,98 Breton campaign, xi, 26, chapter 5 Gelduin Geudouin) of Dol, brother of passim, 94, 95, 97 abbot William ofSaint-Florent of Saumu~24,27,87 Carmen de Hastingae Bello, 11th century Geoffrey Martel, Count ofAnjou, poem on the Conquest of England, (104Q-60),33, 71-73,105 74, 77,79 gold chalice given to Saint-Florent of La Chaise-Dieu, abbey, Haute-Loire, Saumur by Queen Mathilda, 34, 7,36 35-36,109 Chateau-Gontier,Anjou (Mayenne), Guihenoc (Wihenoc), founder of church ofSaint-Jean-le Baptiste, 39 Monmouth priory, later monk of Conan, Count ofRennes, Duke of Saint-Florent ofSaumur, 29 Brittany, 26, 27, 35, chapter 5 passim, 94,95 Hamon, Breton, ancestor of abbot Constance, Queen of France, early William ofSaint-Florent of 11th century, 13, 14 Saumur,23 Couesnon, river near Mont Saint­ Harold, Earl ofWessex, 1, 39, 43, Michel, Ille-et-Vilaine, 25,68-70, 65,68-69,74-77,79,81,84, 77,79-81,88 99, 100 142 INDEX

Historia Sancti Florentii Salmurensis, Robert, abbot ofSaint-Florent of twelfth century history of abbey of Saumur (985-1011),9, 10, 11, 13, Saint-Florent ofSaumur, 9, 12, 16, 15, 16,33, 108,109 19,21,24,25,36,107-109 Robert Guiscard, duke ofApulia, 22 Robert the Pious, King of France John (Jean) of Dol, brother of abbot (996-1031), 11, 13, 14 William of Saint-Florent, archbishop of Dol (1087-93), 20, 21, 24, 27, Saint-Aubin, abbey in Angers, 87,91 Maine-et-Loire, 38, 39 Joscelin, son of Hamon of Dol, 23 St. Augustine's of Canterbury, abbey, 2, Juhael, bishop of Dol, (1040-78), 27 37,69,71,96-99,100,101,102 Junguenee, son of Hamon of Dol, Saint-Cybard ofAngouleme, abbey, bishop of Dol, 23, 27 Charente, 58 Saint-Hilaire ofPoitiers, abbey,Vienne, Marmoutiers, abbey near Tours, 38,44 Indre-et-Loire, 6, 7, 20, 36, 103 Saint-Hilaire-du-Bois, parish church at Mathilda, Queen of England, ( + 1083), Vihiers,Anjou, Maine-et-Loire, 39, 19,20,21,25,34,35,36,99,107-109 59,93,97,98 Matthew, abbot ofSaint-Florent of Saint-Jean ofPoitiers,Vienne, bapistry, Saumur, (1128-55), 13, 16 38,44 Monmouth, Herefordshire, priory of Saint-Martial of Limoges, abbey, Haute Saint-Florent, 28, 29, 35, 98 Vienne, 58, 97 Mont-Saint-Michel, abbey, Manche, Saint-Radegonde ofPoitiers, abbey, 25,46,65-69,76-79,87-88,98 Vienne, 38 Saint-Savin ofPoitou,Vienne, 38, 43, Notre Dame-la-Grande, church, 45,47,93,97,98 Poitiers,Vienne, 38 Scodand, scribe at Mont Saint-Michel, abbot at St. Augustine's Canterbury Odo, bishop ofBayeux, Earl of Kent, (1072-87), 98 (+1097), 2, 43, 69, 81, 87,89-90, Sicily, 14, 15,22 99-102,108,109 Sigo, abbot ofSaint-Florent ofSaumurs (1055-70), 16,20,24 Pope Gregory VII (1073-85), 23, 27, Song of Roland, 74-75,79 31, 104 Sporle, Norfolk, priory of Pope Urban II (1088-99), 22 Saint-Florent, 28, 29 Suger, abbot ofSaint-Denis, "Quadam regina", passage in the (+1151),22 Historia Sancti Florentii, 13-14, 107-109 William de Birouze, Norman nobleman, 21, 28,48 Rennes, town in Brittany, William ofJumieges, Norman Ille-et-Vilaine, 72-73,76-77,79-82 historian, 79 Rivallon, lord of Dol in Brittany, 3, 21, William ofPoitiers, Norman historian, 23,25,26,27,28,29,34, 70-73,76, author of the Gesta Guillelmi, 26, 79, 82,84-85,92,93,98 chapter 5 passim, 94