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27 JULY 2018 , ST GEORGE’S 1

actswilliam2henry1.wordpress.com Release date Version notes Who Current version: H1-Oxford St George-2018-1 27/7/2018 Original version RS/DXC Previous versions: — — — — This text is made available through the Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivs License; additional terms may apply

Authors for attribution statement: Charters of William II and Henry I Project Richard Sharpe, Faculty of History, David X Carpenter, Faculty of History, University of Oxford

OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S

Collegiate church of St George in ; archive of abbey

County of Oxford : Diocese of Lincoln Founded in late eleventh century

The church of St George in the castle at Oxford began as a house of secular canons. What is always said about its origins depends wholly on statements in annals of Osney abbey, which, when still a priory, took over the college. Here we are told that Robert d’Oilly built the castle in 1071 and founded St George’s church in 1074, and also that Osney priory was founded by Robert II d’Oilly (nephew of the first), in 1129 (Osney Annals, Annales monastici, iv. 9–10, 19; Salter, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 1, 11). In 1149 the same Robert II d’Oilly and one Geoffrey d’Ivry, the narrative says, gave the church to the canons of Osney (Annales monastici, iv. 26; Salter, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 24). The names of the patrons who made this gift and the year are contradicted by charters of the Empress Matilda and of King Stephen, but they represent the level of falsehood in the history invented for Osney. Many of the documents, royal and private, concerned with the early years of that foundation are forgeries, though they are older than the narrative with which they were overlaid. The three acts printed below in favour of the canons of St George are also, it must be concluded, all forgeries. Since Salter had accepted all of them as authentic, there is risk that his flawed dates for them have influenced the dating of other documents. 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 2

Robert d’Oilly appears in the Abingdon chronicle as castellan of Oxford during William I’s reign, and in two writs he is addressed as sheriff, seemingly serving in and Berkshire (W1/4) as well as in Warwickshire (W1/5). Along with Roger d’Ivry he conferred lands in Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire on the canons of St George’s, and these remained in the possession of the canons of Osney in later years. The lands are specified in the charter by which the Empress confirmed the gift of the collegiate church to the canons of Osney (EM/632, at Devizes, 1142 × 1148, an original, drafted by a scribe who also worked for Osney), ‘just as Henry d’Oilly [son of Robert II] and John de Saint- Jean [successor of Roger d’Ivry] granted in my presence and confirmed by their charters’. The principal lands are three hides at Walton just north of Oxford, where Roger held four hides in 1086 (DB, i. 159a; Oxon § 29. 22); a manor at Cutteslowe, held by Roger’s tenant Alfred (§ 29. 17) and a manor at Cowley, held by Roger as a tenant of Count Eustace (DB, i. 157c; § 19. 1); one hide at Sandford-on-Thames and two hides at were held by Roger and Robert jointly as tenants of the abbot of Abingdon (DB, i. 156d; § 9. 4, 10) in accordance with the gift of Abbot Adelelm (Hudson, ii. 32–5, § 29), who died in 1083. All these lands are in Oxfordshire. Stowe in Buckinghamshire they held jointly as tenants of Odo of Bayeux (DB, i. 144d; Bucks § 4. 31), and it is likely that the two hides in Maids Moreton ({3} § 7) were part of the manor of Stowe. Land at (Oxon) was still held in 1086 by Wadard, tenant of Bishop Odo, and probably came to Robert or Roger only after Odo’s forfeiture in 1088 (DB, i. 156a–b; Oxon §§ 7. 32, 37). Besides these lands Robert and Roger also conferred their two-thirds interest in the demesne tithes of many manors. The parcels clauses of a forged charter in Henry I’s name ({3}) gives a long list of them, located in eight counties, which derives corroboration from the record of manors held by the founders in 1086. The list represents a majority of the manors held by Robert and Roger in 1086, including some where they held only as tenants.1 makes no mention of land-holding canons of St George, so the date of 1074 given by the Osney annals must be doubted, and no clear evidence has been traced to confirm the actual date of foundation. From the fact that some manors still formed part of Bishop

1 One or other of the patrons also held more than a dozen manors in Oxfordshire whose tithes were not conveyed to the canons. It is difficult to understand why, for example, the tithes of Eaton, whose lands were shared between Robert and Roger (Oxon §§ 28. 5, 29. 7), were not given along with so many others. 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 3

Odo’s fee in 1086 and presumably until his forfeiture in 1088, we may infer that the canons were not endowed with those tithes until after 1088 at the earliest. According to the Abingdon chronicle Robert d’Oilly died in September in an unspecified year (Hudson, ii. 34, § 29), 1091 or 1092 (ODNB), or maybe 1093, which narrows the possible date-range to the early years of William II’s reign.2 Roger d’Ivry, co-holder of lands and co-founder of the church, may have lived into the first years of Henry I’s reign, though not as late as has been sometimes thought.3 The interconnexion of their tenures is peculiar but clearly documented in Domesday Book. The compiler of one of the Osney cartularies refers to them as ‘fratres iurati et per fidem et sacramentum confederati’ (Ctl. Oseney, iv. 1). It has been suggested that the church they founded in the castle was the successor to an earlier church with parochial rights within the city and outside it (J. Cooper, ‘The church of St George in the castle’, Oxoniensia 41 (1976), 306–8). The tower that bears the name of St George has also been thought likely to predate the Norman castle and, indeed, the (D. F. Renn, ‘Burhgeat and gonfanon: two sidelights from the ’, ANS 16 (1994), 177–98, at pp. 179–81). Recent excavation supports both ideas (D. Poore, ‘Excavations at Oxford castle’, Oxoniensia 74 (2009), 5–6, 8), so that it now appears likely that the tower was built in association with the pre-Conquest west gate of the city and a nearby church and that it was later absorbed by the Norman castle.

2 Robert d’Oilly witnessed William II’s diploma for Bishop John of Bath in January 1091 (W2/000, Regesta 314, 315). Sanders, Baronies, 54n, supposed him to be alive in April 1092 on the insecure evidence of W2/000, Regesta 328 for Lincoln, attested also by his brother Nigel, a tenant of the bishop of Lincoln (W2/000, Regesta 466 for Lincoln). Nigel probably inherited as early as 1093–4, when he attested at Salisbury (W2/000, Regesta 410 for La Sauve Majeure). 3 VCH Oxon vi. 258, ‘in about 1120 or possibly earlier’; Sanders, Baronies, 9, adds further confusion by dividing Roger d’Ivry into two, father and son. He would have the father die c. 1089 (which would be relevant to the date of the foundation), the son Roger before 1112, and a ghost son Geoffrey before 1120. There is little evidence to support any of this and none to indicate the actual year of Roger’s death. D. C. Douglas, Domesday Monachorum, 56–7, describes the career of Roger d’Ivry and concludes that he probably died not long after 24 April 1089, the date of his last known occurrence, when he attested a charter of Duke Robert (Regesta 308). He was almost certainly dead in 1101 × 1104 when Henry I confirmed a gift to Gloucester abbey made by Aelina, wife of Roger d’Ivry (000, 000, Regesta 678, 1006). On 28 August 1110 Adelina d’Ivry made a gift to Abingdon abbey confirmed by King Henry some little time afterwards (000, Regesta 973). 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 4

The canons of St George’s appear to have been well provided for. Just how well is difficult to establish. The major source of income must have been the demesne tithes, but, despite the fact that the foundation followed so soon after the survey behind Domesday Book, the data available are insufficient to allow estimates. In many cases Robert and Roger had demesne interests that were only a part of an individual manor. Where the number of hides in demesne falls short of the potential number, it is not always clear whether this represents underexploitation of the land or missing information about tenants on the ground. In other cases the manor was held by a single tenant in 1086, so that one might infer that nothing from such a manor was held in demesne by either Roger or Robert, yet such are included in the list. Manor by manor there is uncertainty as to what share of the demesne tithes came to the canons. Individual canons have left some memory of their names. Walter, archdeacon of Oxford for at least forty years, was identified by Salter with Walter, provost of St George’s, addressed in a letter of protection by Pope Eugenius III in 1146 (Holtzmann, iii. 180–82, no. 55; Salter, Ctl. Oseney, iii. 351–3, no. 15; Salter, ‘Geoffrey of Monmouth and Oxford’, EHR 34 (1919), 382–5; Fasti, iii. 35). Archdeacon Walter’s prebend included the manor of Walton, which was among the founders’ gifts to St George’s. He first occurs as archdeacon in a plea heard at Oxford in 1110–11 (Hudson, ii. 174, § 172), and around the same date in proceedings at Winchester, reported in an act of Queen Matilda (000; Regesta 1000 for Abingdon). He conducted pleas alongside the sheriff in 1129–30 (PR 31 Henry I, 3). When Aelwin fitz Godegos built a new church of St Giles outside the north gate of Oxford (000, Regesta 1836), Walter allowed the tithes of Walton to be transferred to it as its parish church (original deed reproduced in Salter, Oxford Charters, no. 60, and there dated c. 1149, perhaps a little too late, but accepted by Kemp, Archidiaconal Acta, 104–5, no. 168; also in the cartulary of abbey, to which Walter was in several ways a benefactor, ibid. 103–5, nos. 166–9; Amt, Ctl. Godstow, 18, 206, 295, nos. 24, 415–16, 632). He appears to have died in 1151, certainly before 1 October 1151, when Robert Foliot was archdeacon (Fasti, iii. 35, 157). Geoffrey Arthur, better known as the writer Geoffrey of Monmouth, witnessed alongside Walter in several documents (Salter, ‘Geoffrey of Monmouth and Oxford’, EHR 34 (1919), 382–5): Robert II d’Oilly’s foundation deed of Osney priory, 1129 (Ctl. Oseney, iv. 11–12, no. 9); deeds from Godstow abbey, from before 1139 until as late as 1151 (Amt, Ctl. Godstow, 18–19, 61–2, 206–7, 295, nos. 24, 103, 416, 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 5

632, to which add ibid. 275, no. 587, a deed of Robert II d’Oilly overlooked by Salter); and abbey (EEA 1 Lincoln 1067–1185, 163–4, no. 262).4 In 1907 Salter wrote that Geoffrey ‘seems to have been a canon during the years 1129–51’ (VCH Oxon, ii. 160), an inference that has been generally accepted. He was nominated bishop of St Asaph in 1151 and consecrated at Lambeth in 1152 (Fasti, ix. 33). He died in 1155, but it is not certain whether he was able to take control of the temporalities of his Welsh see nor, indeed, whether he vacated his prebend in Oxford. Another canon known by name is Robert Chesney, archdeacon of Leicester, who had held Stowe as a prebend ‘ante promotionem suam’ (Ctl. Oseney, v. 241, no. 731A, EEA 1 Lincoln 1067–1185, 131, no. 211, 1160 × 1166). In December 1148 Robert became bishop of Lincoln at a time when his brother, William Chesney, was one of King Stephen’s men holding the fees formerly held by the heirs of the founders of St George’s. Geoffrey of Monmouth dedicated his last work, the metrical Vita Merlini, to Bishop Robert, reinforcing the supposition that Geoffrey was a canon of St George’s. When the church was transferred to Osney, the existing canons retained their prebends for life but thereafter the canons of Osney provided five chaplains for St George’s. Salter deduced that the complement of the collegiate church had been a provost and four other canons and discussed a last disputed appointment to a prebend after the death of Walter the archdeacon (VCH Oxon, ii. 160–61). The acquisition of the college must have made a very significant increase in the revenues of Osney, which was soon afterwards raised in status to an abbey. The promotion of Robert Chesney to Lincoln, the death of Walter the archdeacon, and the promotion and death of Geoffrey may have cleared the way for this change, probably datable to 1154 or 1155. It cannot be known how far the secular canons of the original foundation had kept a common archive. All the documents that purport to have come from St George’s were forged after the canons of Osney had taken control of its resources—in some cases a considerable time after—as shown in the table below. For example, the confirmation in the name of Robert II d’Oilly of gifts to St George’s by his tenants in Walton, witnessed by Walter the archdeacon, who surely held the manor

4 Salter’s one example from the archive of St George’s itself, St John’s College, Mun V. A. 1 (his no. 2), which he dated ‘1125–35’, is a forgery, as he realised a decade later (Oxford Charters, no. 101). Geoffrey Arthur is also first witness in another late forgery (Oxford Charters, no. 102). 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 6

himself, was not forged until well into the thirteenth century; the forger also wrote the two private deeds so confirmed (Salter, Oxford Charters, nos. 100, 101, and Bodl. MS Oseney Ch. 870; Monasticon, vi. 1462–3). It is not apparent on this evidence that the canons of Osney inherited any historic archive from the collegiate church. It is worth noting that the three deeds in the names of Robert d’Oilly, first or second, specify the beneficiary as ‘ecclesie sancti Georgii in castello de Oxon’ et canonicis eiusdem ecclesie et eorum successoribus’, the last three words obviously included to cover the canons of Osney. Everything shown in the table strictly derives from the archive of Osney abbey and not from St George’s, whose independent existence had ceased before the extant documents were framed. The descent of many original documents from the archive of the abbey is treated under Osney priory, but a similar tabulation to illustrate the Osney archive as a whole and its phases of forgery in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries would be a time consuming and difficult task.5

5 Dr Webber writes in personal correspondence with regard to H2/2017, ‘one that I had not been able to identify as the hand of any other Osney charter, and had not yet detected obvious anachronisms. In the light of the unravelling of the St George's archive, I have taken another look and am bothered by two things. 1) the common mark of abbreviation is odd—especially so when indicating the omission of n/m. 2) the oblique hairline stroke over single ‘i’, e.g. in ‘iuste’ and ‘iniuriam’. I have not (to my knowledge) come across the use of such a stroke as a diacritical mark above ‘i’ (as opposed to its use above two successive ‘i’s) before the thirteenth century. If it is an imitative hand, it is much better than the attempts in Salter 99, 100, 101, in which thirteenth-century habits as much more transparent.’ 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 7 v i

s , r y d e e t Author Business Manuscript r r n

o . f a e l s x t h C O O C 1 Robert I forged deed of foundation for St Christ Church — d’Oilly George’s, pro salute regis Henrici ctl. 1A Robert I late inflated forged deed of foundation Osney Ch. 868 — d’Oilly reciting lands and tithes, with seal, d. d. Christ endorsed ‘A. jo ja’ (13th cent) Church c. 20 2 Roger forged confirmation in Roger’s name Christ Church — d’Ivry of Robert I’s gift ctl. 3 Thomas le forged deed for the canons of St Osney Ch. 869 100 Den George’s in the time of Robert II, with d. d. Christ seal, endorsed Walton ‘C’ (13th cent) Church c. 20 4 Brunmann forged deed for the canons of St Osney Ch. 870 — of Walton George’s in the time of Robert II, d. d. Christ endorsed Walton ‘D’ (13th cent) Church c. 7 5 Robert II forged confirmation of the deeds of St John’s 101 d’Oilly Thomas and Brunmann, with seal Mun V. A. 1 (13th cent) 6 Henry I forged confirmation, {3} below, Osney Ch. 58 Regesta 1468, endorsed ‘xxix’ 870A, boxed in d. d. Christ Church c. 7 6A Henry III inspeximus reciting forged Osney Ch. 871 — for Osney confirmation of Henry I, {3} below d. d. Christ abbey Church c. 20 6B Henry I forged writ concerning exemption Osney Ch. 872 57 from shires and hundreds, {1} below, d. d. Christ Regesta 1470, with seal Church c. 20 6C H2/2016 (?authentic) writ confirming forged Vitellius ctl. — writ in the name of Henry I, {1} below, 1155 × 1158 6D H2/2000 writ allowing the abbot of Osney to Vitellius ctl. — for Osney plead only before the king or his chief abbey justiciar 7 H2/2017 (?forged) writ ordering Hugh de Osney Ch. 873 81 Plugenet to restore land in Walton to d. d. Christ the church of St George, ‘1172 × 1175’ Church c. 7 (perhaps 13th cent.) 960A Henry I forged writ concerning grazings at Cartae — Arncott, {2} below, Regesta 1469 Antiquae

Table showing documents in the Christ Church cartulary under the heading De fundatione capelle Sancti Georgii (Ctl. Oseney, iv. 1–9), others brought into the sequence by Salter, and one from elsewhere in favour of the canons of St George. 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 8

The church in the castle must have experienced some difficulties during the civil war. Stephen used Oxford castle in 1139 and 1140, and the Empress Matilda made it her base in 1141 and 1142. Robert II d’Oilly died early in September 1142 and was buried at abbey (Annales monastici, iv. 24). Within two weeks Stephen had taken control of the city and Matilda was besieged in the castle for three months from September to December 1142. She herself escaped, but the garrison surrendered. The patrons of St George’s at this time, Henry d’Oilly and John de Saint-Jean, supporters of the Empress, lost their estates, which were given by Stephen to his own supporters, William Chesney and Richard de Camville, who take on the role of patrons as may be seen from documents in the Osney archive discussed below. The gift of the college to the canons of Osney is amply documented but in a very confused way. The cartulary privileges forged deeds in the names of Robert II d’Oilly (dead in 1142) and Geoffrey d’Ivry (a fiction) as donors (Ctl. Oseney, iv. 24–7, nos. 17, 18; originals in Bodl. Osney Ch. 888, 889 (boxed in d. d. Christ Church c. 21); facsimile of the latter in Salter, Oxford Charters, no. 99), in the first case chronologically impossible, and in the second still more confused.6 From authentic original deeds it appears that it was Henry d’Oilly, Robert’s son, who gave St George’s and all its possessions to the canons of Osney, a gift confirmed by John de Saint-Jean (whom we know to have succeeded to much of Roger d’Ivry’s fee); this transaction was dated to 1149 by Salter solely on the testimony of the annals (ibid. iv. 27–9, nos. 19, 20; originals in BL Add. Ch. 20360–61), and surely too late. Their gift was confirmed at Devizes by the Empress, whose original act also survives, datable 1142 × 1148; this refers to the donors as Henry d’Oilly

6 The witnesses to the deed in the name of Robert II d’Oilly were described as ‘ludicrous’ by Salter. Geoffrey d’Ivry is unknown. The only other evidence for his existence is an act of Bishop Samson of Worcester, who confirms the gift of Brookthorpe to the monks of Gloucester by Aeline, widow of Roger d’Ivry, ‘eo tenore quod filius G. eam teneat . . dum uixerit’ (Ctl. Gloucester, i. 177). Sanders took this to refer to her son G. and suggested that he died without issue before 1120 (Baronies, 9). A better reading is to impute a genitive, ‘that G.’s son shall hold’, referring to the heir of the current tenant. Salter’s note on the facsimile says that ‘all the evidence we have suggests that Roger d’Ivri left no son’. In this context of forgery, he plausibly suggests, ‘Geoffrey’ is the result of confusion with Geoffrey de Ivoi, a later benefactor of Osney abbey, whose gift of Holcombe was confirmed by Henry II (H2/2001; Ctl. Oseney, vi. 134, no. 1052, datable 1170 × 1172). 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 9

and John de Saint-Jean (EM/632; Salter, Oxford Charters, no. 59).7 By contrast Stephen’s confirmation of the same transaction, probably from 1149, names his men William de Chesney and Richard de Canville as the donors (Ste/633; Oxford Charters, no. 61). This William de Chesney was the bishop’s brother, to whom King Stephen had given most of Henry d’Oilly’s lands after 1142 (as one learns from a confirmation by Archbishop Theobald, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 407, no. 370B; Saltman, Theobald, 415, no. 192). Bishop Robert Chesney, elected in December 1148, confirmed the gift (Smith, EEA 1 Lincoln 1067–1185, 130, no. 208; Oxford Charters, no. 63). More confirmations were swiftly added, from Archbishop Theobald before he became legate (Bodl. Ch. Osney 897a; Oxford Charters, no. 62; Saltman, Theobald, 416–17, no. 194; December 1148 × March 1150), and again after he became legate (Bodl. Ch. Osney 897, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 42–3, no. 30; Saltman, Theobald, 417– 18, no. 195). Pope Eugenius III confirmed the chapel of St George to Prior Wigot and the canons of Osney as already granted by Bishop Robert and Archbishop Theobald (Holtzmann, iii. 223–5, no. 91, not before March 1151). In another letter, dated 6 February 1152, Eugenius refers to the gift of the chapel, ‘per patronos ipsius et uenerabilem fratrem Robertum Lincolniensem episcopum’ (ibid. 211–13, no. 79). At this date the pope addressed Prior Wigot but before 1158 Henry II’s charters for Osney refer to the abbot and canons. The acquisition of St George’s church and its riches had allowed the priory to rise to the status of an abbey and stimulated a burst of documentary activity that included much forgery.8 The three forgeries in the name of Henry I were all copied to an Osney cartulary, now BL Cotton Vitellius E. xv, first compiled c. 1200, with many later additions. Two survive as originals, one probably drawn up in the 1140s or 1150s, the other after mid-century. The charter concerning Arncott {2}, which does not survive in the original, was copied to the cartae antiquae rolls, perhaps in the reign of John or a little

7 Henry d’Oilly’s presence at Matilda’s court in Devizes is indicated by his deed in favour of Eynsham abbey, confirming his father’s gift of land at (Berks), which is addressed to Archbishop Theobald and witnessed Henry’s half-brother Henry fiz Roy alongside four earls, all prominent supporters of the Empress (Ctl. Eynsham, i. 75, no. 71). 8 If this analysis is correct, then the attestation by ‘Wigot abbot of Osney’ to Stephen’s charter for Walter Durdent (Ste/455), dated 1149 by the editors of Regesta, must be accounted for either by an error in copying, or by the elapse of a considerable period of time between Walter’s election as bishop of Coventry and the sealing of this confirmatory charter. 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 10

later. The general confirmation {3} was inspected and confirmed for the abbot and canons of Osney in January 1267 (CalCh, ii. 69–70). An engrossement, dated 20 January 1267, of one of Robert II d’Oilly’s deeds for St Mary and the canons of Osney, is attached to the roll (CalCh, ii. 67; Monasticon, vi. 251–2, no. iv; Charter Roll 51 Henry III, C53/56, mem. 9a; Ctl. Oseney, iv. 24–7, no. 17; Oxford Charters, no. 102).

A. Clark, The English Register of Oseney Abbey, by Oxford, Early English Texts Society 133, 144 (1907–13); H. E. Salter, ‘Geoffrey of Monmouth and Oxford’, EHR 34 (1919), 382–5; H. E. Salter, Cartulary of Oseney Abbey, Oxford Historical Society 89–91, 97–98, 101 (1929–36); J. P. Barron, ‘The Augustinian Canons and the University of Oxford: the lost college of St George’, The Church and Learning in Later Medieval Society. Essays in honour of R. B. Dobson, Harlaxton Medieval Studies 11 (2002), 228–54.

1† Purported writ instructing the sheriffs of Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire that the land and men of the canons of St George shall be exempt from shires and hundreds

ORIGINAL: Bodl. Osney Ch. 872, boxed in d. d. Christ Church c. 20 (Bishop 596), 175 mm wide × 70 mm, including full length seal tongue 10–13 mm wide and wrapping tie 5–10 mm wide; place-date cut through for tongue [A]. Handwriting and style of sealing are more plausible than most of the Osney forgeries, but there are none the less some minor graphic signs of forgery, such as ‘Restoldo uicecom(iti)’ (where uic’ or uicec’ was chancery practice) and ‘Et’ (rather than ampersand) following it. Dr Webber suggests the writer may have been her ‘Osney scribe B’, using an altered hand. That scribe, active in the 1140s and 1150s, wrote several documents for Osney including Oxford Charters, no. 96 (EM/629), 59 (EM/632, giving St George’s to the canons of Osney), 63 (Robert of Lincoln), 73 (Henry d’Oilly), Saltman, Theobald, no. 190. SEAL: Fragment 55 × 33 mm on tongue, apparently from a matrix imitating 4th seal. Not listed by Chaplais, but in his own copy of Regesta he has written ‘Forged seal’. ENDORSEMENT: ‘Reg(is) H(enrici) primi’, ‘de libertatibus sirorum et hundredorum’ (s. xiii ?), ‘Sancti Georgii’ (later). FACSIMILE: Salter, Oxford Charters, no. 57; J. E. Sayers, ‘The land of chirograph, writ, and seal: the absence of graphic symbols in English documents’, Graphische Symbole in mittelalterlichen Urkunden. Beiträge zur diplomatischen Semiotik, ed. Peter Rück (Sigmaringen, 1996), 533–49 (pl. 4a). CARTULARY COPIES: BL MS Cotton Vitellius E. xv (s. xii/xiii), fol. 167r (‘Item Regis Henrici primi de libertatibus sirorum et hundredorum’) [B]. PRINTED: C. P. Cooper, Account of the Public Records (London, 1832), ii. 439 [from A, via an 1817 report to the Record Board]; L. Delisle, ‘Recueil de 109 chartes originales 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 11

de Henry II rassemblées et photographiées par H. Salter’, Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 69 (1908), 541–80, at p. 575 (no. vii) [from A, incomplete]; Salter, Oxford Charters, no. 57 [from A]; Salter, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 8 (no. 6B) [from AB]. CALENDAR: Farrer 603A; Regesta 1470.

H(enricus) rex Angl(orum) et dux Norm(annorum) Restoldo uicecom(iti) Oxenef(ordie). Et Ric(ardo) uicec(omiti) de Buching(eham) et ministris suis salutem. Precipio quod tota terra et homines canonicorum sancti Georgii de Oxenef(ordia) sint quieti et in pace de sciriis et hundredis et de wardis et communibus placitis et omnibus aliis rebus excepto murdro et latrocinio probato. Et prohibeo quod nullus eis uel hominibus suis iniuriam uel contumeliam faciat, quia ipsi sunt de propria elemosina mea. T(este) Rog(ero) episcopo Saresb(erie). Apud Wodest’.

Henry king of the English and duke of the to Restold sheriff of Oxford and Richard sheriff of Buckingham and his officials greeting. I command that all the land and men of the canons of St George of Oxford shall be quit and in peace from shires and hundreds and from wards and common pleas and all other things except murder and proven larceny. And I forbid that any one shall do injury or contumely to them or to their men, because they are of my own alms. Witness Roger bishop of Salisbury. At Woodstock.

DATE: The apparent date is while Restold was sheriff of Oxford and while Richard of Winchester was sheriff of Buckingham and Bedford, 1121 × 1125. Restold occurs in a vice-regal writ of Bishop Roger for Oxford St Frideswide’s (000, not in Regesta, 1116 × 1128), and in a royal writ for Robert de Beaumont, earl of Leicester (000, Regesta 1528, 1121 × 1128). Richard of Winchester’s term as sheriff follows that of William of Buckland, who occurs in office January 1121 × June 1123 (000, Regesta 1402 for Abingdon). The pipe roll indicates that his successor Maenfenin was in office for four years, 1125–9 (PR 31 Henry I, 100), indicating that Richard’s term had ended by Michaelmas 1125. Salter in his commentary on Oxford Charters, no. 57, entered into discussion of the pipe roll evidence, seeking a different interpretation. He argued for a date in the year September 1126 to September 1127, when the king, as often, spent Lent at Woodstock, but his dating was flawed and his discussion of sheriffs was properly challenged by Green, Sheriffs, 28. Further analysis is pointless, since the act is not authentic. ADDRESS: The sheriffs of Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire, and the king’s officials, as the two shires where the canons held land. WITNESS: Roger, bishop of Salisbury. PLACE: Woodstock, Oxon. 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 12

CONTEXT: This writ may have been forged to serve as precedent in soliciting a writ of Henry II, which renews the exemption for ‘the land and men of the canons of St George’ in almost identical terms (H2/2016, datable 1155 × 1158; BL MS Cotton Vitellius E. xv, fol. 167r; Ctl. Oseney, iv. 8–9, no. 6C). The problematic reference to the king’s own alms is there replaced with the more plausible words ‘sed teneant libere iuste et in pace’, suggesting that the renewal may be authentic. The matter remains in doubt, however, as Henry II’s writ, known only from a copy in the Osney cartulary, retains the problematic wording ‘communibus placitis’ and ‘latrocinio probato’. In treating Henry I’s act as authentic Salter had sought to justify mention of the king’s own alms by dating the act immediately after the death of Thomas de Saint-Jean before the succession to his fee was allowed. AUTHENTICITY: Handwriting and seal are conclusive evidence of forgery. The inclusion of ‘et dux Normannorum’ in the regnal style is an obvious flaw in the drafting found in all three acts for St George’s in King Henry’s name. The present act, {3} below, and 0000, Regesta 1726 for Osney (which also includes ‘et dux Normannorum’ in the regnal style) also share very similar wording in the Quare uolo clause, e.g. the anachronistic reference to common pleas. {3} and 0000, Regesta 1726, are the work of the same scribe after the middle of the twelfth century. The present act was renewed by Henry II before 1159, but {2} and {3} were not, so were possibly fabricated some years later (see note on {3}).

2† Purported writ protecting the canons’ right to land and wood and grazing in Arncott as they were used to have it and for the same payment

EXCHEQUER ENROLMENT: Cartae Antiquae Roll H, C52/8, no. 11 (‘Carta canonicorum de Oseneie’) (? s. xiii1/4)[B]. CARTULARY COPY: BL MS Cotton Vitellius E. xv (s. xii/xiii), fol. 167r (‘Item Regis Henrici primi de terra et bosco et consuetudinibus de Arnicota’) [C]. PRINTED: Salter, Ctl. Oseney, vi. 38–9 (no. 960A) [from C]; Landon, Cartae Antiquae Rolls 1–10, 120 (no. 243) [from B]. CALENDAR: Regesta 1469.

H(enricus) rex Angl(orum) et dux Norm(annorum) Rob(erto) de Borchest’ et Hemmingo presbitero et hominibus suis de Bruhull’ salutem. Precipio quod canonici mei de sancto Georgio teneant terram et boscum suum et patnagium de Hernicote et habeant herbagium et omnes consuetudines suas de bosco meo sicuti habere solebant per II solidos et duas summas aueni per annum. T(este) Gaufr(ido) de Clinton’. Apud Wodestoke. 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 13

Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans to Robert de Borchest’ and Hemming the priest and his men of Brill greeting. I command that my canons of St George shall hold their land and wood and pannage of Arncott and shall have herbage and all their customs from my wood as they were accustomed to have, by (service of) two shillings and two measures of oats each year. Witness Geoffrey de Clinton. At Woodstock.

DATE: The apparent date is after the king began to stay at Woodstock, around 1110; before the king’s last departure from , August 1133. Geoffrey de Clinton first attests towards the end of the first decade of Henry’s reign. Within that period Salter, building on his flawed dating of {1} above, argued again for a date after the king’s return to England in 1126. The editors of Regesta followed him, placing Regesta 1468– 70 together under ‘?1126’. See Context. ADDRESS: Robert de Borchest’ and Hemming the priest do not appear elsewhere in the Osney cartulary or in the king’s charters. Brill (Bucks) was a royal manor, but this does not appear to address the king’s reeve and bailiffs. If the document were authentic, one would suppose that they had been the subject of a complaint by the canons. WITNESS: Geoffrey de Clinton. PLACE: Woodstock, Oxon. CONTEXT: Arncott (Oxon) was assessed at two hides in 1086, when it was held by the founders of the college, Robert d’Oilly and Roger d’Ivry, as tenants of the abbot of Abingdon (DB, i. 156v; § 9. 10). Two hides there are confirmed to the canons in the forged charter in the name of Henry I ({3}) and in the Empress Matilda’s confirmation of the transfer of St George’s to Osney priory (EM/632). It is situated on the southern side of the Ray valley about three miles north-west from Brill (Bucks). The most curious feature of this writ is the phrase ‘canonici mei de sancto Georgio’, which must be taken in conjunction with a phrase in {1} above, ‘quia ipsi sunt de propria elemosina mea’. In that context Salter suggested that the college became the king’s alms when the fee of Thomas de Saint-Jean, successor to the co-founder Roger d’Ivry, reverted to the crown on his death. The explanation is speculative and takes no account of the probability of forgery. The date of Thomas de Saint-Jean’s death is uncertain: he was dead by 1129–30, when his brother John rendered account in Oxfordshire for Thomas’s land ‘in Anglia’ (PR 31 Henry I, 3). Another entry there suggests that John was only recently enfeoffed, because Hugh Tollemache had to repay to the sheriff seven marks which he had delivered to John de Saint-Jean without the king’s writ (ibid. 3). It is suggested in the headnote to Godstow abbey that John de Saint-Jean succeeded Thomas in 1128–9. Salter, however, supposed that a period intervened during which Thomas’s fee was administered on the king’s behalf. Thomas is last known to have been alive in 1123, when he was in Normandy and witnessed an act for Reading abbey alongside another Oxfordshire landholder Geoffrey de Clinton (0000, Regesta 1418). Salter, acting on his narrow but flawed date for {1}, guessed that Thomas died in 1126, narrowing the apparent date for this act to 1126 × 1130. AUTHENTICITY: The inclusion of ‘et dux Normannorum’ in the regnal style is a feature shared with a forgery made at Osney around the middle of the twelfth century ({1}) and two forgeries in the hand of an Osney scribe after the middle of the century ({3} and 0000, Regesta 1726 for Osney abbey). These forgeries, and another of mid-twelfth- 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 14

century date from Breamore priory (000, Regesta 1810), are the only extant supposed originals with this regnal style place-dated in England.

