recommonsin Europe Internationalism Popular for aNew Manifesto europe fore word

This text is the short version of the thors are active in different organisa- “Manifesto for a New Popular Inter- tions and movements (trade unions, nationalism in Europe”, which was political parties, activist movements) published on 21 March 21 2019 in and bring together diverse and com- English, French and Spanish. plementary expertise (economics, political science, philosophy, anthro- This Manifesto has been drawn up pology, law, ecology, unionism, fe- by a group of activists and resear- minism, North/South solidarity, and chers from a dozen or so countries in so on). Three generations are repre- Europe who wish to propose a blue- sented. The Manifesto is supported print to be carried out by the popular by more than 160 signatories from Left forces. It is part of the ReCom- 21 different European countries, monsEurope Project which was ini- among whom a majority of women. tiated by two international networks, The collection of signatures, as well the CADTM and EReNSEP, and the as the collective reflection and elabo- Basque trade union ELA, in order to ration from which this Manifesto has contribute to the strategic debates ta- emerged, are continuing. king place within the European po- pular Left today. It was written in one We have written a coherent proposal year by sixteen people active in six for the commitments, initiatives and different countries (Belgium, Bosnia, measures to be taken by the forces France, Greece, the Spanish State, of the popular Left in Europe. The and the United Kingdom); the au- proposals address the main issues that a people’s government will have In recent years, several opportuni- to face as soon as it comes to power. ties have been missed, especially in The Manifesto is intended for poli- 2015 in Greece. The ecological cri- tical organizations and social move- sis, violent austerity policies, and ments (trade unions, associations, ci- the danger represented by the rise tizens) fighting at local, national and of a racist and xenophobic far right, international levels for fundamental only make it more urgent to define human rights and equality for all, for a strategy associating organization social emancipation and democracy, from below, social movements and and against the destruction of eco- political organizations, in order to systems. make politics serve the interests of the majority. Our objective is to submit these ana- lyses and proposals for discussion to the social and political left, and to all those activists and citizens of Europe who are convinced that a radical change is necessary if we are to meet the major challenges of the day. Europe is going through a major and prolonged crisis. The European Union is basically anti-democra- tic and in the service of the richest. summary

foreword

Introduction

Chapter 1 - First steps of a popular government

Chapter 2 - Banks

Chapter 3 - Debt

Chapter 4 - Work, employment and social rights

Chapter 5 - Eco-socialism and energy transition

Chapter 6 - Feminism

Chapter 7 - Health, Education and Housing

Chapter 8 - International relations

Chapter 9 - Social struggles, political confrontations and constituent processes

Long version of the Manifesto: www.cadtm.org/Manifesto-for-a-new- popular-internationalism-in-Europe INTRO DUCTION

ver the past decade, popular the anti-abortion law in 2017), Ita- anger has been expressed ly (“Non Una di Meno” movement Owithout interruption against since 2016), Spain (feminist general discriminatory and anti-democratic strike of 5 million people on the 8th policies in favour of the rich and of March 2018), as well as a victory large corporations - policies which over the political influence of the are implemented by national go- Catholic Church in Ireland with the vernments and often coordinated legalization of abortion by referen- by the European Union (EU). This dum in May 2018; they are at last discontent has been reflected in succeeding in imposing their cen- initiatives by trade unions, but also trality in all social struggles. The by new movements such as ‘15M’ in year 2018 also saw the emergence of Spain (also called in other countries new social movements against the the movement of the ‘Indignados’), dominant economic and political the occupation of the squares in order, with the movement against Greece and the huge demonstra- the “slavery law” (neoliberal reform tions in Portugal in 2011, the mo- of labour laws) in Hungary, the de- vements against the “Loi Travail” monstration and development of the (Labour law) in France (which led “Indivisible” antiracist movement to the ‘Nuit Debout’ movement) in Germany, the Yellow Vest move- and against the Water Tax in Ire- ment in France and French-spea- land in 2016, the great demons- king Belgium against unfair tax po- trations for autonomy and against licies and the lack of democracy in political repression in Catalonia in political institutions. Nor should we 2017. Feminist struggles have given forget the climate demonstrations, rise to historic demonstrations in driven mainly by young people who Poland (“Czarny Protest” against have gone on strike in many coun- This Manifesto sees itself as an integral part of social movements which These social movements are inse- parable from the social, ecological, are inseparable from the democratic and feminist emergen- social, ecological, cies, as well as a ‘crisis of solida- rity’. A social emergency because democratic and feminist the living and working conditions of the popular classes have conti- emergencies, as well as a nuously deteriorated over the last ‘crisis of solidarity’ forty years, most notably since the crisis which affected the continent in 2008-2009. An ecological emer- tries, including Sweden, Denmark, gency because the exponential Switzerland, Belgium, France and consumption of fossil fuels required Great Britain. All these social move- by capitalism, and its corollary, the ments, and others, have challenged destruction of ecosystems, threaten the austerity measures and autho- the very existence of humanity. A ritarianism of the policies that are democratic emergency because the implemented in Europe, by posing dominant classes have not hesitated directly or indirectly the question of to adopt methods of domination a radical alternative social project which ignore democratic appea- to capitalism, productivism, eco- rances to an ever-greater degree, logical devastation, racism and pa- and are increasingly repressive, triarchy. This Manifesto sees itself in response to the challenges they as an integral part of these move- have been faced with over the last ments and shares their objectives : thirty years. A feminist emergency the struggle against all forms of do- because patriarchal oppression in mination, for universal rights, for all its forms is rejected by millions equality and for a democracy to be of women and men. A crisis of so- invented – a democracy which does lidarity because the closing of bor- not stop at the gates of companies ders and building of walls as a res- and the threshold of working-class ponse to the millions of migrants areas, and which is radically op- fleeing war, poverty, environmental posed to the logic of a capitalist sys- disasters and authoritarian regimes tem (whether the latter claims to be world-wide constitute nothing less ‘protectionist’, and so against ‘forei- than a denial of humanity. Each of gners’, or ‘liberal’) which destroys these emergencies leads, in res- social rights and the environment. ponse, to mass civil disobedience, self-organization and the building The European institutions incite and of alternatives, which represent sometimes constrain possible sources of democratic al- ternatives in Europe. national governments to

