Featured Q&A with Our Board of Advisors
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
A “Brazilian Way”? Brazil's Approach to Peacebuilding
ORDER from CHAOS Foreign Policy in a Troubled World GEOECONOMICS AND GLOBAL ISSUES PAPER 5 | FEBRUARY 2017 A “Brazilian way”? Brazil’s approach to peacebuilding CHARLES T. CALL ADRIANA ERTHAL ABDENUR ABOUT THE ORDER FROM CHAOS PROJECT In the two decades following the end of the Cold War, the world experienced an era charac- terized by declining war and rising prosperity. The absence of serious geopolitical competi- tion created opportunities for increased interdependence and global cooperation. In recent years, however, several and possibly fundamental challenges to that new order have arisen— the collapse of order and the descent into violence in the Middle East; the Russian challenge to the European security order; and increasing geopolitical tensions in Asia being among the foremost of these. At this pivotal juncture, U.S. leadership is critical, and the task ahead is urgent and complex. The next U.S. president will need to adapt and protect the liberal international order as a means of continuing to provide stability and prosperity; develop a strategy that encourages cooperation not competition among willing powers; and, if neces- sary, contain or constrain actors seeking to undermine those goals. In response to these changing global dynamics, the Foreign Policy Program at Brookings has established the Order from Chaos Project. With incisive analysis, new strategies, and in- novative policies, the Foreign Policy Program and its scholars have embarked on a two-year project with three core purposes: • To analyze the dynamics in the international system that are creating stresses, challeng- es, and a breakdown of order. • To define U.S. -
The Week in Review on the ECONOMIC FRONT GDP: the Brazilian Statistics Agency (IBGE) Announced That GDP Growth for the Second Quarter Totaled 1.5%
POLICY MONITOR August 26 – 30 , 2013 The Week in Review ON THE ECONOMIC FRONT GDP: The Brazilian Statistics Agency (IBGE) announced that GDP growth for the second quarter totaled 1.5%. This year, GDP grew by 2.1%. Interest Rate: The Monetary Policy Committee (COPOM) of the Central Bank unanimously decided to raise interest rates by 0.5% to 9%--the fourth increase in a row. The Committee will hold two more meetings this year. Market analysts expect interest rates to rise by at least one more point to 10%. Strikes: Numerous groups of workers are under negotiations with the government for salary adjustments. Among those are regulatory agencies, national transportation department (DNIT), and livestock inspectors. DNIT workers have been on strike since June and livestock inspectors begun their strike on Thursday. On Friday, union workers will hold demonstrations throughout the country. Tourism: A study conducted by the Ministry of Tourism showed that the greatest cause of discontent for tourists coming to Brazil was high prices. The second most important reason was telecommunication services. Airport infrastructure, safety, and public transportation did not bother tourists as much and were ranked below both issues. Credit Protection: The Agency for Credit Protection Services (SPC Brasil) announced that the largest defaulting groups are in the middle class (Brazilian Class C). Forty-seven percent of all defaults are within Class C, 34% in Class B, and 13% in Class D. Forty-six percent of respondents claim to have been added to the list of default due to credit card payment delays and 40% due to bank loans. -
India-Brazil Bilateral Relations Are in a State of Clearly Discernible Upswing
India-Brazil Relations Political: India-Brazil bilateral relations are in a state of clearly discernible upswing. Although the two countries are divided by geography and distance, they share common democratic values and developmental aspirations. Both are large developing countries, each an important player in its region, both stable, secular, multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, large democracies as well as trillion-dollar economies. There has been frequent exchange of VVIP, Ministerial and official-level visits in recent years resulting in strengthening of bilateral relationship in various fields. Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding for 2006 and Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development for 2010 was conferred on President Lula. Our shared vision of the evolving global order has enabled forging of close cooperation and coordination in the multilateral arena, be in IBSA, BRICS, G-4, BASIC, G-20 or other organizations. VVIP visits from India: Vice President S. Radhakrishnan (1954), Prime Minister Indira Gandhi (1968), Prime Minister Narasimha Rao (1992 - for Earth Summit), President K.R. Narayanan (1998), Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh (2006 and April 2010) ,President Pratibha Patil (2008) and Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh (June 2012-for Rio+20 summit). Other important visits from India in recent years: Kumari Selja, Minister of State of Urban Development and Poverty Alleviation, Mr. Anand Sharma, Minister of State for External Affairs, Mr. Rao Inderjit Singh, Minister of State for Defence Production, Mr. Subodh Kant Sahai, Minister of State for Food Processing Industries, Shri Pranab Mukherjee, Minister of External Affairs (Feb 2008), Shri P. Chidambaram, Finance Minister from India (Nov 2008) and Shri S.M. -
BRAZIL, a LEGITIMATE LEADER: from PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS to PERMANENT VACANCY in the UN SECURITY COUNCIL Giulia Scortegagna1 Jeancezar Ditzz De Souza Ribeiro2
DOI 10.21544/1809-3191.v25n2.p 492-516 BRAZIL, A LEGITIMATE LEADER: FROM PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS TO PERMANENT VACANCY IN THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL Giulia Scortegagna1 Jeancezar Ditzz de Souza Ribeiro2 ABSTRACT From a brief analysis of its performance in the United Nations Security Council during the 2010-2011 biennium, it is intended to examine the legitimacy of the discourses and leadership of the Brazilian performance in the Council and in Peacekeeping Operations. Brazil, as an actor that values diplomatic and multilateral means, has gained great prominence within the United Nations and its instruments of maintenance of international security. The mission in Haiti, MINUSTAH, had great repercussions, because besides the military component being led by a Brazilian, Brazil was engaged in it in various ways, even emotionally, as said by Chancellor Celso Amorim. But the major problem is: would Brazil be a leader? How did it perform in the years 2010 and 2011, when it was a temporary member of the Security Council? And finally, does its legitimacy emanate from the Missions of Peace? Keywords: Peacekeeping Operations. Brazilian Foreign Policy. Security Council. 1 Bachelor’s degree from the Laureate International Universities (IBMR – Centro Universitário), Rio de Janeiro (RJ), Brazil. E-mail: [email protected] / Orcid: https:// orcid.org/0000-0002-4751-1276 2Doctor. University of São Paulo (USP), São Paulo, Brazil. E-mail: [email protected] / Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7856-5640 2 Doctorate Degree. University of São Paulo (USP), São Paulo, Brazil. E-mail: jeanditzz@ hotmail.com / Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7856-5640 R. Esc. -
Segurança Internacional, Estudos Estratégicos E Política De Defesa
Belo Horizonte, Coração Eucarístico da PUC Minas, 29 a 31 de julho de 2015 Área temática: Workshop Doutoral – Segurança Internacional, Estudos Estratégicos e Política de Defesa Título do trabalho: A ATUAÇÃO DO BRASIL EM PAZ E SEGURANÇA INTERNACIONAL COMO FONTE DE NOVAS CATEGORIAS DE ANÁLISE PARA A TEORIA DAS RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS Autora: Mariana Alves da Cunha Kalil, Universidade de Brasília (UnB) e Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) 2 RESUMO A partir da narrativa sobre a história da política externa brasileira, busca-se compreender se o comportamento do Brasil no cenário internacional enseja o reconhecimento de novas categorias de análise para a Teoria das Relações Internacionais. Delimita-se essa narrativa àquelas acerca de temas sobre paz e segurança internacional, que envolvam, por exemplo, princípios como os de soberania e de não intervenção, sobretudo em arranjos multilaterais. Como agentes constituintes dessa narrativa, selecionam-se as publicações de acadêmicos sobre o tema, os pronunciamentos de autoridades como os Presidentes da República, os Ministros das Relações Exteriores, os plenipotenciários do Estado brasileiro em fóruns como o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, as