3† Purported charter confirming to the canons of St George all the lands and tithes given to them by Robert d’Oilly and his successors

ORIGINAL: Bodl. d.d. Christ Church, Osney Ch. 870A, boxed in d. d. Christ Church c. 7 (Bishop 597), 230–40 mm wide × 115 mm, plica 15 mm, with three slits for seal tag, 2 × 115 mm long, 17–20 mm wide, retains folds for sealing, but no trace of seal [A]. Bishop compared the hand with that of Bishop 599, Osney Ch. 877 (000, Regesta 1726 for Osney; Salter, Oxford Charters, no. 64); despite the difference in appearance resulting from the less formal layout of this act, the hand is certainly the same. Dr Webber dates the writing after the middle of the century. ENDORSEMENTS: ‘Reg(is) H(enrici) primi de sancto Georgio [[* * *]]’; ‘.a. jo. ija.’; ‘.xxix.’ on rear of seal tag, between slits in plica. FACSIMILE: Salter, Oxford Charters, no. 58. CHANCERY ENROLMENT: Charter Roll 51 Henry III, C53/56, mem. 9, inspeximus dated 26 January 1267, with the comment, ‘Et quia cartam illam tamquam uetustate attritam minus durabilem inuenimus, nolentes quod dilectis nobis in Cristo abbati et canonicis de Osen(eia) ibidem deo et beate Marie seruientibus aut imperpetuum seruituris occasione defectus eiusdem carte iactura aut dampnum eueniat in futurum, eam sub sigillo nostro duximus exemplandam’ (CalCh, ii. 69–70) [B]. CHANCERY ENGROSSMENTS: Bodl. Osney Ch. 871, boxed in d. d. Christ Church c. 20, inspeximus of 51 Henry III, dated 20 January 1267, with the comment ‘Et quia . . .’ as above, great seal in a medieval pouch. Another contemporary engrossment for Osney, dated 23 January 1267, now Bodl. Osney Ch. 901A, was written by the same scribe. LOCAL EXEMPLIFICATION: Bodl. Osney Ch. 1092 (‘Littera maioris balliuorum et communitatis Oxonie quod sumus quieti de tolneto’), Ch. 1092a (‘hec duplex’), boxed in d. d. Christ Church c. 24, inspeximus by the mayor, bailiffs, and community of Oxford, dated 24 September 1291, with the seal of the city, exemplifying the inspeximus of 51 Henry III [omits entire list of properties]. CARTULARY COPIES: Oxford, Christ Church, Osney Cartulary (s. xiii2), fol. 10r (‘Confirmacio regis Henrici filii regis Willelmi Bastard facta canonicis sancti Georgii’) [C, omits list of properties after § 1]; (among additions, s. xiiiex) fol. 358r [damaged, from local exemplification]; Exchequer, King’s Remembrancer, Miscellaneous Books, E164/26, a ME translation of the first sections of the Osney cartulary, made c. 1460, fol. 1v (‘A confirmacion of Kyng Henry þe sone of Kyng William Bastarde i-maade to þe chanons of Seynte George’). ANTIQUARY TRANSCRIPT: Anthony Wood’s Survey of the Antiquities of the City of Oxford, Bodl. MS Wood F. 29a (AD 1661–6), fol. 208v [franchise clause only, from C]. PRINTED: A. Clark, Survey of the Antiquities of the City of Oxford, composed in 1661–6, by Anthony Wood, OHS (1889–90), ii. 187 [Wood’s excerpt from C]; CalCh, ii. 69–70 [from B]; A. Clark, The English Register of Oseney Abbey, by Oxford, Early English Texts Society 133, 144 (1907–13), 8–9 (no. 7) [from ME cartulary]; Salter, Oxford 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 15

Charters, no. 58 [from A]; Salter, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 6 (no. 6) [from C], 7–8 (no. 6a) [from inspeximus of 51 Henry III], vi. 122–3 (no. 1035) [from local exemplification]. CALENDAR: Farrer 603; Regesta 1468.

H(enricus) rex Angl(orum) et dux Norm(annorum) archiepiscopis episcopis abbatibus comitibus baronibus iustic(iis)a uic(ecomitibus)b ministris et omnibus fidelibus suis francis et angl(is)c salutem. Sciatis me concessisse et confirmasse in perpetuam elemosinam deo et ecclesie sancti Georgii quam Rob(ertus) de Oilleio fundauit in castello Oxenef(ordie) et canonicis eiusdem ecclesie omnes res et possessiones quas idem Rob(ertus) et successores eius eidem ecclesie contulerunt, scilicet [1] ecclesiam sancte Marie Magd(alene) que sita est in uico extra portam de nort, et [2] tres hidas terre de Waltona cum dec(ima) eiusdem terre, et [3] terram de Cudeslawe, et [4] terram de Couele cum ecclesia, et [5] terram de Stowa cum ecclesia, et [6] duas hidas de Mortona, et [7] terram de Wrtona, et [8] unam hidam de Santford, et [9] duas hidas de Ernicote, et [10] unam uirgatam terre in Hokenart’, et [11] duas partes decimarum de omni re que decimari solet de dominio horum maneriorum, Hokenart’, [12] Kedelint’, [13] Bernecestre, [14] Harewella et in eadem uilla unam mansuram, [15] Watlint’, [16] Ardint’, [17] Beterint’, [18] Ledecu(m)ba, [19] Burtona, [20] Tenessa, [21] Periet, [22] Tiwa, [23] Wika, [24] Erduluesle, [25] Haiford, [26] Ha(m)tona Gaitorum, [27] Fulewella, [28] Tropa, [29] Bereford, [30] Sireburne de utraque curia, [31] Teteb(er)ia, [32] Cherint’, [33] Heseldene, [34] Ha(m)tona, [35] Wichthulla, [36] Torentona, [37] Chen[[ic]]ota, [38] Nortona, [39] Horspade, [40] He(n)sint’, [41] Ludewelle, [42] Roduluesha(m) de utraque curia, [43] Blechesdune, [44] Westona, [45] Buckehulla, [46] Stratford, [47] Westb(er)ia, [48] Teneb(er)ge, [49] Westona, [50] Wigent’, [51] Suereford, [52] Garinges, [53] Estcote de feodo quod pertinet ad castellum Oxenef(ordie), [54] Leges, [55] Scaldest’, [56] Elsefeld, [57] Herdewic, [58] Tiresmere, [59] Cranford, [60] Tanford, [61] 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 16

Treton’, [62] Turkesd’, [63] Risend’, [64] Mixeb(er)ia, [65] Wilauestona, [66] Eura, [67] Radecliua, [68] Scenestan, [69] Be(n)tona, [70] Haurege, [71] Colest[[ona,]] [72] [[Me]]ssewrda, [73] Clopha(m), [74] Dukelind’, [75] in B(er)tona dec(imam) unius hide et dimidie, [76] in Wlgaricota totam dec(imam) de dominio, [77] in Bekele duas partes dec(ime) de tota [[uilla]], [78] in Kersint’ dec(imam) unius hide, [79] in Baldend’ dec(imam) de tribus hidis, [80] in Elfledestona de tribus hidis et de molendino, [81] in Aclee dec(imam) de tota uilla. Quare uolo et firmiter precipio quod prefata ecclesia et canonici habeant et teneant bene et in pace libere et honorifice et integre, et ut omnia tenementa eiusdemd ecclesie et homines canonicorum sint quieti de sciris et hundr(edis) et wardis et danegeld(is) et communibus placitis et de sac et soc et tol et tem et infangenetheof et de omnibus aliis querelis et exactionibus excepto murdro et latrocinio probato. eT(estibus) G(aufrido) cancell(ario) et R(oberto) de Sigillo et G(aufrido) de Glint(ona) et Henr(ico) de Pom(er)eda. Apud Wodest’.e a iusticiariis C b uicec’ C c anglicis BC d ampersand before eiusdem not deleted but overwritten A e–e Hiis testibus &c. C

[as translated in English Register of Oseney Abbey] Henry Kyng of Inglonde And Duke of Normandye to Archiebisshops bysshops Abbotes Erles Barons Justic(es) shrevys mynsters and to all his trew men frenshe and Englishe helth. Know ȝe me to haue igraunted and confermed euer into perpetuall almys to god and to the church of saynte George þe which Robert Doylly foundid in the castell of Oxonforde and to the chanons of the same church all þynges and possessions the which the sayde Robert and his successours to þe same church ȝafe: that is to say, the church of seynte Marye Maudelyne the which is isette in the strete withowt the Northȝate and [parcels omitted by cartulary copy]. Wherefore I wylle and surely commaunde þat þe forsayde church and chanons haue and holde well and in peece frely and worschipfully and hoolely and that all þe tenementes of the same church and men of þe chanouns be quyte of schyres and hundredys and wardys and danegeldys and all pleys and of sake and soc tol and teme and infangenethefe and of all other quarels or playntes and exaccions, owtake murthur and theft ipreued. These witnesses &c.

