1 the Disintegrating Concept of Homeland (Patria) in Two Poems by Jon Juaristi I. Jon Juaristi: Political Dynamism and Basque N
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1 The Disintegrating Concept of Homeland (patria) in Two Poems by Jon Juaristi “Si no un destino, sí creo haber compartido con los nacionalistas de mis historias una peligrosa exposición a las mismas voces ancestrales, una educación en la melancolía patriótica, y por qué no decirlo, cierta estupidez.” Jon Juaristi, El bucle melancólico I. Jon Juaristi: Political Dynamism and Basque Nationalism In 1966, at the age of 16, the essayist and poet Jon Juaristi (Bilbao, 1951) joined Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), the Basque nationalist terrorist organization, which over the course of two decades would become one of the most infamous political antagonists in Europe. From its inception in 1958 until its dissolution in 2011, ETA was responsible for the deaths of 829 victims in its goal of establishing an independent Basque nation. In a 2006 interview with the Spanish newspaper El Mundo, Juaristi recalled his reasons for joining the group as a teenager. He was encouraged by a cousin, a Jesuit novice, who too had become ensnared by the nationalist fervor of the Basque religious community. Furthermore, he was reacting against the deplorable reality of the Francoist dictatorship and felt inspired by the recent publication of Federico Krutwig’s polemic Vasconia in 1963. That Krutwig’s nationalist call-to-arms was a catalyst for Juaristi is deeply ironic; he recounts that “entré en ETA después de leer el libro” and that in doing so, he was considered a “gilipollas” by other members of the organization, such as the esteemed Mario Onaindía (Esteban 1). Juaristi later responded to criticism of his participation in ETA in his semi- autobiographical collection of historical essays on the Basque condition, El bucle melancólico (1997). In the 2006 interview, he summarizes this remarkable experience as a member of ETA: “No me arrepiento de mi paso por ETA, si acaso deploro haber perdido el tiempo y no haberlo aprovechado para otras cosas” (1). What factor(s) created such a vast rupture between the ideology of the young Juaristi and that of his mature self? How did Juaristi, once a young 2 nationalist, eventually become part of a select group of Basque intellectuals that, as Paul Julian Smith argues, “sought to disentangle nationality from the land (and language) with which it is so frequently fused, viewing the mirage of independence as an ‘act of termination’ rather than a new beginning for the Basque people” (150)? The present study seeks to answer these questions through an analysis of two of Juaristi’s poems: “Patria mía,” published in Suma de varia intención (1987) and “Patria,” published in Renta antigua (2012). Despite the poems’ temporal separation of twenty-five years and the unique socio-political circumstances in which Juaristi wrote them, upon first reading the two selected works would appear highly similar. Both employ classical forms, the sonnet and the silva, and feature almost identical titles whose only discernable difference is the former’s use of the possessive article. Yet a close study of their ostensibly analogous structures finds that the 2012 composition, “Patria,” challenges and rejects the form of the Petrarchan sonnet used in the 1987 “Patria mía” in favor of a curiously sonnet-like, yet metrically variable, 14-line silva. A careful analysis of the two poems finds a literal disintegration of the traditional Petrarchan form between the earlier sonnet and the later silva which parallels a symbolic deterioration of the author’s concept of homeland. This deterioration reflects the author’s political dynamism over the course of twenty-five years, where Juaristi’s experience with as a budding Basque nationalist catalyzed an inexorable, if gradual ideological shift from the left to center that rendered the mature Juaristi the antithesis of the young ETA member he once was. Given the harsh reality of País Vasco under Francoist rule, Juaristi’s beginnings as a 16- year-old nationalist militant were hardly unique. His decision to join ETA, like many young people of the 60s and early 70s, can be broadly interpreted as a reaction against the severe repression of Basque autonomy, culture, and language that was law under the Francoist 3 autocracy. The same development occurs likewise in the lives of members of the 1977-80 Vanguard literary movement, Pott, of which Juaristi and other Basque literary scions such as Bernardo Atxaga and Joseba Sarrionandia were founding members.1 As the author explains: Mi evolución… es similar a la de otros muchos de mi generación. Gente que fue nacionalista por su tradición familiar, que estuvo en ETA en los años 60, en los 70 en la extrema izquierda, en los 80 fue socialdemócrata y, después, derivamos a un liberalismo convencional. Soy una persona conservadora, pero no de una derecha extrema, y no volveré a militar en ningún otro partido político. Contra eso ya estoy inmunizado. (1) Speaking of his ideological development in the 2001 prologue to El bucle melancólico, Juaristi expands: La