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The Dilemma of School Integration in the North: Gary, Indiana, 1945-1960

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The Dilemma of School Integration in the North: Gary, Indiana, 1945-1960 The Dilemma of School Integration in the North: Gary, Indiana, 1945-1960 Ronald D. Cohen* On August 27, 1946, the Gary, Indiana, school board adopted a perhaps unprecedented policy: that children shall not be dis- criminated against “in the school district in which they live, or within the schools which they attend, because of race, color or religion.” Integration leader Reuben Olsen was particularly ec- static. “Last night the Board of Education, in solemn session, enacted the non-discrimination policy long fought over, and much feared,” he reported to the NationaI Urban League. “History was written last night.” The future for civil rights looked bright in- deed. Sixteen years later, however, in a law suit filed against the Gary school board, the plaintiffs charged that the city’s schools, now over 50 percent black, were rigidly and systemati- cally segregated. Whether by intent or accident, by 1961, 90 per- cent of the schools were segregated. What had happened to dash the high hopes of Reuben Olsen and his civil rights colleagues? Why were their dreams blighted?’ Public school integration has been one of the cornerstones of the civil rights movement in the United States since World War 11. The 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision marked * Ronald D. Cohen is professor of history at Indiana University Northwest, Gary, Indiana. An initial draft of this paper was presented at the annual meet- ing of the Organization of American Historians, Cincinnati, April, 1983. The author is indebted to William Reese, Edward McClellan, and Michael Home1 for their astute comments. I Gary Post-Tribune, August 28, 1946; Reuben Olsen to Manet Fowler, Au- gust 29, 1946, Container 24, Gary, Indiana, Research File VI, C (National Urban League Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.); cited hereafter as NUL Papers; Max Wolff, “Segregation in the Schools of Gary, Indiana,” Journal of Educational Sociology, XXXVI (February, 1963), 251-61. On the lawsuit Bell v. School City of Gary (19621, see John Kaplan, “Segregation Litigation and the SchoolsPart 111: The Gary Litigation,” Northwestern Uniuerstfy Law Reukw, LIX (May-June, 1964), 121-70. INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY. LXXXIl (dune. 19861 ‘.1YH6. Trustees of Indiana University 162 Indiana Magazine of History the beginning of a new era in the struggle for racial equality by undermining Jim Crow and insisting that separate schools meant inherently unequal schools. The prime battleground between segregationists and integrationists was initially in the South; conflict in the North was muted until the 1960s. Northern seg- regation, however, was more subtle and elusive, and perhaps more insidious. It was clearly more persistent. An examination of school segregation and integration in Gary, Indiana, between the war and the beginnings of a national civil rights struggle enables us to comprehend more readily the historical forces that both promoted and resisted the expansion of civil rights to all citizens in the North and across the nation. There is no general study of postwar northern school segre- gation, but bits and pieces of the story have begun to appear. In Chicago, for example, public schools became increasingly segre- gated during and after the 1920s. Michael Hornel found that, “In 1965, 89 percent of Chicago’s black pupils were enrolled at schools with 90-100 percent black enrollments, a figure slightly above the level of the 1930s.” The Brown decision had seemingly little influence. Vincent Franklin, in his study of black education in Philadelphia, concluded that “many northern school boards re- vealed that through various quasilegal maneuvers, such as the shifting of school boundaries within the districts, school officials were able to create separate [and inferior] black and other mi- nority public schools.” What frustrated any attempt to change conditions, however-and there were scattered active and passive protests-was the essentially de fact0 nature of northern segre- gation. In many cities school boards did indeed pursue a policy of seperating black and white children. But with or without these efforts-and the lack of interventionist measures, such as busing- school segregation would have occurred, for neighborhoods, more than deliberate policies, fostered separate schools. Such was cer- tainly the case in Gary.’ 2 Michael Homel, Down from Equality: Black Chicagoans and the Public Schools, 1920-1941 (Urbana, Ill., 19841, 187; Vincent Franklin, The Education of Black Philadelphia: The Social and Educational History of a Minority Com- munity, 1900-1950 (Philadelphia, 1979), 199-200. See also David Kirp, Just Schools: The Idea of Racial Equality in American Education (Berkeley, Calif., 1982); August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, Along the Color Line: Explorations in the Black Experience (Urbana, Ill., 1976), 359-63. For a general overview of race and education which slights the North, see Diane Ravitch, The Troubled Cru- sade: American Education, 1945-1980 (New York, 1983), 114-44. For the Brown case, see Richard Kluger, Simple Justice: The History of Brown u. Board of Edu- cation and Black America’s Struggle for Equality (New York, 1975). In general, see Harvard Sitkoff, The Struggle for Equality (New York, 19811, chap. 1. For increasing segregation in Chicago, see Arnold R. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, i940-1960 (Cambridge, England, 1983). The Dilemma of School Integration in the North 163 The first northern city to champion school integration pub- licly was an unlikely choice for the honor. The public school sys- tem of Gary began in 1906 when the city was founded on the southern shore of Lake Michigan by the United States Steel Corporation. Within a few years the city would boast the world’s largest integrated steel mill and a multiethnic, multiracial pop- ulation; by 1960 the population would reach 178,000, 40 percent of whom would be non-white. Its school system, once considered one of the most innovative and “progressive” in the country, would drop from the limelight by the eve of World War 11, al- though it still maintained much of its original organization and program. By 1960 these, too, would be in shambles. The enroll- ment would be 22,000 in 1950 and over 41,000 in 1960, of whom half would be black.3 Gary’s schools always had been essentially segregated by residential boundaries and school board policy. In 1927, respond- ing to a strike by white students at the Emerson school, the board decided to reinforce the existing de facto segregation by transferring the few black students out of the Emerson school and deciding to build the all-black Roosevelt school. Only the Froebel school, in the midst of the city’s crowded ethnic and black south side, thereafter had a racially mixed student body. While about 40 percent of the school’s more than 2,000 students in grades K-12 were black in 1945, there was only one black teacher. Social and recreational activities were routinely segre- gated.4 White community leaders and school officials had taken lit- tle notice of the segregated nature of the schools until the De- troit race riots of 1943, which frightened the Chamber of Commerce into appointing a fifteen member committee to study the city’s pervasive segregation. Composed of the mayor, the ed- itor of the local newspaper, the superintendent of the U.S. Steel plant, the school superintendent, and six blacks, the committee :I Ronald D. Cohen and Raymond A. Mohl, The Paradox of Progressive Edu- cation; The Gary Plan and Urban Schooling (Port Washington, N.Y., 1979); Ron- ald D. Cohen, “World War I1 and the Travail of Progressive Schooling: Gary, Indiana, 1940-1946,” in Ronald K. Goodenow and Diane Ravitch, eds., Schools in Cities: Consensus and Conflict in American Educational History (New York, 1983). 263-86; James B. Lane, “City of the Century”: A History of Gary, Indiana (Bloomington, Ind., 1978); Raymond A. Mohl and Neil Betten, Steel City: Urban and Ethnic Patterns in Gary, Indiana, 1906-1950 (New York, 1986). especially 55-59. 4 Theodore Brameld, Minority Problems in the Public Schools (New York, 1946), chap. 7; National Urban League, “A Study of the Social and Economic Conditions of the Negro Population of Gary, Indiana,” mimeo (December, 1944). 27 (Calumet Regional Archives, Indiana University Northwest, Gary, Indiana). 164 Indiana Magazine of History drafted a code on race relations which deplored segregation and discrimination. Other organizations, including the local Con- gress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), supported these senti- ments. In October, 1944, school officials sent representatives to a conference on intergroup education sponsored by the Rosen- wald Foundation. Subsequently, the superintendent requested that the Bureau for Intercultural Education provide a consult- ant to the schools, and late in the year Gary became one of three cities to obtain such assistance. By August, 1945, school admin- istrators and teachers had attended three conferences in the city which explored the use of intercultural activities in the class- rooms. But talk was not enough. As Theodore Brameld of the Bureau wrote at the time, “The real task of breaking the steel ring of discrimination and segregation now gripping Copperberg [Gary]so malevolently will require all the strength of ordinary citizens as well as the finest kind of schools.” The test came soon en~ugh.~ “A nationwide strike consciousness manifested itself in Gary this morning as white grade and high school pupils of Froebel school walked out of class in protest against Negro pupils in that institution,” the Gary Post-Tribune informed its readers on Sep- tember 18, 1945. The Froebel strike garnered national headlines and ran sporadically for the next three months. It was a disturb- ing experience for all concerned, coming on the heels of the great victory over fascism and amid a national labor strike fever. From the beginning community leaders, including the superintendent and a united all-white school board, opposed any concessions to the strikers.
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