Henry king of the English and duke of the Normans to the archbishops, , abbots, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, officials, and all his sworn men French and English greeting. Know that I have granted and confirmed in perpetual alms to God and the church of St George which Robert d’Oilly founded in the castle of Oxford and to the canons of the same church all the property and possessions which the same Robert and 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 17

his successors conferred on the same church, namely [1] the church of St Mary Magdalen which is situated in the street outside the north gate, and [2] three hides of land at Walton with the tithe of the same land, and [3] the land of Cutteslowe, and [4] the land of Cowley with the church, and [5] the land of Stowe with the church, and [6] two hides of (Maids) Moreton, and [7] the land of Worton, and [8] one hide of Sandford, and [9] two hides of Arncott, and [10] one virgate of land in Hook Norton and [11] two thirds of the tithe of everything that customarily pays tithe in the demesne of the following manors, Hook Norton, [12] Kidlington, [13] Bicester, [14] Harwell and one dwelling in the same vill, [15] Watlington, [16] Ardington, [17] Betterton, [18] Letcombe (Bassett), [19] (Black) Bourton, [20] Tenessa, [21] , and [22] (Duns) Tew, [23] Wicken, [24] Ardley, [25] Heyford (Warren), [26] , [27] Fulwell, [28] Thrupp, [29] Barford (St Michael), [30] Shirburn from each of the two courts, [31] Tetbury, [32] Cherington, [33] Hazleton, [34] Hampnet, [35] Wighthill, [36] Thornton, [37] , [38] (Brize) Norton, [39] , [40] Hensington, [41] Ludwell, [42] from each of the two courts, [43] , [44] Weston (on the Green), [45] Bucknell, [46] (Water) Stratford, [47] Westbury, [48] Thornborough, [49] (South) Weston, [50] Wigginton, [51] , [52] Goring, [53] Ascott (d’Oilly) of the fee that pertains to Oxford castle, [54] (North) Leigh, [55] Shalstone, [56] , [57] Hardwick, [58] Tusmore, [59] Cranford, [60] Thenford, [61] Drayton, [62] Turkdean, [63] (Little) Rissington, [64] , [65] Willaston, [66] Iver, [67] Radclive, [68] Shenston, [69] Bampton, [70] Hawridge, [71] Colston (Bassett), [72] Marsworth, [73] Clapham, [74] , [75] in Barton (Ede) the tithe of one hide and a half, [76] in the whole tithe of the demesne, [77] in Beckley two thirds of the tithes of the vill, [78] in Cassington the tithe of one hide, [79] in (Toot) Baldon the tithe of three hides, [80] in Elvendon of three hides and the mill, [81] in Oakley the tithe of the whole vill. Wherefore I will and firmly command that the foresaid church and canons shall have and shall hold well and in peace, freely and honourably and wholly, and that all the holdings of the same church and the canons’ men shall be quit of shires and hundreds and wards and danegelds and common pleas and of sake and soke and toll and team and infangthief and of all other plaints and exactions except murder and proven larceny. Witness G(eoffrey) the chancellor and R(obert) de Sigillo and G(eoffrey) de Clinton and Henry de Pomeroy. At Woodstock.

DATE: The apparent date from the witness list is while Geoffrey was chancellor, from early in 1123 to May 1133. Salter’s note on the facsimile dated it ‘about 1127’ as being near in date to {1}. ADDRESS: General address in its later form, with barones preceding justices and sheriffs. WITNESS: Geoffrey Rufus, as chancellor; Robert de Sigillo; Geoffrey de Clinton; Henry de Pomeroy. PLACE: Woodstock, Oxon. CONTEXT: The parcels clauses fall into three parts, §§ 1–10 dealing with land and churches, §§ 11–74 a list of manors belonging to the patrons from which the lord’s two thirds of the tithes were conveyed to the canons, and §§ 75–81 further tithes more narrowly defined. The first nine clauses can be compared with the charter of the Empress Matilda, confirming the gift of St George’s to the priory in her presence by Henry d’Oilly and John de Saint-Jean, EM/632; after Arncott (§ 9), other possessions, including tithes, are summed up as ‘all other things pertaining’. In the more obscure 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 18

clauses, some help with identification can be had from the inflated parcels in a later forgery in the name of Robert II d’Oilly (Ctl. Oseney, iv. 24–7, no. 17), which in some cases adds qualifiers. The major difficulty with interpreting the information is that one cannot necessarily know how much of each manor was held in demesne. [1] The church of St Mary Magdalen outside the north gate of Oxford was the subject of some dispute. According to this confirmation it was given to St George’s by the founder. The church was then annexed by Bishop Roger, and from him it was deraigned for the canons of St Frideswide by Prior Wimund, as we learn from an act of Bishop Roger (Ctl. Oseney, ii. 233–4, nos. 793–4; abstracts in Kemp, EEA 18 Salisbury 1078– 1217, 9–10, nos. 10–11). In 1141 it was included by Innocent II in a papal privilege for the canons of St Frideswide’s. It was recovered by the canons of St George’s in 1147, when Robert de Bethune, bishop of Hereford, was appointed to judge the case by Pope Eugenius III, and Walter, the archdeacon of Oxford and canon of St George’s put the case against St Frideswide’s (Annales monastici, iv. 25). It then passed with the other possessions of St George’s to the canons of Osney. [2] Walton, just north of Oxford, was held as four hides by Roger d’Ivry in 1086 (DB, i. 159a; Oxon § 29. 22). Before 1133 this was part of the prebend of Walter the archdeacon, whose rustici gave their tithes to St Giles’s church in Oxford (see headnote to Aelwin fitz Godegos), opening a long-running tithe dispute (Amt, Ctl. Godstow, 204–6, nos. 413–16). [3] Cutteslowe (Oxon), held as three hides by Roger d’Ivry (§ 29. 17), whose tenant in 1086 was named Alfred clericus. In 1139 this was part of the prebend of Walter the archdeacon, who gave his demesne tithes to the nuns of Godstow (Amt, Ctl. Godstow, 206, no. 415). [4] Cowley, east of Oxford, held as three hides by Roger d’Ivry of Count Eustace (§ 19. 1). [5] Stowe (Bucks), held as five hides by Robert d’Oilly and Roger d’Ivry of Bishop Odo (DB, i. 144d; Bucks § 4. 31), with one plough in demesne. [6] These two hides in Maids Moreton (Bucks) belonged to the manor of Stowe, held by Robert and Roger (VCH Bucks, iv. 198–205). In 1086 there were three other manors in Maids Moreton not connected with Robert and Roger (§§ 14. 28, 29; 57. 3). [7] Worton is identified by Salter, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 112, as a small manor in Cassington (see § 78 below). [8] In Sandford-on-Thames Robert d’Oilly and Roger d’Ivry held one hide as tenants of the abbot of Abingdon (Oxon § 9. 4). [9] In Arncott Robert d’Oilly and Roger d’Ivry held two hides as tenants of the abbot of Abingdon (Oxon § 9. 10). [10] Hook Norton (Oxon) was held by Robert d’Oilly as three manors comprising thirty hides in total, with five hides in demesne (§ 28. 6). One virgate represents a very small share. [11–81] The demesne tithes of seventy-one vills, beginning with Robert’s manors in Hook Norton. In Hook Norton, Kidlington, and Bicester Robert had only five, three, and three hides in demesne in 1086, but the tenants were not named. [12] Kidlington, held as five hides by Robert d’Oilly with three hides in demesne (§ 28. 4). Note by Salter, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 114. [13] Bicester, two manors held as fifteen and a half hides by Robert d’Oilly, with three hides in demesne (§ 28. 3). [14] Harwell (Berks), two manors held as five and half hides by Roger d’Ivry (Berks §§ 44. 3–4). [15] Watlington (Oxon), held in demesne as eight hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 1). [16–17] Ardington (Berks), two manors held as six and a half hides by Robert d’Oilly (Berks §§ 43. 4–5). The second manor is no doubt Betterton (Oxon), one mile south of Ardington but not named in Domesday Book. [18] Letcombe Bassett (Berks), held as seven hides by Robert d’Oilly (Berks § 43. 2). As the modern name shows, the manor and its church passed into the Basset fee along with several others named in this document (see § 72). [19] In (Oxon) Roger d’Ivry held three hides from the former fee of Earl 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 19