mayoría de los de mi generación etarra dejamos de ser nacionalistas hace más de treinta años. Nos equivocamos en la forma de combatir contra la dictadura, no en el hecho de combatirla. Los nacionalistas sostienen que nuestro pasado compromiso con la violencia nos desautoriza para defender la democracia. Al contrario. Creo que precisamente porque la hemos conocido desde dentro, nuestras denuncias de la estupidez patriotera pueden tener una inusitada eficacia. (28) Juaristi’s personal development follows the general evolution of young Basques of his generation—made patent by the similar trajectories of Pott’s members—which in turn reflects ETA’s ontogeny in País Vasco during the second half of the twentieth century. By the late 1960s, the ETA to which Juaristi had belonged since 1966 found itself debilitated. Its armed faction was very nearly dismantled as a result of the Francoist government’s severe repression and detention of a vast number of its members, which took place 1 Other founding members were Jose Mari Iturralde, Manu Ertzilla and Ruper Ordorika. 4 after ETA’s killings of José Pardines and Melitón Manzanas in June and August of 1968, respectively. One of its key leaders, the young, beloved Txabi Etxebarrieta, had been killed by the Guardia Civil in a shooting in June that same year. Manzanas’ death in August was, in part, a reprisal for this killing. In ETA’s Assembly VI of 1970, the organization splintered, and Juaristi took the side that, in his words, “se desliga del nacionalismo y toma distancia con el terrorismo”; he became a Trotskyist and later a Communist (1). By 1974, at the age of 23, appalled by ETA’s 1973 assassination of Luis Carrero Blanco, the author abandoned political militancy outright, and ceased to follow the powerful ideological currents of militant Basque nationalism that would lead ETA into the bloody Años de Plomo of the late 1970s and 80s. After 1974, and throughout the rest of the 70s and 80s, Juaristi experienced several ideological metamorphoses, moving ever more towards the center, from extreme leftist to Communist, and, since 1987, as a member of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE). Juaristi’s membership in the PSOE is significant in the scheme of his personal development; as he explains, “…me afilié a ese partido en lo que siempre consideré como un acto simbólico para denunciar el acoso a los no nacionalistas en el País Vasco” (1). He did so after a 1987 terrorist attack by Mendeku led to the death of two female socialist militants in front of PSOE headquarters in Portugalete.2 In this politically symbolic act, then, Juaristi established outright the anti-nationalist ideology which would inform his writing, particularly his poetry, throughout his later life. Two years later, in 1989, he continued this trend, arguing in favor of a postnationalist identity based on the political concept theorized by Jürgen Habermas. Jon Kortazar summarizes Juaristi’s concept of postnationalist identity as one that, above all, seeks 2 Mendeku, meaning “revenge” in Euskera, formed part of the armed terrorist organization Comandos Autónomos Anticapitalistas. CAA originated as part of ETA-pm, from which it split to form a new organization based on Marxist-anarchist ideologies. 5 “the depoliticization of nationalism,” inasmuch as it recognizes that “[w]ithin nationalism there exist the basic premises for its dissolution. Nationalism creates its own gravediggers” (168). Juaristi’s contention that nationalism is inherently untenable will continue to explicitly criticize this ideology with the publication of El bucle meláncolico nine years later. Juaristi’s semi-autobiographical collection of historical essays provides key insight into its author’s most significant ideological metamorphosis: that of a young nationalist militant’s transformation into an avowed antinationalist. This transformation, initially catalyzed by the death of the PSOE militants, is clearly referenced in Juaristi’s introduction to El bucle meláncolico. In this work, the author takes to task Basque nationalism’s historiographical revisionism and offers an alternative historiography of Basque nationalism founded in fact, rather than ideological fervor. Juaristi simultaneously examines the perennially popular Basque nationalist discourse of rebellion, sacrifice, and defeat at enemy hands as he confronts nationalist (re)visions of Basque history. Stephanie A. Muller summarizes Juaristi’s perspective in this era as such: Juaristi’s constitutes one voice in a chorus of Basque voices that emerged in the 1990s in opposition to the sub-state nationalism that has for the most part enjoyed widespread popular support in the region following Spain’s democratic transition. Intellectuals such as Fernando Savater, Juan Pablo Fusi, Juan Aranzadi, Carlos Martínez Gomarán, Antonio Elorza, Mikel Azurmendi, and Patxo Unzueta - often identified as ‘non-nationalists’, ‘post-nationalists’, or ‘constitutional patriots’ - have all famously spoken out against nationalism, which they view, to a large degree like Juaristi, as a pernicious phenomenon limited to Spain’s peripheries, namely Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia.