AFRICA in CHINA's FOREIGN POLICY
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Internet Surveillance in China
The Architecture of Control: Internet Su rveillance in China James A. Lewis , Center for Strategic and International Studies July 200 6 Security concerns shape China’s official internet and information technology strateg ies . Th ese include concerns shared by many cou nt ries: promoting a strong and growing economy , providing information assurance , and defending against foreign intrusions into China’s information space . Most importantly for the Chinese, information security include s a political element not foun d in many other nations – c ontrol by the party and the state over communications and the flow of informa tion . The rapid spread of internet access and mobile communications pose a serious challenge to this goal. In response, China’s security apparatus is reorienting its informational defenses. In the past, the emphasi s was on blocking access - the “great firewall.” In the future, the emphasis will be on the monitoring and surveillance of online activities. China’s primary objective in internet securi ty is political – preventing IT from eroding the regime’s authority. Information security is defined in China as “a comprehensive concept understood in a broad sense, and it involves political, economic, cultural, ideological, media, social and military l evel or field. ” It includes “data, system, network, infrastructure .”1 Chin ese officials worry about the potential of the Internet to contribute to the loss of state secrets , offer new avenues for organizing dissent and opposition , and spread “harmful inf ormation. ” This makes controlling access to "harmful network information” and the ability to monitor and intercept communications top priorities .2 For China’s leadership, one particular set of event s demonstrated the risks of not securing networks. -
Popular Movements and Violence in East Asia in the Nineteenth Century: Comparing the Ideological Foundations of Their Legitimation
Popular Movements and Violence in East Asia in the Nineteenth Century: Comparing the Ideological Foundations of their Legitimation Hang-seob Bae Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies, Volume 17, Number 2, October 2017, pp. 233-260 (Article) Published by Duke University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/678111 [ Access provided at 6 Oct 2021 19:55 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.17 No.2 © 2017 Academy of East Asian Studies. 233-260 DOI: 10.21866/esjeas.2017.17.2.006 Popular Movements and Violence in East Asia in the Nineteenth Century: Comparing the Ideological Foundations of their Legitimation Hang-seob BAE Sungkyunkwan University ABSTRACT In the nineteenth century, people in China, Korea, and Japan actively participated in popular protests. The rebellions in those countries had much in common, but one of the most striking differences is the degree of violence inflicted by these popular movements on their opponents. Chinese popular rebels were much more likely to kill or injure others than their counterparts in Korea and Japan. Such differences seem to be closely associated with the question of whether the rebel forces fought due to conflicting interests within the polity, or were seeking to build a new kingdom by pursuing a newly-risen religion while rejecting the existing ruling system and ideology that legitimized it. This paper will examine how the rebel forces based the legitimacy of their actions in relation to each country’s “political culture.” While popular movements in the West or the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom were based on the idea that God was more powerful than the secular ruler, popular movements in Korea or Japan did not have a transcendent source of authority that was superior to the monarch. -
Imagining a Universal Empire: a Study of the Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions Attributed to Li Gonglin
Journal of chinese humanities 5 (2019) 124-148 brill.com/joch Imagining a Universal Empire: a Study of the Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions Attributed to Li Gonglin Ge Zhaoguang 葛兆光 Professor of History, Fudan University, China [email protected] Abstract This article is not concerned with the history of aesthetics but, rather, is an exercise in intellectual history. “Illustrations of Tributary States” [Zhigong tu 職貢圖] as a type of art reveals a Chinese tradition of artistic representations of foreign emissaries paying tribute at the imperial court. This tradition is usually seen as going back to the “Illustrations of Tributary States,” painted by Emperor Yuan in the Liang dynasty 梁元帝 [r. 552-554] in the first half of the sixth century. This series of paintings not only had a lasting influence on aesthetic history but also gave rise to a highly distinctive intellectual tradition in the development of Chinese thought: images of foreign emis- saries were used to convey the Celestial Empire’s sense of pride and self-confidence, with representations of strange customs from foreign countries serving as a foil for the image of China as a radiant universal empire at the center of the world. The tra- dition of “Illustrations of Tributary States” was still very much alive during the time of the Song dynasty [960-1279], when China had to compete with equally powerful neighboring states, the empire’s territory had been significantly diminished, and the Chinese population had become ethnically more homogeneous. In this article, the “Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions” [Wanfang zhigong tu 萬方職貢圖] attributed to Li Gonglin 李公麟 [ca. -
Manchus: a Horse of a Different Color
History in the Making Volume 8 Article 7 January 2015 Manchus: A Horse of a Different Color Hannah Knight CSUSB Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making Part of the Asian History Commons Recommended Citation Knight, Hannah (2015) "Manchus: A Horse of a Different Color," History in the Making: Vol. 8 , Article 7. Available at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making/vol8/iss1/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in History in the Making by an authorized editor of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Manchus: A Horse of a Different Color by Hannah Knight Abstract: The question of identity has been one of the biggest questions addressed to humanity. Whether in terms of a country, a group or an individual, the exact definition is almost as difficult to answer as to what constitutes a group. The Manchus, an ethnic group in China, also faced this dilemma. It was an issue that lasted throughout their entire time as rulers of the Qing Dynasty (1644- 1911) and thereafter. Though the guidelines and group characteristics changed throughout that period one aspect remained clear: they did not sinicize with the Chinese Culture. At the beginning of their rule, the Manchus implemented changes that would transform the appearance of China, bringing it closer to the identity that the world recognizes today. In the course of examining three time periods, 1644, 1911, and the 1930’s, this paper looks at the significant events of the period, the changing aspects, and the Manchus and the Qing Imperial Court’s relations with their greater Han Chinese subjects. -
Taiwan's Fight for International Space
21 TAIWAN’S FIGHT FOR INTERNATIONAL SPACE Michael C. Burgoyne The Taiwan Strait separating Taiwan and the People’s Republic of Chi- na (PRC) has long been considered a geopolitical flashpoint. Both sides continue to plan and prepare for a kinetic attempt by the PRC to coerce Taiwan into unification. However, the gains in the conflict between these two entities have largely been made in non-kinetic ways: fights over dip- lomatic recognition and attendance in international bodies, among others. The battleground in which this non-kinetic fight has taken place has come to be labeled “international space,” where Taiwan is striving for mean- ingful participation in the international community—broadly defined and evaluated in this chapter as diplomatic relations and participation in inter- governmental organizations (IGO)—and the PRC is trying to isolate the island from these interactions. Having its roots in the Chinese civil war that culminated in the 1940s, this fight is crucially important for both sides. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) sees Taiwan as a matter of legitimacy. The Party portrays itself as a staunch defender of sovereignty and territorial integrity to its citizens, yet Taiwan remains outside its control, which it feels could dele- gitimize it in the eyes of the populace. Constricting Taiwan’s international space is a way to leave Taiwan with no other choice than eventual unifica- tion. Taiwan sees itself as a separate country in a practical sense, with a strong, advanced economy and many advantages; yet it is only recognized as a country by 14 nations, and lacks representation in many IGOs. -
Archaeological Observation on the Exploration of Chu Capitals
Archaeological Observation on the Exploration of Chu Capitals Wang Hongxing Key words: Chu Capitals Danyang Ying Chenying Shouying According to accurate historical documents, the capi- In view of the recent research on the civilization pro- tals of Chu State include Danyang 丹阳 of the early stage, cess of the middle reach of Yangtze River, we may infer Ying 郢 of the middle stage and Chenying 陈郢 and that Danyang ought to be a central settlement among a Shouying 寿郢 of the late stage. Archaeologically group of settlements not far away from Jingshan 荆山 speaking, Chenying and Shouying are traceable while with rice as the main crop. No matter whether there are the locations of Danyang and Yingdu 郢都 are still any remains of fosses around the central settlement, its oblivious and scholars differ on this issue. Since Chu area must be larger than ordinary sites and be of higher capitals are the political, economical and cultural cen- scale and have public amenities such as large buildings ters of Chu State, the research on Chu capitals directly or altars. The site ought to have definite functional sec- affects further study of Chu culture. tions and the cemetery ought to be divided into that of Based on previous research, I intend to summarize the aristocracy and the plebeians. The relevant docu- the exploration of Danyang, Yingdu and Shouying in ments and the unearthed inscriptions on tortoise shells recent years, review the insufficiency of the former re- from Zhouyuan 周原 saying “the viscount of Chu search and current methods and advance some personal (actually the ruler of Chu) came to inform” indicate that opinion on the locations of Chu capitals and later explo- Zhou had frequent contact and exchange with Chu. -
Who Set the Narrative? Assessing the Influence of Chinese Media in News Coverage of COVID-19 in 30 African Countries the Size Of
Who Set the Narrative? Assessing the Influence of Chinese Media in News Coverage of COVID-19 in 30 African Countries The size of China’s State-owned media’s operations in Africa has grown significantly since the early 2000s. Previous research on the impact of increased Sino-African mediated engagements has been inconclusive. Some researchers hold that public opinion towards China in African nations has been improving because of the increased media presence. Others argue that the impact is rather limited, particularly when it comes to affecting how African media cover China- related stories. This paper seeks to contribute to this debate by exploring the extent to which news media in 30 African countries relied on Chinese news sources to cover China and the COVID-19 outbreak during the first half of 2020. By computationally analyzing a corpus of 500,000 news stories, I show that, compared to other major global players (e.g. Reuters, AFP), content distributed by Chinese media (e.g. Xinhua, China Daily, People’s Daily) is much less likely to be used by African news organizations, both in English and French speaking countries. The analysis also reveals a gap in the prevailing themes in Chinese and African media’s coverage of the pandemic. The implications of these findings for the sub-field of Sino-African media relations, and the study of global news flows is discussed. Keywords: China-Africa, Xinhua, news agencies, computational text analysis, big data, intermedia agenda setting Beginning in the mid-2010s, Chinese media began to substantially increase their presence in many African countries, as part of China’s ambitious going out strategy that covered a myriad of economic activities, including entertainment, telecommunications and news content (Keane, 2016). -
Appendix 1: Rank of China's 338 Prefecture-Level Cities
Appendix 1: Rank of China’s 338 Prefecture-Level Cities © The Author(s) 2018 149 Y. Zheng, K. Deng, State Failure and Distorted Urbanisation in Post-Mao’s China, 1993–2012, Palgrave Studies in Economic History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92168-6 150 First-tier cities (4) Beijing Shanghai Guangzhou Shenzhen First-tier cities-to-be (15) Chengdu Hangzhou Wuhan Nanjing Chongqing Tianjin Suzhou苏州 Appendix Rank 1: of China’s 338 Prefecture-Level Cities Xi’an Changsha Shenyang Qingdao Zhengzhou Dalian Dongguan Ningbo Second-tier cities (30) Xiamen Fuzhou福州 Wuxi Hefei Kunming Harbin Jinan Foshan Changchun Wenzhou Shijiazhuang Nanning Changzhou Quanzhou Nanchang Guiyang Taiyuan Jinhua Zhuhai Huizhou Xuzhou Yantai Jiaxing Nantong Urumqi Shaoxing Zhongshan Taizhou Lanzhou Haikou Third-tier cities (70) Weifang Baoding Zhenjiang Yangzhou Guilin Tangshan Sanya Huhehot Langfang Luoyang Weihai Yangcheng Linyi Jiangmen Taizhou Zhangzhou Handan Jining Wuhu Zibo Yinchuan Liuzhou Mianyang Zhanjiang Anshan Huzhou Shantou Nanping Ganzhou Daqing Yichang Baotou Xianyang Qinhuangdao Lianyungang Zhuzhou Putian Jilin Huai’an Zhaoqing Ningde Hengyang Dandong Lijiang Jieyang Sanming Zhoushan Xiaogan Qiqihar Jiujiang Longyan Cangzhou Fushun Xiangyang Shangrao Yingkou Bengbu Lishui Yueyang Qingyuan Jingzhou Taian Quzhou Panjin Dongying Nanyang Ma’anshan Nanchong Xining Yanbian prefecture Fourth-tier cities (90) Leshan Xiangtan Zunyi Suqian Xinxiang Xinyang Chuzhou Jinzhou Chaozhou Huanggang Kaifeng Deyang Dezhou Meizhou Ordos Xingtai Maoming Jingdezhen Shaoguan -
Xi Jinping's Address to the Central Conference On
Xi Jinping’s Address to the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs: Assessing and Advancing Major- Power Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics Michael D. Swaine* Xi Jinping’s speech before the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs—held November 28–29, 2014, in Beijing—marks the most comprehensive expression yet of the current Chinese leadership’s more activist and security-oriented approach to PRC diplomacy. Through this speech and others, Xi has taken many long-standing Chinese assessments of the international and regional order, as well as the increased influence on and exposure of China to that order, and redefined and expanded the function of Chinese diplomacy. Xi, along with many authoritative and non-authoritative Chinese observers, presents diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of an ambitious, long-term, and more strategic foreign policy agenda. Ultimately, this suggests that Beijing will increasingly attempt to alter some of the foreign policy processes and power relationships that have defined the political, military, and economic environment in the Asia- Pacific region. How the United States chooses to respond to this challenge will determine the Asian strategic landscape for decades to come. On November 28 and 29, 2014, the Central Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership convened its fourth Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs (中央外事工作会)—the first since August 2006.1 The meeting, presided over by Premier Li Keqiang, included the entire Politburo Standing Committee, an unprecedented number of central and local Chinese civilian and military officials, nearly every Chinese ambassador and consul-general with ambassadorial rank posted overseas, and commissioners of the Foreign Ministry to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Macao Special Administrative Region. -