notas à imprensa do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, os documentos e as notas lançados pelo Ministério da Defesa e os pronunciamentos do Ministro da Defesa. Foram feitas pesquisas de campo no Haiti, em Dezembro de 2014, e na Missão do Brasil nas Nações Unidas, em Janeiro-Fevereiro de 2015. Busca-se, neste momento, reunir estas oportunidades com as pesquisas em fontes primárias e secundárias em projetos para qualificação no Doutorado em História das Relações Internacionais do Brasil (IRel-UnB), a realizar-se até Novembro de 2015, com ao menos um capítulo da tese também já pronto, como requer o programa. -
S/PV.7361 Security Council Provisional Asdf Seventieth Year 7361St Meeting Monday, 19 January 2015, 9.30 A.M
United Nations S/PV.7361 Security Council Provisional asdf Seventieth year 7361st meeting Monday, 19 January 2015, 9.30 a.m. New York President: Ms. Bachelet Jeria/Mr. Barros Melet/Mr. Olguín Cigarroa . .. (Chile) Members: Angola .. Mr. Augusto Chad .......................................... Mr. Cherif China . ......................................... Mr. Liu Jieyi France ......................................... Mr. Lamek Jordan ......................................... Mr. Hmoud Lithuania . ...................................... Ms. Murmokaitė Malaysia ....................................... Mr. Haniff New Zealand .................................... Mr. McLay Nigeria . ........................................ Mr. Laro Russian Federation ............................... Mr. Churkin Spain .......................................... Mr. Ybañez United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland ... Sir Mark Lyall Grant United States of America . .......................... Ms. Power Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of) ................... Mr. Ramírez Carreño Agenda Maintenance of international peace and security Inclusive development for the maintenance of international peace and security Letter dated 6 January 2015 from the Permanent Representative of Chile to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General (S/2015/6) This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 ([email protected]). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 15-01584 (E) *1501584* S/PV.7361 Maintenance of international peace and security 19/01/2015 The meeting was called to order at 9.35 a.m. -
Media and Foreign Policy in Lula's Brazil
Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations | e-ISSN 2238-6912 | ISSN 2238-6262| v.1, n.2, Jul-Dec 2012 | p.201-224 MEDIA AND FOREIGN POLICY IN LULA’S BRAZIL Guilherme Stolle Paixão e Casarões1 Introduction The interaction between the mass media and foreign policy in Brazil has always been a delicate one, slight at most times, but never meaningless. It has become commonplace to say that, due to the virtual monopoly the Brazilian Foreign Ministry (Itamaraty) has enjoyed over foreign policymaking from the early days of its most important chancellor, Barão do Rio Branco (1902-1912), public debate on the country’s goals and strategies has never really taken place (CHEIBUB, 1985; LIMA, 2000; FARIA, 2008). Instead, diplomacy has been by far one of the most undisputed public issues throughout the twentieth century, having survived two long authoritarian periods and several political upheavals. When the first civil president was elected in early 1985, after two decades of military regime, he is said to have decided to keep foreign policy untouched for it represented a supra-partisan consensus that had successfully pushed development forward (RICUPERO, 2001). Only recently have some studies unveiled the role of public opinion and the mass media in times when foreign policy goals were subject to controversy (MANZUR, 1999; 2009; FRANCO, 2009; FERREIRA, 2009). What these works suggest is that public debate over foreign policy goals grows more intense as polarization within Itamaraty becomes salient. Although such relationship seems quite obvious at first, it is not that much straightforward for two reasons. 1 Teacher of undergraduate courses in International Relations (Faculdades Integradas Rio Branco - FIRB - and Fundação Armando Alvares Penteado - FAAP) and a post-Graduate (lato sensu) in International Relations at FAAP. -
From Yekaterinburg to Brasilia: BRICS and the G20, Road to Nowhere?
Article From Yekaterinburg to Brasilia: BRICS and the G20, road to nowhere? DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329202000109 Rev. Bras. Polít. Int., 63(1): e009, 2020 Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional Abstract ISSN 1983-3121 The BRICS have forged a collective identity to become a new driving force http://www.scielo.br/rbpi in Global Governance. They have used bodies such as the G20 to produce changes at global governance levels. This has raised two questions on their Niall Duggan1 role. First, can they hold a common position despite different developmental 1University College Cork, Government, agendas? Second, has the China’s economic leap produced a unique (Chinese) Cork, Ireland agenda rather than a collective (BRICS) one? ([email protected]) ORCID ID: Keywords: BRICS; Emerging powers; China; G20; Global governance. orcid.org/0000-0002-3578-1068 Juan Carlos Ladines Azalia2 2Universidad del Pacifico, International Received: January 15, 2020 Business, Lima, Peru. ([email protected]) Accepted: June 13, 2020 ORCID ID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9327-9068 Introduction he BRICS differ from one another culturally, politically, and Tdemographically. What these countries do share, however, is an aspiration to be “rule makers” instead of “rule takers” within global governance. The 2009 BRIC summit’s joint declaration outlined foundations for a common “thought” among member states, including the primacy of the rule of law and multilateral diplomacy with a leading role for the UN (Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil 2008, 2). This produced a common standpoint and meant that the BRICS became a new driving force for change within global Copyright: governance, leading to the promotion of South-South cooperation. -
1 September 21, 2007 VIA E-MAIL and FAX Celso Amorim, Foreign
September 21, 2007 VIA E-MAIL AND FAX Celso Amorim, Foreign Relations Minister, Brazil Dilma Roussef, Presidential Chief-of-Staff, Brazil Your Excellencies: We are writing to express our support for the process initiated in August between the republics of Bolivia and Brazil for the formation of bi-national working groups to assess the potential impacts on Bolivia of the Santo Antônio and Jirau dams on the Madeira River, the Amazon´s principal tributary. Official project studies and independent expert opinions indicate that there is a distinct probability that Bolivia could suffer flooding of territories in Pando province, possibly including the Bruno Racua Wildlife Reserve; loss of fish species and serious impacts on some of the most important fish currently populating the upper Madeira; and health impacts, including proliferation of vectors of malaria and methylation of toxic mercury in the reservoirs. The need for prior assessment of the possibility of negative impacts of this significance using the “precautionary principle” is affirmed in international treaties, including the Montreal Protocol (1987) and the Rio de Janeiro Declaration on Environment and Development (1992). The Convention on Biological Diversity (1992), which both Bolivia and Brazil have subscribed to, holds that sovereign states have “the responsibility to ensure that activities within their jurisdiction or control do not cause damage to the environment of other States or of areas beyond the limits of national jurisdiction”. As the work of these bilateral working groups moves forward, we trust that representatives of civil society organizations (CSOs) and independent technical experts will be guaranteed participation in this process, and that the working group meetings will be conducted in a transparent manner. -
Brazil and the Nuclear Issues in the Years of the Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva Government
Artigo Brazil and the nuclear issues in the years of the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva government (2003-2010) O Brasil e as questões nucleares nos anos do governo de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) CARlo PATTI* Rev. Bras. Polít. Int. 53 (2): 178-197 [2010] Introduction Since the Brazilian participation in the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission in 1946, Brazilian foreign policy has given special consideration to nuclear issues. In the last sixty years, with democratic and military governments, one of the country’s goals was the development of an autonomous nuclear industry through the acquisition of technology for enriching the uranium found in the country. Brazil was a persistent opponent of the unequal non-proliferation agreement that divided the world into two groups of countries – those with and those without a nuclear military capability, and which reflected the order established by the two Cold War superpowers. The end of the bipolar system marked an important change in the Brazilian attitude. With the process of democratization and the change in the international system, Brazil gradually adhered to the regimes of nuclear non-proliferation, eventually signing the Non-Treaty in 1998, and becoming one of the most significant supporters of global disarmament and denuclearization. During the presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), the nuclear questions continued to have crucial importance for an emerging country such as Brazil. Brazilian diplomacy in fact had played a prominent role in the international negotiations involving atomic issues. Indeed Itamaraty (the Brazilian Ministry for Foreign Affairs) participated not only in the initiatives for strengthening the NPT, with the 2005 and 2010 review conferences, but recently brokered a nuclear deal between the nuclear weapon states (NWS), as well trying to revive the talks with Iran, which has been accused of developing a clandestine nuclear military program. -
Redalyc.From Tegucigalpa to Teheran: Brazil's Diplomacy As an Emerging
Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional ISSN: 0034-7329 [email protected] Instituto Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais Brasil Quirino Steiner, Andrea; de Almeida Medeiros, Marcelo; Mesquita de Souza Lima, Rafael From Tegucigalpa to Teheran: Brazil’s diplomacy as an emerging Western country Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional, vol. 57, núm. 1, 2014, pp. 40-58 Instituto Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais Brasília, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=35831639003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative ARTIGO From Tegucigalpa to Teheran: Brazil’s diplomacy as an emerging Western country De Tegucigalpa a Teerã: a diplomacia do Brasil como um país ocidental emergente http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201400103 ANDREA QUIRINO STEINER* MARCELO DE ALMEIDA MEDEIROS** RAFAEL MESQUITA DE SOUZA LIMA*** Rev. Bras. Polít. Int. 57 (1): 40-58 [2014] Introduction For almost two decades—not only due to its economic growth but also because of increasing social and political developments—, Brazil has undeniably arisen as a full-fledged actor in the international scenario. Such a change has certainly been felt by global regimes and by other international actors. For most of the 20th and early 21st century, Brazil’s foreign policy has been characterized by a quest for autonomy (Fonseca Júnior 1998; Magnoli et al. 2000; Lafer 2009), which has been undertaken, according to Vigevani and Cepaluni (2007), through three main approaches: distance, participation and diversification. -
Brasil » Luiz Inácio Lula Da Silva
» Biografías Líderes Políticos » América del Sur » Brasil » Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva © Foto Agência Brasil/Ricardo Stuckert/PR Brasil Acttualliizaciión:: 16 diiciiembrre 2020 Presidente de la República (2003-2011) Mandatto:: 1 enerro 2003 -- 1 enerro 2010 Naciimiientto:: Caettés,, esttado de Perrnambuco,, 27 octtubrre 1945 Parttiido pollííttiico:: Parrttiido de llos Trrabajjadorres ((PT)) Proffesiión:: Obrrerro mettallúrrgiico Editado por: Roberto Ortiz de Zárate Presentación Cuando en 2002, en su cuarto intento y tras moderar su imagen radical, consiguió ganar las elecciones presidenciales en Brasil, a Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, antiguo obrero del metal, sindicalista, fundador y líder del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT), se le planteó el dilema de cómo satisfacer las urgentes necesidades de distribución de la renta e inclusión social sin renunciar a la disciplina en el gasto público y al control de la inflación, políticas ortodoxas reclamadas por aquellos con los que el país estaba fuertemente endeudado. Al concluir su segundo y definitivo mandato cuatrienal, un balance positivo, fausto de hecho, se imponía: en esos ocho años, Brasil había experimentado un robusto crecimiento económico acompañado de estabilidad financiera más un avance histórico en el terreno social, con millones de ciudadanos rescatados de la pobreza y aupados a las clases medias con poder adquisitivo gracias a los programas de providencia del Gobierno. En ese tiempo, el dirigente socialista salió airoso del descomunal escándalo de corrupción que diezmó al petismo y tumbó a varios de sus colaboradores, el Mensalão, resistió las presiones por su izquierda y recobró los más altos índices de popularidad. En su agenda pragmática confluyeron los ajustes promercado, la consolidación fiscal, las grandes actuaciones de desarrollo social y apuestas estratégicas, no exentas de polémica, como los biocombustibles y los transgénicos.