William (Oxon § 59. 12). [20] Tenessa, identified as ‘Ash’ by Salter (Ctl. Oseney, vi. 396), apparently because the names bear some ressemblance to each other, and because Assha appears in the forged deeds in the names of Robert I and II d’Oilly but not in the present act. Tenesshe or Tenesse also appears in the forged deeds, but the duplication is explained as the result of these being careless compilations of other documents (Clark, The English Register of Oseney Abbey, 24). The identification cannot be regarded as certain. Assha is Domesday Lesa in Ixhill hundred, Bucks, held in 1086 by Picot of Roger d’Ivry for two hides (DB, i. 151d; § 41. 1). The place appears later as Esses and Esshe, and has been identified as Nashway farm, in Brill. Like Cassington, it became part of the honour of Saint-Valery (VCH Bucks, i. 268; PN Bucks, 119; cf. VCH Oxon, v. 63, where Ash is misidentified as Studley). [21] Waterperry (Oxon), held as ten hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 22), whose tenant in 1086 was named Robert with three ploughs in demesne. The spelling Periet is peculiar. Woodperry, six miles away, was held as four hides by Roger d’Ivry as tenant of Bishop Odo (§ 7. 18). In the late forged deed of Robert II d’Oilly the two Perrys appear as ‘Wodepyria et Pyria’ (Ctl. Oseney, iv. 26). [22] Duns Tew (Oxon), held as seven hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 29), whose tenant in 1086 was named Everwin with three ploughs in demesne. [23] Wicken (Northants), held as one hide and one virgate by Robert d’Oilly (Northants § 28. 1), and managed with Radclive (Bucks), to judge from Salter, Ctl. Oseney, v. 240, 319). [24] Ardley (Oxon), held as five hides by Robert (d’Oilly) as tenant of Earl Hugh of Chester (§ 15. 5). See also (§ 49 below). , eight hides, was also held by Robert, presumably the same Robert, as tenant of the earl (§ 15. 3), but it is not named in relation to St George’s and its tithes were not paid to Osney apart from the portion from Whitehill (§ 35 below). [25] Heyford Warren, now called Upper Heyford (Oxon), held as ten hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 12), where the tenant was named Roger and there were three ploughs in demesne. [26] Hampton Gay (Oxon), held in demesne as three hides by Roger d’Ivry (§ 29. 13, misidentified in Phillimore as Brookhampton). Note by Salter, Ctl. Oseney, vi. 39. [27] Fulwell (Oxon), held as three and a half hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 14), whose tenant in 1086 was named Gilbert with one plough in demesne. [28–29] Thrupp (Oxon), held as three hides by Roger d’Ivry (§ 29. 16), whose tenant in 1086 was Wadard’s son (usually identifed as Wakelin fitz Wadard). In Barford St Michael (Oxon) Roger d’Ivry held five hides of the abbot of Abingdon, and Roger’s subtenant was Wadard’s son, who also held Thrupp from Roger. Note by Salter, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 297. Barford St John, however, was held as two and a half hides by Robert d’Oilly of Bishop Odo (§ 7. 49). [30] Shirburn (Oxon) was held as two manors (hence utraque curia), each of ten hides, one by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 9), the other by Roger d’Ivry (§ 29. 6). Robert’s tenant was named Drogo, Roger’s Ralph; in each case two ploughs were held in demesne. [31] Tetbury (Gloucs), held as ten hides by Roger d’Ivry (Gloucs § 41. 2), with eight ploughs in demesne. [32] Cherington (Gloucs), always linked with Hazleton and Hampnett (Gloucs); in 1086, Cherington was held as two hides by Miles Crispin with Geoffrey as his tenant (Gloucs § 64. 1). Miles was by this date probably married to Matilda, Robert d’Oilly’s daughter. VCH Gloucs, xi. 168, supposing that the endowment of St George’s dated from 1074, proposed that Robert had already given his share of the tithes to St George’s before the manor passed to Miles. [33] Hazleton, near Rodmarton (Gloucs), held in demesne as three hides and three virgates by Roger d’Ivry with three ploughs in demesne (Gloucs § 41. 5). [34] Hampnet (Gloucs), held in demesne as ten hides by Roger d’Ivry with three ploughs in demesne (Gloucs § 41. 1). [35] In Whitehill (Oxon), near Tackley, 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 20

Roger d’Ivry held one and a half hides in chief (§ 29. 15), whose tenant in 1086 was named Godfrey, and three virgates as tenant of Bishop Odo (§ 7. 25). [36] Thornton (Bucks), held as eight hides by Roger d’Ivry (Bucks § 41. 6), whose tenant in 1086 was named Godfrey with one plough in demesne. [37] Kencot (Oxon), held as four hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 26), whose tenant in 1086 was Roger with five ploughs in demesne. [38] Most of (Oxon) was held as fourteen and a half hides by Roger d’Ivry (§ 29. 4), whose tenant in 1086 was named Fulk. [39] Horspath (Oxon), held as five and a half hides by Roger d’Ivry (§ 29. 12), whose tenant in 1086 was named Gilbert with two and a half ploughs in demesne. [40] In Hensington (Oxon) Roger d’Ivry held two and a half hides in chief (§ 29. 14), whose tenant in 1086 was named William with two ploughs in demesne, and Robert d’Oilly had five virgates from the former fee of Earl William (§ 59. 9). Note by Salter, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 146. [41] In Ludwell (Oxon) Robert d’Oilly had one and a half hides (§ 28. 24), given to him by King William ‘apud obsidionem S. Susannae’ (1083, Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv. 653). His tenant in 1086 was named Rainald. Note by Salter, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 203. [42] Rousham (Oxon) was held as two manors (hence utraque curia), Robert’s stated as three hides and one virgate less three acres (§ 28. 23), Roger’s as three hides and a half virgate and three acres (§ 29. 19). Robert’s tenant was named Rainald with three ploughs in demesne, Roger’s was named William with three ploughs in demesne. [43] In Bletchingdon (Oxon) Robert d’Oilly held eight hides (§ 28. 19), whose tenant in 1086 was named Gilbert with two ploughs in demesne. [44] Weston-on-the-Green (Oxon), held as ten hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 18), whose tenant in 1086 was named Gilbert with four ploughs in demesne. [45] Bucknell (Oxon), held as seven hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 13), whose tenant in 1086 was named Gilbert with two ploughs in demesne. [46] Water Stratford (Bucks), held as eight hides by Robert d’Oilly (Bucks § 19. 7), whose tenant in 1086 was named Thurstan with three ploughs in demesne. [47] Westbury (Bucks), where Roger had two and a half hides in chief (Bucks § 41. 2), whose tenant in 1086 was named Pain, and two and a half hides from Bishop Odo with two ploughs in demesne (Bucks § 4. 29), lies between Mixbury and Shalstone, §§ 55, 64 below. [48] Thornborough (Bucks), where Berner held fourteen hides of Mainou the Breton in 1086 (DB, i. 152a; § 43. 7). For the d’Oilly manor in Thornborough, later known as Bartons, see VCH Bucks, iv. 240, which postulates an accidental omission from Domesday Book. In 1242–3 Roger de Amery held half a knight’s fee in Thornborough of the earl of Warwick, and it was said that ‘the other part’ was in the fee of William fitz Hamo (Fees, 871). William was probably a descendant of Mainou (VCH Bucks, iv. 238). Osney abbey held ‘in Thornborough, by gift of the d’Oillys and confirmation of the bishop and chapter of Lincoln, two parts of the tithes of the demesne of Roger de Amery belonging to the church of St George’ (Ctl. Oseney, v. 261). The earls of Warwick had by then succeeded to the Oilly fee (Sanders, English Baronies, 54). [49] South Weston (Oxon) was held as nine hides by Robert d’Oilly as tenant of Earl Hugh (§ 15. 1). [50] Wigginton (Oxon), held as ten hides by Guy d’Oilly in 1086 (§ 44. 1). See below, § 53. [51] Swerford (Oxon), held as five hides by Robert d’Oilly from the former fee of Earl William (§ 59. 20). [52] Goring (Oxon), held as twenty hides by Robert d’Oilly, with three ploughs in demesne (§ 28. 2). [53] In the late forged deed in the name of Robert II d’Oilly there is ‘Estkote iuxta Holecumbam de feodo quod pertinet ad castellum Oxenef(ordie)’ alongside ‘Estkote Doyliuorum’, that is Ascott d’Oyley (§ 28. 25), one of two manors in Ascott under (Oxon), the other being (§ 7. 61); Ascott d’Oyley was 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 21

held as six hides by Robert d’Oilly, whose tenant in 1086 was Roger with three ploughs in demesne. Ascott that pertains to Oxford castle is obscure. Clark proposed to identify it with Ascott in (Oxon), many miles away, where six hides were held by Guy d’Oilly as tenant of Robert Bloet, bishop of Lincoln, and passed to his brother Nigel d’Oilly for his lifetime (000, Regesta 466 for Lincoln, 1093 × 1099); there is no connexion between the bishop’s estate and Oxford castle. [54] (Oxon), held as ten hides by Roger d’Ivry (§ 29. 10), whose tenant in 1086 was named Godfrey with two ploughs in demesne. [55] In Shalstone (Bucks) Robert d’Oilly held five hides (Bucks § 19. 6), whose tenant in 1086 was named Robert. [56] Elsfield (Oxon), held as five hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 15), whose tenant in 1086 was named Thurstan with three ploughs in demesne. [57–58] Hardwick (Oxon), held as seven and a half hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 16), whose tenant in 1086 was named Drogo with one plough in demesne. Tusmore (Oxon) appears in Domesday Book only as three virgates in the fee of Walter Giffard (§ 20. 10). Salter, Ctl. Oseney, v. 431, followed by VCH Oxon, vi. 333–8, associates the holding with Hardwick. [59] In Cranford (Northants) Robert held three hides from the abbot of Peterborough (§ 6a. 31) and a further virgate of Bishop Geoffrey of Coutances (§ 4. 18). The canons would lose their due tithes (Ctl. Oseney, v. 384). [60] In Thenford (Northants) Robert d’Oilly held one hide (Northants § 28. 2), and his tenant was Roger. [61] Drayton (Oxon), held as ten hides by Robert d’Oilly, with three ploughs in demesne (§ 28. 7), referred to as Tretone in the cartulary, is identified with Bruerne by Salter, Ctl. Oseney, iv. 529, citing PR 19 Henry II, 77. Like Letcombe Basset the manor was in the hands of Ralf Basset before 1127 (see § 72). [62] Upper Turkdean (Gloucs), held in demesne as five hides and 2½ virgates by Robert d’Oilly with four ploughs in demesne (Gloucs § 48. 2). [63] Little Rissington (Gloucs), held in demesne as ten hides by Robert d’Oilly with four ploughs in demesne (Gloucs § 48. 1). Like Letcombe Basset (§ 18) and Drayton (§ 60), these manors and their churches passed into the hands of Ralph Basset (see § 72), whose son, Ralph Basset, clerk, gave them to the canons of Osney (Salter, Ctl. Oseney, vi. 129). [64–65] Mixbury (Oxon), held in demesne as seventeen hides by Roger d’Ivry (§ 29. 1), was his lead manor in the county, and the remains of motte-and-bailey Beaumont Castle lie north of the church. There was only one plough in demesne in 1086 with six ploughs worked by eighteen uillani, a possible case of underexploitation. The now deserted village of Willaston, four miles to the south, near Fringford, was a manor in the parish of Mixbury until 1888 (VCH Oxon, vi. 251). Both manors passed to Ralph Basset (see § 72); on his death his son Nicholas, succeeding to his estate, surrendered these two properties to Henry I, who gave them to Ralph’s son, Richard Basset (0000, Regesta 1668). [66] Iver (Bucks), held as seventeen hides by Robert d’Oilly (Bucks § 19. 1). There were only two ploughs in demesne in 1086 with twenty-six ploughs worked by thirty-two uillani. [67] Radclive (Bucks), held as five hides by Roger d’Ivry (Bucks § 41. 4), whose tenant in 1086 was named Fulk. [68] Shenstone (Staffs) was held as three hides by Robert d’Oilly as tenant of Earl Roger de Montgomery (Staffs § 19. 3). Note by Salter, Ctl. Oseney, v. 60. [69] Bampton (Oxon), held as four hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 21), whose tenant in 1086 was Roger with two ploughs in demesne. [70– 73] These places are part of a group of manors, whose churches were given by Ralph Basset, Henry I’s justice, to his son, also Ralph Basset, clerk, as confirmed in general terms by Archbishop William; the canons of Osney claimed that they were given to them by Ralph Basset, clerk, as confirmed by name by Archbishop Theobald (Ctl. Oseney, vi. 130–31, nos. 1046–7), namely Hawridge, Marsworth, Oakley with 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 22

Clapham, Mixbury with Willaston, Drayton, , Pellinges (identified as Little Peatling, Leics; Stenton, English Feudalism, 84n, and Salter, Ctl. Oseney, vi. 129, given by Richard Basset to Launde priory), Turkdean, and Rissington. [70] Hawridge (Bucks) does not appear in Domesday Book; it is associated with Marsworth (§ 72). [71] Colston Bassett (Notts) does not appear in the Domesday Survey apart from a soke and a berewick, both held by Osbern fitz Richard, whose tenant at Granby was Robert d’Oilly, who had nothing in chief in that shire. At some point the manor came into the hands of Ralph Basset. [72] Marsworth (Bucks), held as twenty hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 19. 4), whose tenant in 1086 was Ralph Basset. It is likely that Robert’s tenant Ralph at nearby Cheddington was also Ralph Basset (Bucks § 19. 5). The churches of Hawridge (Bucks) and Marsworth (Bucks) were supposed to come to Osney priory by gift of Ralph Basset, clerk, when he joined the community (Ctl. Oseney, vi. 131, no. 1047a; EEA 1 Lincoln 1067–1185, 131, no. 210); Hawridge was contested (Ctl. Oseney, vi. 157–8; EEA 15 London 1076–1187, 53–4 (no. 71), Marsworth was never acquired, though the canons continued to received a share of tithes under the founders’ endowment. [73] Clapham (Beds) was held by Miles Crispin in 1086 and claimed by the abbot of Ramsey (Beds § 19. 1), but under the dependent vill of Milton Ernest the survey says that Robert d’Oilly planted two sokeman ‘injuste ut homines de hund(redo) dicunt’ (Beds § 19. 2). The canons received their two thirds of the tithe of the demesne (Ctl. Oseney, v. 371). [74] Ducklington (Oxon), held as four hides by Robert d’Oilly (§ 28. 20), whose tenant in 1086 was Roger with three ploughs in demesne. [75] Barton Ede (Oxon) was held by Wadard as a tenant of Bishop Odo in 1086 (§ 7. 46). It may have passed, like Cassington (§ 78 below), through the hands of Robert and Roger after 1088 (VCH Oxon, xi. 63). [76] Wolvercote (Oxon), held as five hides by Roger d’Ivry (§ 29. 23), whose tenant in 1086 was named Godfrey with one plough in demesne. [77] Beckley, held in demesne as six hides by Roger d’Ivry, with two ploughs in demesne (§ 29. 2). [78] Cassington (Oxon) had been part of Bishop Odo’s fee in 1086; one of two components, a manor of two and a half hides held by Wadard, passed eventually to the honour of Saint-Valery and meanwhile had no doubt been held by Roger d’Ivry (Oxon §§ 7. 32, 37; VCH Oxon, xii. 40–44). [79] In (Oxon) Robert d’Oilly and Roger each held one and a half hides as tenants of Bishop Odo (§ 7. 19, 28), together less than half the vill. [80] Perhaps Elvendon (Oxon), a part of the Domesday manor of Goring (PN Oxon, 52), § 52 above. [81] Oakley (Bucks), eight hides held as five hides and three virgates by Robert d’Oilly (Bucks § 19. 3), whose tenant in 1086 was Robert fitz Walter. Long after the tithes from Oakley were given to St George’s, the denuded church and its chapels were given to St Frideswide’s priory by King Henry’s son Robert (Ctl. St Frideswide, ii. 116, no. 816) and the Empress Matilda (EM/648; H2/2013). None the less Oakley and Clapham (§ 73 above) appear among the churches claimed by Osney abbey as the gift of the younger Ralph Basset. AUTHENTICITY: The identification of the scribe, the style of sealing, and the form of the general address all point to forgery. The wording of the disposition is unusual in a royal act, and the detailed list of properties could only have been drawn up by the beneficiary. The witnesses, as often in forgeries, are acceptable as a group and offer a plausible date. The act was treated as authentic by Salter, who was well aware of the quantity of forgery among the documents relating to the first foundation and endowment of St George’s. The franchises here appear to have picked up and augmented the formulation of {1} above, which served as the precedent for Henry II’s renewal (H2/2016). As shown in the table below, the draftsman of the present act has 27 JULY 2018 OXFORD, ST GEORGE’S 23

retained the same augmented wording in 000, Regesta 1726 for Osney, but here he has ignorantly moved the judicial privileges of sake and soke, toll and team, and infangthief from franchises to be enjoyed into liabilities from which one is exempt. The inclusion of wards and common pleas alongside shires and hundreds is most peculiar. Although MLD quotes these documents, s. v. placitum 4b, as if they were authentic, it shows no authentic example of communia placita before the thirteenth century. The phrase ‘communibus placitis’ is found in Anglo Norman royal acts only in these three forgeries, and the apparently authentic act of Henry II, H2/2016, renewing 000, Regesta 1470. It may be wondered what the draftsman understood himself to claim.

{1}, 000, Regesta 1470 {3}, 000, Regesta 1468 000 for Osney, Regesta 1726 quod prefata ecclesia et quatinus prefata ecclesia et canonici habeant et teneant canonici teneant bene et in bene et in pace libere et pace et honorifice cum sac et honorifice et integre, et ut soc et tol et them et quod tota terra et homines omnia tenementa eiusdem infangenetheof et ut ipsi et canonicorum sancti Georgii ecclesie et homines omnia tenementa et homines de Oxenef’ sint quieti et in canonicorum sint quieti de sui sint quieti de sciris et pace de sciris et hundredis et sciris et hundredis et wardis et hundredis et wardis et de wardis et communibus danegeldis et communibus danegeldis et communibus placitis et omnibus aliis rebus placitis et de sac et soc et tol placitis et omnibus aliis excepto murdro et latrocinio et tem et infangenetheof et de exactionibus et querelis probato omnibus aliis querelis et excepto murdro et latrocinio exactionibus excepto murdro probato et latrocinio probato

While ‘excepto murdro et latrocinio’ is found in authentic acts of Henry I, ‘excepto murdro et latrocinio probato’ is found only in these three acts in his name; a similar phrase, ‘excepto solummodo murdro et probato latrocinio’ appears in the purported charter confirming the gifts of Geoffrey de Mandeville to Hurley priory (000, Regesta 1174), fabricated in the mid-twelfth century. It appears in one authentic act of King Stephen (Ste/445 for Lewes priory, 1135 × 1139) and its renewal by Henry II (H2/1489), in the doubtful renewal of {2} for St George’s (H2/2016), and in two other doubtful acts of Henry II (H2/203 for Belvoir, H2/1976 for Notley).