Journal of Social and Political Sciences
Journal of Social and Political Sciences Tongzhen, Zhu. (2021), Comparative Study: Chinese and Western Theoretical Sources for Sustainable Development Theory. In: Journal of Social and Political Sciences, Vol.4, No.2, 256-260. ISSN 2615-3718 DOI: 10.31014/aior.1991.04.02.294 The online version of this article can be found at: https://www.asianinstituteofresearch.org/ Published by: The Asian Institute of Research The Journal of Social and Political Sciences is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied, and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license. The Asian Institute of Research Social and Political Sciences is a peer-reviewed International Journal. The journal covers scholarly articles in the fields of Social and Political Sciences, which include, but are not limited to, Anthropology, Government Studies, Political Sciences, Sociology, International Relations, Public Administration, History, Philosophy, Arts, Education, Linguistics, and Cultural Studies. As the journal is Open Access, it ensures high visibility and the increase of citations for all research articles published. The Journal of Social and Political Sciences aims to facilitate scholarly work on recent theoretical and practical aspects of Social and Political Sciences. The Asian Institute of Research Journal of Social and Political Sciences Vol.4, No.2, 2021: 256-260 ISSN 2615-3718 Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved DOI: 10.31014/aior.1991.04.02.294 Comparative Study: Chinese and Western Theoretical Sources for Sustainable Development Theory 1 Zhu Tongzhen 1 Université Paris-Saclay Abstract Countries around the world are now plagued by deteriorating environmental problems (including global warming, desertification, reduction of biodiversity, and possible sources of unknown viruses such as COVID-19). -
Fushun Four Page
FUSHUN MINING GROUP CO., LTD. L IAONING PROVINCE Opportunities for Investment in Coal Mine Methane Projects A major coal producer, the Fushun Mining Group Company, Ltd. has one producing underground mine and one open-pit mine. Total coal production in the mining area is about 6 million tonnes of coal annually. The underground mine, Laohutai, drains about 100 million cubic meters (more than 3.5 billion cubic feet) of methane annually, and methane production from surface boreholes has also begun. Significant opportunity exists for expanding recovery and utilization of methane from surface and underground boreholes. The Fushun Mining Group Company, Ltd. seeks investment for expanding the production of methane from surface boreholes and combining it with a portion of the methane recovered from the Laohutai mine to meet the energy needs of the nearby city of Shenyang. Fushun Mining Group seeks investment from China and abroad to for the proposed coal mine methane development project described in this brochure. OVERVIEW OF THE FUSHUN MINING GROUP COMPANY LTD. CHINA Fushun Mining Area LIAONING The Fushun Mining Group Company Ltd. (informally known as the Fushun Mining Group) is a large state-owned coal enterprise with 26 subsidiaries. Located in the city of Fushun in northeastern China’s Liaoning Province, it is about 45 km from Shenyang, the capital of the province, and 126 km from Anshan, a major iron and steel manufacturing center. Although the Fushun area has produced coal for more than 100 years, an estimated 800 million tonnes of recoverable reserves remain. The Fushun Mining Group has total assets of 4.7 billion yuan ($US 566 million). -
Chinese Foreign Aid and the Unga Voting Patterns of the Recipients
CHINESE FOREIGN AID AND THE UNGA VOTING PATTERNS OF THE RECIPIENTS by ABULAITI ABUDULA Submitted to the Graduate School of Social Sciences in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Sabancı University December 2018 ABULAITI ABUDULA 2018 © All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT CHINESE FOREIGN AID AND THE UNGA VOTING PATTERNS OF THE RECIPIENTS ABULAITI ABUDULA M.A. THESIS in POLITICAL SCIENCE, DECEMBER 2018 Thesis Supervisor: Asst. Prof. Kerem Yıldırım Keywords: Chinese aid, Voting patterns, UN General Assembly Using panel data for 120 countries over the period 2000-2014, this paper imperially analyzes the impact of Chinese aid on the voting patterns of countries in the UN General Assembly. I utilize the disaggregated Chinese aid data for the fact that distinct forms of aid flows may differ in their capability to induce recipients to vote for China’s favor. The results suggest that only Chinese grants are the aid category by which recipients have been induced to vote in line with China. iv ÖZET ÇİN DIŞ YARDIMLARI VE ALICININ BM GENEL KURULU OY VERME BİÇİMLERİ ABULAITI ABUDULA SİYASET BİLİMİ YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİ, ARALIK 2018 Tez Danışmanı: Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Kerem Yıldırım Anahtar Kelimeler: Çin yardımı, Oy verme biçimleri, BM Genel Kurulu 2000-2014 döneminde 120 ülke için panel verilerini kullanan bu tez, Çin yardımının BM Genel Kurulunda ülkelerin oy kullanma düzenleri üzerindeki etkisini ampirik olarak incelemektedir. Farklı yardım kategorileri, alıcıları Çin’in lehine oy kullanmaya teşvik etmede farklılık yaratabileceği için ayrıştırılmış Çin yardım verileri kullanılmıştır. Sonuçlar, yalnızca Çin hibelerinin, alıcıların Çin lehine oy kullanmaya teşvik edildiği bir yardım kategorisi olduğunu göstermektedir.