The Cyprus Referendum: an Island Divided by Mutual Mistrust
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Forced to Go East? Iran’S Foreign Policy Outlook and the Role of Russia, China and India Azadeh Zamirirad (Ed.)
Working Paper SWP Working Papers are online publications within the purview of the respective Research Division. Unlike SWP Research Papers and SWP Comments, they are not reviewed by the Institute. MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA DIVISION | WP NR. 01, APRIL 2020 Forced to Go East? Iran’s Foreign Policy Outlook and the Role of Russia, China and India Azadeh Zamirirad (ed.) Contents Introduction 3 Azadeh Zamirirad Iran’s Energy Industry: Going East? 6 David Ramin Jalilvand Russia: Iran’s Ambivalent Partner 13 Nikolay Kozhanov Iran and China: Ideational Nexus Across the Geography of the BRI 18 Mohammadbagher Forough Indo-Iranian Relations and the Role of External Actors 23 P R Kumaraswamy Opportunities and Challenges in Iran-India Relations 28 Ja’far Haghpanah and Dalileh Rahimi Ashtiani The European Pillar of Iran’s East-West Strategy 33 Sanam Vakil Implications of Tehran’s Look to the East Policy for EU-Iran Relations 38 Cornelius Adebahr 2 Introduction Azadeh Zamirirad The covid-19 outbreak has revived a foreign policy debate in Iran on how much the Dr Azadeh Zamirirad is Dep- country can and should rely on partners like China or Russia. Critics have blamed uty Head of the Middle East and Africa Division at SWP in an overdependence on Beijing for the hesitation of Iranian authorities to halt flights Berlin. from and to China—a decision many believe to have contributed to the severe spread of the virus in the country. Others point to economic necessities given the © Stiftung Wissenschaft drastic sanctions regime that has been imposed on the Islamic Republic by the US und Politik, 2020 All rights reserved. -
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues
Order Code RL33497 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues June 27, 2006 Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues Summary Cyprus has been divided since 1974. Greek Cypriots, 76% of the population, live in the southern two-thirds of the island. Turkish Cypriots, 19% of the populace, live in the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” (TRNC), recognized only by Turkey, with about 36,000 Turkish troops providing security. United Nations peacekeeping forces (UNFICYP) maintain a buffer zone between the two. Since the late 1970s, the U.N., with U.S. support, has promoted negotiations aimed at reuniting the island as a federal, bicommunal, bizonal republic. In recent times, the U.N. Secretary General’s April 5, 1992, “Set of Ideas” was a major, but unsuccessful, framework for negotiations for an overall settlement. Next, both sides accepted U.N. confidence-building measures only in principle and they were never recorded nor implemented. The prospect of Cyprus’s European Union (EU) accession and its eventual membership intensified and complicated settlement efforts. After five rounds of U.N.-mediated proximity (indirect) talks beginning in December 1999, Secretary General Kofi Annan presented his “observations” on substance and procedure on November 8, 2000, leading Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash to withdraw from the talks for a year. Denktash and (Greek) Cypriot President Glafcos Clerides finally met on December 4, 2001 and agreed to begin direct talks on January 16, 2002. -
TOWARD the REUNIFICATION of CYPRUS: DEFINING and INTEGRATING RECONCILIATION INTO the PEACE PROCESS Virginie Ladisch
110 Virginie Ladisch 6 TOWARD THE REUNIFICATION OF CYPRUS: DEFINING AND INTEGRATING RECONCILIATION INTO THE PEACE PROCESS Virginie Ladisch In the search for a solution to the “Cyprus problem,” the focus of debate has been on power sharing agreements, land exchanges, right of return, and economics. There has been little focus on reconciliation. This research, conducted one year after the ref- erendum in which Cypriots were given an historic opportunity to vote on the reunifi cation of the island, places the concept of reconciliation at the center of the debate about the Cyprus problem. Based on data gathered through forty interviews with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot politicians, businessmen, activists, academics, organizational leaders, economists, and members of civil society, this article presents Cypriots’ views on reconciliation. Drawing from literature on reconciliation in confl ict-divided societies as a framework, this article also analyzes the various perceptions Cypriots hold about reconciliation. Finally, this article identifi es initiatives that could be used to promote reconciliation in Cyprus. The process needs to begin immediately so that it can lay the groundwork for the open dialogue, trust building, and understanding that are essential to the successful settlement of the Cyprus problem.1 Virginie Ladisch is a Master in International Affairs candidate at the School of Inter- national and Public Affairs, Columbia University ([email protected]). 7 Toward the Reunifi cation of Cyprus: Defi ning and Integrating Reconciliation into the Peace Process 111 INTRODUCTION In the search for a solution to the “Cyprus problem,” the focus of debates and discussions has been on power sharing agreements, land exchanges, right of return, and economics, but there has been little to no focus on reconciliation. -
The Crux of the Cyprus Problem
PERCEPTIONS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS September - November 1999 Volume IV - Number 3 THE CRUX OF THE CYPRUS PROBLEM RAUF R. DENKTAŞ His Excellency Rauf R. Denktaş is President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Anthony Nutting, who was the British Minister of State at the Foreign Office during the period 1954-56, wrote in his book I Saw for Myself his impression following talks with the leaders of Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots: “There is nothing Cypriot about Cyprus except its name. In this beautiful beleaguered island you are either a Greek or a Turk. From the leaders of the two communities downwards the chasm of suspicion and hatred which separates them is frighteningly wide.”1 EOKA terrorism, which aimed to unite the island with Greece (enosis), was at its height and the Turkish Cypriots, who looked upon enosis as changing colonial masters for the worst, resisted it with every means at their disposal. Hence, the message passed on to all young Greek Cypriots was, “the struggle against the real enemy of our nation and religion, the remnants of the occupying power in Cyprus, will commence as soon as the fight for enosis comes to a successful conclusion”! Any Greek Cypriot who saw the futility and the danger of the drive for enosis, and thus supported independence as a more suitable solution, was regarded as a traitor to the national cause and murdered by EOKA (the Greek Cypriot terrorist organisation). In fact, everyone who opposed enosis was declared an enemy and lived under a constant threat. All Turkish Cypriots were against enosis! By 1957, inter-communal clashes assumed the character of a civil war. -
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson Colleg
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson College The Taiwan Issue in US-China Normalization After 1949, there were many obstacles to normalization of relations between the United States and the new People’s Republic of China (PRC), but Taiwan was no doubt a key obstacle. The Kuomintang-led Republic of China (ROC) government and armies had retreated there. Washington maintained diplomatic relations with the ROC government and, in 1954-55, acceded to Chiang Kai-shek’s entreaties for a mutual defense treaty. After June 1950 with the outbreak of the Korean conflict, the United States took the position that the status of the island of Taiwan— whether it was part of the sovereign territory of China—was “yet to be determined.” More broadly, PRC leaders regarded the United States as a threat to their regime, particularly because of its support for the ROC, and American leaders viewed China as a threat to peace and stability in East Asia and to Taiwan, which they saw as an ally in the containment of Asian communism in general and China in particular. It was from Taiwan’s Ching Chuan Kang (CCK) airbase, for example, that U.S. B-52s flew bombing missions over North Vietnam. By the late 1960s, PRC and U.S. leaders recognized the strategic situation in Asia had changed, and that the geopolitical interests of the two countries were not in fundamental conflict. Jimmy Carter and Deng Xiaoping not only reaffirmed that assessment but also recognized a basis for economic cooperation. -
Time to End the Isolation
Embargoed! PO Box 100 Surrey SM4 9DH ª: +44 (0)780 693 2966 Þ: www.embargoed.org E: [email protected] TIME TO END THE ISOLATION THE UK’S RESPONSIBILITY TO TURKISH CYPRIOTS Prepared and submitted to the Foreign Affairs Committee, House of Commons by Embargoed! on 14 September 2004 TIME TO END THE ISOLATION Embargoed! Contents 1. Introduction 3 2. The Outcome of the Annan Plan Referenda and Implications for 4 Cyprus 3. Ongoing Suffering of the Turkish Cypriot People 7 4. The UK’s Special Responsibility to Turkish Cypriots 10 5. Recommendations: Creating a Positive Dynamic on the Island 11 6. Conclusion 13 7. Notes 14 Page 2 of 15 TIME TO END THE ISOLATION Embargoed! 1. Introduction Embargoed! is an independent pressure group campaigning to bring an immediate and unconditional end to all embargoes against Turkish Cypriots in North Cyprus. Formed in London, where a major concentration of Turkish Cypriots resides, the group welcomes the opportunity to present this submission to the Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee. In light of the recent referenda on the Annan Plan and previous legal agreements, we contend that the Greek Cypriot administration, acting under the banner of the ‘Republic of Cyprus’, has neither the right nor the authority to represent the Turkish Cypriot people. For the last 40 years the Turkish Cypriot people have been in a state of isolation for no good reason. Yet the international community has been indifferent to their plight and unwilling to do anything that would fundamentally change the status quo established in Cyprus in December 1963. -
Raymond Saner
Book chapter in “Unfinished Business”, editor.Guy Olivier Faure, The University of Georgia Press, Atlanta, Georgia and London, 2012. Copyright with Publisher CYPRUS CONFLICT: WILL IT EVER END IN AGREEMENT? Raymond Saner ABSTRACT The goal of this chapter is to describe factors, which have contributed to the persistent failures of peace negotiations on Cyprus. In particular, the author attempts to delineate the impact which multiple and competing external stakeholders (influential foreign powers, supranational institutions, intergovernmental organizations and NGOs from various countries) have had on the peace process and how these third parties (first level GR and TR, secondary level USA, UK, EU and UNO) have used the Cyprus conflict for their own strategic aims and secondary gains by offering their influence to the two conflict parties (Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots). As a result of these ongoing external stakeholders interferences, the Cyprus conflict has persisted and negotiation behavior of the primary conflict parties became characterized by opportunistic tactical maneuvers prolonging and deepening non-agreement ever since the peace enforcing presence of UN forces on the island starting in 1974 and lasting up to the writing of this article. BRIEF SUMMARY OF CYPRUS CONFLICT 2002-JANUARY 2006 1,2 In January 2002, direct talks under the auspices of Secretary-General Annan began between Republic of Cyprus President Glafcos Clerides (Greek community) and Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash (Turkish Community). In November 2002, UN Secretary-General Annan released a comprehensive plan for the resolution of the Cyprus issue. It was revised in early December. In the lead up to the European Union's December 2002 Copenhagen Summit, intensive efforts were made to gain both sides' signatures to the document prior to a decision on the island's EU membership. -
“Iran and Its Neighbors: Diverging Views on a Strategic Region”
SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Eugene Whitlock (Ed.) “Iran and Its Neighbors: Diverging Views on a Strategic Region” July 2003 Berlin © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2003 All rights reserved SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3−4 10719 Berlin Telephone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] Table of Contents 5 Foreword – Johannes Reissner 7 Iran and the Middle East 9 The Infernal Triangle: Iran, Israel, and the United States – Samuel W. Lewis 15 Iran’s Relationship to Its Neighbors in Central Asia and the Caucasus 17 Iran’s Role in the South Caucasus and Caspian Region: Diverging Views of the U.S. and Europe – Brenda Shaffer 23 Iran in the Caucasus, Caspian and Central Asia: Lessons for Western Strategy – Edmund Herzig 29 U.S. and Iranian Policy in Afghanistan – Barnett R. Rubin 35 Iran and the Problem of Proliferation 37 Dealing with Iran’s Nuclear Program – Michael Eisenstadt 42 Iran, the Bomb, and the Future of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty – Oliver Thränert 53 The Potential for Iran to Provoke Further Nuclear Proliferation in the Middle East – Patrick Clawson 57 The Role of Iran and the Region for Global Energy Supply 59 Iran’s Oil and Gas Development and the Effect of U.S. Economic Sanctions – James A. Placke 65 Why Iran Is Key for Europe’s Security of Energy Supply – Friedemann Müller 70 Post-War Iraq and Iran’s Petroleum Sector – Joe Barnes and -
Cyprus Crisis (8)” of the Kissinger- Scowcroft West Wing Office Files at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 7, folder “Cyprus Crisis (8)” of the Kissinger- Scowcroft West Wing Office Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 7 of The Kissinger-Scowcroft West Wing Office Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library Gerald R. Ford Library 1000 Beat ~v.enue . Ann Arbor. Ml 48109-2114 · ·· www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov Withdrawal Sheet for Documents Declassified in Part This.-folder contains a document or documents declassified in part under the Remote Archive Capture (RAC) program. Procedures for Initiating a Mandatory Declassification Review (MDR) Request The still classified portions of these RAC documents are eligible for MDR. To file a request follow these steps: 1. Obtain the Presidential Libraries Mandatory Review Request Form (NA Form 14020). 2. Complete Sections I, II , and Ill of NA Form 14020. 3. In Section Ill, for each document requested, simply provide the Executive Standard Document Number (ESDN) in the Document Subject!Title or Correspondents column. -
The First Globalization Lessons from the French
1 The First Globalization Lessons from the French [Published as Notre première mondialisation: leçons d’un échec oublié (Seuil, 2003)] Suzanne Berger Raphael Dorman-Helen Starbuck Professor of Political Science Massachusetts Institute of Technology Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA Please do not copy or circulate. This project benefited from the collegial and financial support of the Centre de Recherche en Gestion (Ecole Polytechnique), Sciences Po, the Industrial Performance Center (MIT), and the Department of Political Science (MIT). My thanks to Peter Gourevitch, Pierre Hassner and Richard Samuels, for close readings, criticisms, suggestions and encouragement. Ambroisine Dumez provided valuable research assistance. 2 Introduction With the end of the cold war, globalization has become the international horizon of our expectations and fears. Before, we saw ourselves as citizens of nations in a world in which state frontiers encased and protected societies and economies. Today we see ourselves as individuals in a vast open field of international exchanges. Across this great unbounded space, goods, services, and money circulate apparently unimpeded by man-made barriers. From all sides people announce that a new era of human history is opening. A rising tide of anti-globalization protests shows how threatening this new state of affairs appears to many. To look back at the experience and understanding of the challenges to democracy and social well-being of people facing an open international economy in the years before World War I is to observe our own times from a new perspective. This essay on the "first globalization" tries to widen the aperture of the lens of interpretation through which we see our own situation and identify our options. -
Political Accommodation in Cyprus and the Annan Plan Moore, Gavin
www.ssoar.info Federalism and the 'one-person one-vote principle': political accommodation in Cyprus and the Annan Plan Moore, Gavin Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Moore, G. (2011). Federalism and the 'one-person one-vote principle': political accommodation in Cyprus and the Annan Plan. Federal Governance, 8(2), 29-41. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-341437 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Basic Digital Peer Publishing-Lizenz This document is made available under a Basic Digital Peer zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den DiPP-Lizenzen Publishing Licence. For more Information see: finden Sie hier: http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ Special Issue on Federalism and Conflict Management edited by Neophytos Loizides, Iosif Kovras and Kathleen Ireton. FEDERALISM AND THE ‘ONE-PERSON ONE-VOTE PRINCIPLE’: POLITICAL ACCOMMODATION IN CYPRUS AND THE ANNAN PLAN by Gavin Moore Department of Political Science, Queens University Belfast, Ireland Email: [email protected] Abstract: The ‘one-person one-vote principle’ (OPOV) seems to be an intuitively appealing principle, one that is procedurally fair by ensuring equality in votes for all and contributes to the proper functioning of democratic states. Although commonly cited as a cornerstone of democracy, this article argues that OPOV can be a dangerous principle in societies divided by group conflict. Minorities face permanent exclusion, and thus cannot protect their own interests, leading to resentment and destabilization. Moreover, deviation from OPOV is not uncommon in political accommodation, especially in federal arrangements.