In this Manifesto, our reflections accelerate the processes and our determination to act are of lowering wages and solidly rooted in these Europe-wide movements, without limiting them- pensions, dismantling selves to existing borders and insti- laws regulating labour tutions: all the challenges and rights mentioned have become global. relations and social These take different forms in each country and on each continent, rights, privatising of with their own specificities and public services histories. Social attacks are articu- lated from the “local” to the “glo- bal” depending on the strategies of privatizing public services, etc. Of both multinational companies and course, neoliberal policies are not their interest groups within natio- dictated by the European institu- nal states and the institutions of tions alone – countries outside the globalized capitalism, based on the EU also apply them – but the trea- norms of so-called “free trade”. It ties and institutions are a power- is this logic which defines the pro- ful lever to encourage and impose foundly unequal “partnerships” them. Whatever the various inter- that the EU has developed with the pretations of the past phases of “the countries of the south and east of construction of Europe” may be, it the territory of Europe. is clear that the EU has always been a set of pro-capitalist institutions The European institutions play an and, ever since the Treaty of Rome, essential role in the development, has been constructed as a vast mar- organisation and coordination of ket for capital and “free and fair neoliberal policies at a transna- competition”, protected from po- tional level. They encourage and pular and democratic intervention. sometimes constrain national go- Recent developments, however, vernments to accelerate the pro- have intensified the unequal and cesses of lowering wages and pen- authoritarian nature of European sions, dismantling laws regulating policies. The most recent period labour relations and social rights, has been marked by a considerable Faced with an aggravation of the ecological crisis, the European institutions have made considerable progress and even participate in European systematically prefer to governments (as in Italy), or shape safeguard the existence the political agenda of govern- ments of the ‘extreme centre’ (as in of capitalism rather France). The European institutions have never protected capitalist in- than of humanity terests so actively and have never erected so many barriers against popular intervention or democra- increase in economic and social ine- tic choice as in the last few years. qualities within each country and In Greece, they responded to the also between the centre and the in- electoral victory of Syriza in Ja- ternal and external peripheries (to nuary 2015 by a policy of monetary the south and east) of the EU; this asphyxiation (drying up of state li- period is also characterised by the quidity); then, after the success of aggravation of the ecological crisis, the “No” vote in the referendum of with the disruption to the climate July 2015, held negotiations behind and so-called ‘natural’ disasters closed doors with the same govern- brought about by the destruction ment in order to neutralize the will of ecosystems now visible as a si- of the people and, with the com- gnificant and continuous process. plicity of the Greek government, Yet the European institutions sys- impose on them a third austerity tematically prefer to safeguard the memorandum. With the signature existence of capitalism rather than of agreements on migration poli- of humanity. cy between the EU and third-party The response of most governments countries such as the agreement to the growing protest movements with Turkey of April 2016, these consists of increasing the level of institutions added to the injustice state repression: social and poli- of the Dublin III Regulation and the tical opponents are threatened in violence of Frontex (the agency or- Greece; in France and Belgium laws ganizing the repression of migrants restricting freedoms follow one at the frontiers of the EU) the sys- another and occurrences of police tematic violation of international violence become more and more law, especially the law of asylum, frequent, refugee rights activists and direct funding of a repressive are criminalized, etc. Far-right xe- policy delegated to third-party nophobic and authoritarian forces countries. Today, the leading pro- jects for a “reform” of the EU are election in most member states of militarist (increasing the budget of governments committed to refor- Euroforce), anti-democratic (au- ming the EU seems equally illusory, tomaticity of European control of if only because of the different tem- national budgets) and even more porality of electoral cycles. The Eu- neoliberal (projects for generalized ropean Union today constitutes not privatization of public services). only a vanguard of neoliberalism in More than ever, as stated in 2015 by the world but also a set of unrefor- the then president of the European mable institutions, which is why a Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, left committed to social transfor- from the point of view of the Euro- mation can no longer be credible pean institutions, “there cannot be and realistic without placing a com- a democratic choice against the Eu- plete break with the treaties and ropean treaties”. institutions of the European Union at the heart of its strategy. Faced with the pro-capitalist, an- ti-democratic and xenophobic But what forms should this rupture construction which is the EU, what take? We already know that it can- is to be done? Reform through elec- not consist of negotiating a consen- tions at the European level is not sus without being in a position of a realistic option. A (very) hypo- strength faced with the European thetical majority for a radical left institutions, as the experience of coalition in the European Parlia- the first Syriza government in 2015 ment would not make it possible clearly showed. We also know that to impose modifications in the political ruptures necessarily rely most important treaties and a de- on social mobilizations on a large mocratic control on the European scale. Such mobilizations were Commission and the ECB, which cruelly lacking in Greece at the be- are the two main war machines of ginning of 2015, and they could have neoliberalism in Europe. The Par- created the conditions for the cam- liament, in reality, does not pos- paign for Brexit to take a different sess the necessary prerogatives for direction from the nationalist and such reforms, and the ECB and the xenophobic one which unfortuna- European Commission, as well as tely prevailed in the UK in 2016. the European Court of Justice and In other words, breaking with the the various European agencies, are treaties and the institutions of the completely independent of popular European Union will necessarily be sovereignty. And the simultaneous conflictual, democratic and interna- It is necessary and possible to simultaneously oppose the forces and policies of would really make it possible to meet social needs, guarantee the inequality and reaction fundamental rights of the men and at national, European women living in Europe or desiring to do so, improve their living and and international levels working conditions, conquer demo- cratic power and begin the process of going beyond capitalism while tionalist. This Manifesto argues that starting the ecological transition. it is necessary and possible to si- multaneously oppose the forces and The chapters of this Manifesto are policies of inequality and reaction designed as proposals to be debated (which advance under cover both – proposals which arise from reflec- of liberalism and protectionism) at tions oriented towards immediate national, European and internatio- and more long-term action. They nal levels, relying on both the initia- are aimed at citizens and activists tive of citizens and organized social of the social, trade union and po- movements and on the action of a litical left in the different member people’s government committed to states or within the orbit of the EU, defending rights for all. and submit for discussion diagnoses and proposals which the social mo- What is still needed, however, is for vements and left-wing forces which what is called in Europe the “radi- could result in a people’s govern- cal Left” to raise its game in order ment could defend together. In this to face up to today’s challenges. shortened version – which does not Taken as a whole, its constituent replace the full version – there is parts so far cruelly lack clarity and first a general presentation of the courage in their relationship to the Manifesto’s outline and then a sum- European institutions, radicality mary of each of the chapters, focu- and ambition in the measures they sing on the proposals submitted for advocate, and a popular base as a discussion and oriented towards result of their isolation from the so- action. cial movements which are challen- ging the existing order from below. Chapter 1 submits for discussion It is time, at local, national and in- principles, strategies and tools re- ternational levels, to discuss the quired to realize these objectives measures and realistic and radical and implement these proposals. It initiatives which, if implemented, aims to answer this question: What The chapters of this Manifesto are designed as should a people’s government do in propositions to be debated the first days and months of its ac- tivity? Like the following chapters, – propositions which arise it distinguishes and enumerates im- from reflections oriented mediate, medium-term and more long-term measures to be taken at towards immediate and national or international levels. more long-term action The following chapters contain proposals for: mocratic project and transver- • the public debt, of which it is sal to all social and political necessary to cancel the illegiti- struggles (chapter 6); mate, odious and unsustainable part (chapter 2); • education and health, which must be defended as funda- • the banks, which will have mental rights, developed and to be socialized within a pu- extended to all as public ser- blic banking service providing vices, as opposed to their com- funds to serve fundamental modification and degradation needs and not the accumula- (chapter 7); tion of profit chapter( 3); • international policy and mi- • employment and social rights, gration, aiming to ensure fun- which must be developed and damental rights for all, peace reinvented to improve living and solidarity between peoples conditions and secure demo- (chapter 8) cratic power over the means and purpose of work (chapter Like the first chapter, Chapter 9 4); proposes principles, strategies and tools making it possible to achieve • the energy and ecological tran- the stated objectives. It sets out sition, which must be put into to answer this question: What to practice urgently to prevent the do in the face of the hostility and destruction of ecosystems and constraints imposed by the Eu- invent new forms of sustainable ropean institutions? It presents a life (chapter 5); strategy of disobedience (at all le- vels), confrontation (including de- • feminist struggles, which must fensive and offensive measures), be at the heart of a radical de- Popular sovereignty can only be built by confronting the present forms of political institutions at national, European and international levels,

and by creating new processes, defending itself against democratic institutions attacks and reprisals coming from the European institutions and big through organization capital, as well as the attempts to from below block the process by national insti- tutions wedded to the existing or- der, and working towards new in- rupture (in different possible ternational alliances with partners forms), and it points to the need to inside and outside the existing EU rebuild alliances and constituent with a view to creating new forms processes with a view to instituting of cooperation and solidarity. Po- democratic forms of international pular sovereignty can only be built cooperation as an alternative to by confronting the present forms those of the EU. of political institutions at national, European and international levels, Our side must refuse both the and by creating new democratic unrealistic projects of institutio- institutions through organization nal reform of the European insti- from below. For that to happen, tutions, which in the final analysis we must win the argument for the only reinforce the status quo, and necessity of a clear political break projects based on a retreat into the with the national, European and nation-state, which end up by me- international institutions, which rely reinforcing domestic capital. A are vehicles for the policies we are popular left-wing force which aims fighting, as well as to consolidate at forming a people’s government the links between networks, forms and undertaking the process of ur- of resistance and the political, social gent social change must commit and trade union movements which itself to disobeying the institutions share the objectives of progressive of the EU, breaking with its normal and radical change, in particular Rebuild local, regional, national and international spaces, and beyond that, a world which is liveable, in order to have an influence on fair and democratic a European level. The immediate and urgent task is to reinforce and coordinate the existing initiatives of also constantly develop coordi- disobedience, rupture and self-or- nated campaigns and actions at ganization, and to initiate new ones, the continental level and beyond in systematically giving them an in- the fields of debt, ecology, the right ternational dimension, making sure to housing, treatment of migrants they are clearly opposed to the ins- and refugees, health, education and titutions that serve capital and work other public services, the right to in favour of new forms of solidarity work. Struggles must be led to close between peoples. nuclear power plants, drastically reduce the use of fossil fuels, ban By making these proposals for di- taxation dumping and tax havens, sobeying and breaking with the socialize the banks, insurance com- European institutions, there can panies and the energy sector, re-ap- be no question of looking towards propriate the commons, defend a nationalist solution to the crisis and extend the rights of women and to social revolt. As much as in and LGBTI people, promote public past periods, we need to adopt an goods and services, launch consti- internationalist strategy and ad- tuent processes. It is more urgent vocate a European federation of than ever to take action against the peoples as opposed to pursuing the ever-increasing authoritarianism of present course of integration which governments and for democracy in is completely dominated by the in- every area of social life. terests of big capital. We should It will no doubt be objected that this revolutio- nary way is too radical or too difficult. We re- ply that any other is a dead-end, and that ours is the only one which makes it possible to start the process of breaking with the existing order, now and everywhere it may be possible, in order to rebuild local, regional, national and interna- tional spaces, and beyond that, a world which is liveable, fair and democratic. Chapter 1

First steps of a popular government

hat should the popular thorized to issue money; a morato- Left do in the case of rium on the servicing of public debt; Wreaching a national go- capital control; at least one impor- vernment in Europe? In this chap- tant measure (to be followed by ter we suggest common measures others) to improve immediately and and initiatives – to be implemented perceptibly the living conditions of in all cases – and two separate sce- the many, for example the increase narios – one of which has to be of minimum wages and pensions. chosen – on the issue of currency. The priority is to lift austerity. To Immediate steps: do so, a popular government should implement a series of economic By the first day of its assumption measures to develop a social agen- of office the newly elected popular da. It should in particular: halt the government should be prepared to implementation of the Stability and promulgate decrees concerning: Growth Pact; suspend the payment how to secure deposits (up to a of the public debt, on the basis of given amount); control banks, in- a moratorium or a citizen audit of surance companies, etc., also the the public debt, while opting for a Central Bank, which should be put selective default, protecting social immediately under the authority of security funds, pension funds and the government and should be au- The priority is to lift austerity Concerning the strategic sectors of the economy: a vast programme of socialization needs to be developed, small savers; establish a control of which implies expropriating the capitals movement to prevent capi- capitalists as a priority in the sec- tal flight and tax evasion; establish a tors of finance (banking and insu- control of prices on staple goods and rance), energy, telecommunications services; take resolute control of the and the pharmaceutical industry in banking system and insurance com- order to put these activities at the panies; establish a Progressive Tax service of the population. A popu- Reform (with heavier taxes on pro- lar government must take concrete fits and wealth) with the priority on measures to socialize the entire the taxation of capital, big business education, health and care systems, and very high wages, in order to by bringing back into the public do- support a new public investment main services that are currently in policy; protect the working classes the private sector (private hospi- in case of a temporary decrease in tals, private schools and universi- national revenue, and make the ru- ties, etc.). ling classes pay for the crisis.

A popular government must launch a vast programme of measures in the A popular government field of social rights: increase mini- mum wages and pensions; extend must restore, extend and universal and free public services in the fields of health, education, care strengthen social rights, of children and the elderly, collective and develop a vast transportation, and a housing policy with a social rent; create high quality programme of public jobs for these purposes, create socialisation, which jobs as part of a change in the produc- tion model and an ecological transi- implies expropriating tion; implement a substantial reduc- tion of working time by law as well as the capitalists as a priority a new progressive labour reform in in the strategic sectors order to limit the power of sharehol- ders, and to move towards more de- of the economy mocracy within all productive spaces. The question of monetary sovereignty Since these policies involve trans- is a crucial issue gressing the European treaties and institutions, the EU will necessarily try to prevent their implementation. Scenario 1. In order to be in the best position Immediate exit from the EMU to respond to these hostile reac- and creation of a new national tions, a government of the popu- currency. lar Left must immediately initiate A crucial step in the path of a po- public discussions with other go- pular government would be rejec- vernments and address the other tion of the Economic and Monetary peoples of the EU in order to launch Union (EMU), under a neoliberal international campaigns to support economic structure, as it is now. For its policies and bring together ini- the peripheral nations, and espe- tiatives for change. cially for the Southern periphery, Choices to be made concerning exiting the EMU is imperative. Get- monetary sovereignty: ting out of the iron trap is the way to adopt policies that could expand The crucial issue related with how the economy, absorb unemployment to respond to the very probable through the creation of well-paid hostile reaction of the EU institu- jobs and reduce poverty. Exit is cer- tions is the question of monetary tainly not an easy process but by now sovereignty. In this regard, several there is considerable knowledge on options are being debated within how it could be achieved with as the European popular Left; the Re- little disruption as possible. For the CommonsEurope network retains core countries the issue of the EMU two of them at this stage, in an open is considerably more complex, since process where those involved are it involves dismantling the mone- convinced that discussions must tary union altogether and setting continue. up alternative arrangements. The EMU should certainly not be re- placed by unfettered competition in the foreign exchange markets. Eu- rope requires a system of stabilizing exchange rates coupled with a sys- tem of payments among countries, radically different than those of the EMU. If provoked by popular forces, Exiting or short- circuiting the EMU will enable concrete economic policies public authorities to manoeuvre creating a true basis for in. The government will accept the payment of taxes in this currency, solidarity in Europe which will also serve as a means of payment for a range of services, for increases in the salaries of civil dismantling the EMU could be an servants, increases in pensions and important step against the neolibe- social benefits. This new currency ral regime of the EU. will, at least initially, have parity Scenario 2. with the euro. Such a complemen- An alternative currency in order tary currency would thus be an in- to shortcircuit the EMU. tegral part of a strategy to short-cir- cuit the EMU’s binding power, thus A popular government could set supporting a policy of breaking up a Monetary Authority able to is- with the European treaties in order sue an alternative currency to the to allow, in the long term, the full euro immediately, whatever the recovery of monetary sovereignty, future decision may be (to stay in involving an exit from the EMU if the EMU or to return to a national necessary. currency). The political advantage of an alternative currency, even if Initiatives at the international level: it is only complementary at first, is Exiting or short-circuiting the that it allows a popular government EMU, and eventually leaving the to respond to several immediate EU, if done in order to implement challenges and to defend itself pre- policies supporting labour (irres- ventively against measures that will pective of its nationality) against inevitably be taken by the European capital, is not a nationalist step, institutions in retaliation for the nor would it represent a return to application of political measures competing and warring states in against the European treaties, wit- Europe. On the contrary, it will si- hout needing to get rid of the euro gnal the emergence of a radical in- right after being elected. The com- ternationalism that draws on the plementary currency can play a role expressed popular demand to reject of transition and of shock absorber, the dysfunctional and hegemonic while providing greater room for structures of the EU. This break, reflecting a new balance of powers in favour of the popular camp, will enable concrete economic policies creating a true basis for solidarity in Europe, and giving fresh content to popular sovereignty and democra- tic rights, within or beyond existing borders. It will lead to new forms of inter-state alliances in Europe, or even an alternative model of su- pranational, democratic and solida- rity-driven area based on peoples’ cooperation and internationalism, disconnected of capitalist develop- ment. Chapter 2

Banks

Socialization of the therefore popular support will be a necessary condition for it to be banking sector is achieved.

a necessary condition Measures to be immediately for a change of implemented: social model To have room for manoeuvring once in power and to limit the risks of financial asphyxia, a popular go- vernment must establish control ecause money, savings, cre- on capital flow. It must also imme- dit and the payment system diately implement a new banking Bare useful to the general in- regulation which will impose: to terest, they must imperatively res- significantly increase the banks’ ra- pond to a public service logic (and tio of equity in their balance sheets, therefore be used and managed as which ought to be above 20%; to part of a public service). Socializa- force banks to clean up their off-ba- tion of the banking sector (i.e. the lance sheet commitments; to sepa- public monopoly on the banking rate investment banks from retail activity and the management of the banks and to prohibit credit rela- banking sector by the workers to- tions between these two types of gether with customers, associations banks, as well as to prohibit socia- and elected representatives) is a lization of losses, securitization, necessary condition for a change of High Frequency Trading, over- social model. Such a measure repre- the-counter financial markets, and sents a major threat for capitalism, any connection between banking Implement a new banking regulation institutions and shadow banking as and recover control well as tax havens; to put an end to banking secrecy; to systematical- of the central bank in ly prosecute managers responsible order to have room for for financial offences and crimes; to establish a real financial responsi- manoeuvring once in bility of the major shareholders, in particular in case of bankruptcies; power and to limit the to increase taxation on banks. A risks of financial asphyxia popular government must also re- cover control on its central bank, with a view to resuming control on pitalism, socialization refers more its monetary policy and financing explicitly to a form of collectiviza- conditions. tion in which workers make deci- sions and exercise control, together Towards a socialization of the with customers, associations’ re- private banking system: presentatives and elected repre- sentatives. A popular government Within the popular Left as well should compensate small sharehol- as within the ReCommonsEu- ders (who do not take part in banks’ rope network, the discussion must decisions), while it could decide to continue until a unified position pay only a symbolic euro to major is reached. At this stage, two op- shareholders and recover the cost tions are being debated: either so- of reorganizing the bank from these cialize part of the banking sec- shareholders’ assets. tor with the creation of a public pole conceived of as a stepping Scenario 1: stone towards the socialization A public banking pole of the entire sector (scenario 1), or proceed from the outset to If the choice of immediate sociali- the socialization of the entire sation of the entire banking sector banking system, including the fi- is not shared by all the forces gathe- nancing and investment banks as red in the setting up of a popular well as the insurance sector (sce- government, the public banking nario 2). While the use of nationa- pole could represent a compromise lization can lead to confusion with solution and give this government the takeover of banks by the ruling the means of its policy. elites within the framework of ca- In terms of governance, each ins- Socialization refers more explicitly to collectivization in which their members are ap- pointed. in which workers For all banks that do not belong to make decisions the public sector, a “banking law” and exercise control, would redefine the missions of all banks as well as the membership together with and the appointment process of customers their boards of directors, regardless of their legal structure.

Scenario 2: titution would retain its operating Full socialization of autonomy and its own management the banking system bodies in this public pole. Howe- The full socialization of the banking ver, these institutions would ope- system means expropriating wit- rate within a common framework hout compensating (or compensa- defined by a national steering body ting by one symbolic euro) major that would ensure overall consis- shareholders (small shareholders tency. The national steering body will be fully compensated); granting would consist of national and local a monopoly of banking activities to elected representatives, heads of the public sector, with one single institutions and representatives of exception: the existence of a small workers’ and citizens’ associations cooperative banking sector (subject (including trade unions). If a private to the same fundamental rules as banking system is to be maintained, the public sector); defining, with ci- what would emerge is a tripartite tizen participation, a charter cove- banking system: a public financial ring the goals to be attained and the pole, including the socialized banks missions to be carried out, which and other public institutions, would sets the public savings, credit and coexist along with the private banks investment entities at the service of and a cooperative sector. Personnel priorities defined by a democratic representatives might be granted planning process. Socializing the the right to information and veto banking and insurance sectors into rights over the projects that will be public services will make it possible financed by the bank. Socialization for citizens and public authorities requires a fundamental revision to escape the influence of the finan- of boards of directors and the way cial markets; to finance projects of citizens and of public authorities; No matter which of the two to dedicate the activity of banking scenarios is chosen, recovering to the common good, with among control on the central bank is indis- its missions that of facilitating the pensable. transition from a capitalist, produc- tion-intensive economy to a social, sustainable and environment-frien- dly economy.

With the socialization of the banking sector, private banks will have disappeared: following their expropriation, their personnel will be reassigned to the public banking and insurance service, with gua- rantees of their seniority and their wages and with an improvement in working conditions. Local branches will grant credits at no risk to in- dividuals, households, SMEs and private local entities, associations, local governmental bodies and pu- blic entities. The local projects to be financed will be defined democrati- cally with maximum citizen partici- pation. Chapter 3

Debt

Challenge the legitimacy of sovereign debt that has been incurred to Given the potential for conflict with creditors that this implies, it is very bail out private financial important that such processes be institutions and carried out with popular support. accumulate private capital Challenging the legitimacy of public debt

The legitimacy of much of the pu- ny popular government blic debt of EU member states must must challenge the legitima- be challenged. The need to radical- Acy of sovereign debt that has ly reduce the amount of debt is not been incurred to bail out private fi- only due to the large burden that nancial institutions and accumulate interest payments impose on public private capital, as well as reject the budgets, but also because austerity principle of balanced budgets. Such policies imposed by the supranatio- process must start with the suspen- nal institutions as a requirement to sion of debt payments and the im- comply with its payment generally plementation of capital controls in have disastrous consequences for order to put forward an audit, that the debtor countries. The imple- is an exercise of transparency and mentation of these policies must sovereignty that will allow the new be stopped immediately by a popu- government to clarify what debt is lar government that wants to put illegitimate and should be repu- forward a progressive agenda. Most diated or unilaterally restructured. likely a progressive political party Austerity policies imposed by the creditors as a requirement to comply with the payment of public that wants to confront creditors and lift austerity will take office in the debt generally have middle of great market turmoil. We disastrous consequences witnessed this in Greece in 2015. In this context, the need for capi- for the debtor countries. tal control is immediate, in order The implementation to prevent massive capital flights out of the country (by capitalists of these policies must fearing for their vested interests or openly sabotaging the efforts of the be stopped immediately progressive government) and help prevent banking instability and col- lapse. Governments of the popular Left Public debt audit as a tool to take should include debts that other na- unilateral measures against tions have with their states in the illegitimate public debt audit of the debt. Under the same In order to argue and to gain popu- principles debt that is considered lar support in favour of unilateral illegitimate, illegal, odious and/or measures against the burden of pu- unsustainable must be cancelled. blic debt, from the suspension of its When public debts are cancelled payment to its unilateral restructu- by a popular government, the latter ring or to its repudiation, a citizen must protect small savers who have debt audit must be carried out. The invested in public securities as well books of public debt should be ope- as wage earners and old-age pen- ned to public scrutiny and an inves- sioners who had part of their so- tigation under democratic control cial security contributions (old-age, should categorize the debts that unemployment, disease or family must not be repaid. As a matter of benefits) invested in institutions or principle, debts that are conside- bodies that run the same kind of se- red odious, illegitimate, illegal or curities. unsustainable (following the defi- nitions adopted by the Truth Com- mittee on the Public Debt of Gree- ce) shouldn’t be repaid. Odious, illegitimate, illegal or unsustainable debts shouldn’t ral offensive against employment, wages, public services, etc. These be repaid emergency measures should be ac- companied by policies aiming at re- Reduction of private debt versing this neoliberal offensive.

A government of the popular Left should implement a programme of private debt relief, reducing or cancelling debts of individuals and families, whose amount has greatly increased as a result of the neolibe- Chapter 4

Work, employment and social rights

Strengthen social movements’ initiatives that point in particular radical change in employ- ment policies and social to the cancellation policies is necessary to gua- A and reversal of the rantee fair employment, a decent life and economic democracy for all. cuts in social rights Initiatives by citizens and social movements

Citizens and social movements’ de- for instance); the guarantee of the mands constitute a precondition to right to housing; the right of people move beyond the neoliberal logic. to migrate and to be welcomed and These initiatives should point in receive full citizenship; the dis- particular to the cancellation and mantling of corporate power and in reversal of the cuts in social rights, particular of the power of transna- and of the dismantlement of the tional corporations through their collective bargaining and labour socialization and public regulation; rights suffered in recent years; the the social, ecological, democratic establishment of a reference level and feminist transformation of the for a minimum salary; the reduction economic model. of working time (32 hours a week, Break with the mechanisms imposed by the logic of “convergence policies” at the European level and democratize reached in different sectors and ter- ritorial areas; prohibition of wor- the economy kers’ dismissals in companies that make profits; abolition of gender inequality at work by making effec- Immediate steps of a tive the principle of equal wages for popular government men and women with equal quali- fication; establishment of a signi- A popular government should first ficant number of minimum hours adopt immediate measures to re- that must be remunerated in part- cover rights which were lost in the time jobs; democratization of the fields of employment and of collec- work centres and enhanced parti- tive bargaining, as well as increase cipation of workers in decision-ma- the power of the working class and king on the workplace; increase in the unions; reverse the cuts imposed social protection, with a substantial on pensions and increase them ins- increase in the share of national tead, as well as unemployment be- income that goes to health, educa- nefits and other social benefits; gua- tion, social benefits, etc.; fostering rantee all rights to all people who of democratic work experimenta- are forced to migrate for economic, tions: cooperatives, self-organized social or political reasons; oppose production of goods and services, and cancel “new generation” trade social and solidarity economy, etc.; agreements. creation of new social rights that fa- cilitate a life worth living: access to Next, popular governments should social housing, right to work (which implement measures in all these is better than a basic income), reco- areas: reduction of the working gnition of dependency situations week to 35 hours as a first step through a public, universal and free towards a greater reduction, wi- social security system, guarantee thout any wage loss; increase of of available and free places in a pu- the minimum wage; abolition of blic system of nurseries, creating a existing restrictions on the impro- “universal maintenance grant” for vement of collective agreements students, which would allow young Promote initiatives at the international level for the social, democratic, ecological people to fund their studies away and feminist from the pressure of the labour market. These measures imply an transformation increase in high quality employ- of work ment in socially necessary and sus- tainable sectors.

Medium-term steps of a Medium-term initiatives popular government at an international level

Further economic and social po- Moreover, at an international level, licies of a popular government we should systematically promote should aim mainly at breaking with initiatives for the social, democra- the mechanisms imposed by the lo- tic, ecological and feminist trans- gic of “convergence policies” at the formation of work. This means European level (fiscal criteria, spen- that all political and social institu- ding rule, and so on) and democra- tions must be put at the service of tizing the economy: workers’ right changing the modes of production, to decide over the conditions and distribution and consumption, re- organization of their work, and on locating employment in socially the means and ends of their activity, and environmentally necessary must be recognized as a democratic sectors, and making sure that wor- and social right and guaranteed by king conditions are fair. We also labour laws. This implies an inalie- need to promote a radical change nable right to work, together with in the rules of globalization to give the right to education and housing, priority to human, economic, social and a full rethinking of the work- and cultural rights. This involves place in order to transform it into a breaking with the logic of the Trade democratic institution. Agreements, which are systems of domination of capital and transna- tional companies. Concerning strategic issues at and struggles against all the institu- the European level, the priorities tions of neoliberal capitalism – in- should be transnational strikes, in cluding the European Union – that order to confront collectively cor- prevent the implementation of the porate power from a class perspec- social rights of the workers and ci- tive; common European or interna- tizens. tional campaigns of labour unions and social movements concerning the issues previously raised; pe- dagogy regarding the disastrous effects of the European Union on employment, inequalities and social rights; opposition, disobedience Chapter 5

Eco-socialism and energy transition

consistent environmen- We need an tal commitment cannot be Alimited to modifying the anti-capitalist, relationship between humankind eco-socialist, and nature in general, it needs to include the demand for social equa- anti-productivist and lity, which guarantees the satisfac- de-growth programme tion of social needs and especially protects the popular classes: we have to preserve an environment which can sustain life (in particular green bonds and CAT bonds, and through 58% decrease of global net more generally with the perspec- emissions of greenhouse gases by tive of a “green capitalism” that the 2030 and 100% decrease by 2050), European Commission tries to pro- and guarantee social equity without mote. productivism. In short, we need an Immediate citizen initiatives anti-capitalist, eco-socialist, an- ti-productivist and de-growth pro- The changes that are necessary to gramme. In Europe, this implies a address the ecological crisis will radical break with the pro-capitalist only be possible with a great social EU and its “climate policies”, and support, based on a citizenship that particularly with polluting licences, is well-informed and willing to pro- We urgently need a public ownership of the energy sector, which implies to expropriate the private energy companies and to which implies to transfer them to a socialized public expropriate the sector of energy. We also need a ci- tizen control on the means and aims private energy of production in all sectors, which should be exercised by people who companies and to are as close as possible to the fields transfer them to a and to the needs concerned. Fur- thermore, we need a democratic socialized public control at the level of the state of sector of energy key elements such as infrastruc- tures, economic actors, financing mechanisms, strategic planning, and associated industry. If the pu- mote and be co-responsible for the blic sector is to fulfil its function as needed transformations. Therefore, a catalyst of the transition and to it is necessary to encourage, protect be financed without the pressure and develop citizen initiatives that of capitalist market, it needs mo- are already oriented towards a so- netary autonomy. For this purpose, cio-ecological transition (coopera- the rules of the European Moneta- tives of public services, agro-eco- ry Union should be abandoned and logical farming and consumption, replaced by other forms of financial recycling, ecological restoration, cooperation in Europe. We must industries in the process of recon- push for a development model that version, etc.). We also need to pro- favours local production, reduces mote awareness-raising and self-or- the overall socio-environmental ganized initiatives functioning as impact and generates local prospe- laboratories of experiences that can rity, even without GDP growth. be reproduced on a bigger scale in the future. The magnitude of the environmen- tal problems will require huge so- Emergency measures to be cio-economic transformations in a taken by a popular government short period of time. Therefore, in addition to the actions mentioned In order to guarantee a democra- above, the government should im- tic programme in favour of the plement exceptional emergency many, we urgently need a public mechanisms to promote imme- ownership of the energy sector, diate radical change concerning redefine the main economic sec- the conservation of nature and tors. Here are some of the concrete biodiversity, in particular with the measures to be developed: establish control of urbanization and land long-term objectives and strategies, occupation; the reinforcement of either constitutionally or through legislation and regulations to re- legislative development; create duce pollution and alterations in democratic mechanisms of invest- biogeochemical cycles; reforesta- ment and financing (with the socia- tion and development of agrofo- lization of banks, but also the can- restry. These emergency measures cellation of the illegitimate, illegal, also concern energy and climate, in odious and unsustainable part of particular with a nationalization / public debt, etc.) of the eco-socia- socialization plan for the means of list transition; preserve the key eco- production in the energy sector ta- logical systems (soils, underground king into account infrastructures, water, coasts and seas) through operators and pricing and tax sys- boosting public ownership and/or tems; an energy financing plan with common management; eliminate criteria regarding the priorities the legal barriers to agro-ecologi- and the redistribution of wealth; cal production by small farmers; the development of a relocated and develop public services with free socialized energy sector and the and easy access for all in particular transformation of every sector of public transportation in both urban the industrial production on the ba- and rural areas; encourage living in sis of renewable and non-polluting rural areas – while preserving areas energy; the prohibition of fracking that are still “pristine”–, which techniques, the closing down of frees up urban spaces; increase the all nuclear plants and of thermal self-sufficiency of cities; organize a power plants based on fossil fuels; comprehensive housing insulation the promotion of an agriculture wi- plan as part of a right to decent hou- thout pesticides or synthetic fertili- sing for all; develop a new model of sers. energy management and guarantee the control of energy prices; forbid Concrete objectives for planned obsolescence; implement a a popular government strategy that allows the anticipation of possible local ecological conflicts A popular government committed and their democratic arbitration as to ecological sustainability and sup- part of the re-organization of the port for the popular classes must economy. Trying to solve socio-ecological and energy challenges at the national level is as the Energy Charter, the interna- essential, but it is totally tional dispute settlements mecha- unfeasible if these nisms involved in “free trade” agreements, etc.) and every treaty initiatives are not that opposes the stated objectives.

accompanied by A radical eco-socialist transition international action plan is needed in Europe, as well as in the rest of the world. Efforts to drastically reduce greenhouse Initiatives at the international level: gas emissions will have to be more significant in the countries of the Trying to solve socio-ecological global North, in order to guarantee and energy challenges at the natio- the countries of the global South a nal level is essential, but it is totally priority right to develop using what unfeasible if these initiatives are not humankind can still use of non-re- accompanied by international ac- newable energies, until the energy tion. This implies the modification transition is ensured at the global of European regulations. A genuine level. Concretely overtaking capi- public control requires first to get talism is not only a matter of equa- rid of the European competition lity and democracy, but also of the rules as well as of the public procu- survival and reproduction of the rement regulations, the European ecosystems to which human beings criterion of stability, the limitation belong. In this perspective, a radical of the public deficit and the current break with the current European European monetary restrictions; treaties and institutions, and their second to introduce restrictive replacement by alternative forms of clauses for companies and investors international cooperation, are abso- in European biodiversity strategies, lutely necessary conditions. particularly concerning the issue of public health (reduction of air pol- lution, prohibition of polluting and pathogen pesticides, etc.); finally to repeal multilateral treaties (such Chapter 6

Feminism

Our strength lies in the struggles and solidarity of the consistent feminist political position demands that we oppressed; popular Aoppose all forms of exploi- governments need to tation, sexism, patriarchy and all forms of violence that turn the ex- bring these struggles ploited and vulnerable into mutual together enemies, while Capital safely conti- nues to divide our common strug- gles. Our strength lies in the strug- gles and solidarity of the oppressed, well as its isolation from the pu- of women, LGBTQI communities, blic sphere. We need to socialize minorities, people of colour and the tasks of social reproduction, workers against the tyranny of the for example through massive in- market and capital and against the vestments in municipal nurseries, EU that imposes austerity. restaurants, and laundries with the aim of delivering these as free pu- Popular governments need to bring blic services. In this way we create these struggles together and go preconditions for the integration beyond mere demands for formal of men and women in all economic equality to challenge the gendered sectors on equal terms and equal division of labour and the gendered pay. We create the conditions for character of social reproduction as the end of subaltern women’s work In enabling women to decide freely how to lead their own lives, the public, socialised socialized sector will be a lever for sector will be a wider changes in society, and our aim is to work with the liberation lever for wider changes movements to transform social re- in society production from below through the initiatives of self-organized move- ments. at home and in the waged economy, Thus, social movements should de- and in this way transform the gen- velop campaigns and mobilizations der division of labour into a genui- to achieve full equality of all: fight nely egalitarian and emancipatory all forms of violence and discrimi- manner. In the transition period, nation based on gender, class, race we will have to use quotas to make and age; demand decriminalisation sure women, migrant women in of protests and solidarity actions particular, are properly represented with migrants and other vulnerable in the economic fields of their choo- groups; campaign over and demand sing, but in particular in the public equal pay for equal work, socializing sector. In the public sector our aim the burden of social reproduction is to create forms of flexibility that (investments in municipal nurseries, serve not the interest of Capital in communal restaurants and laun- having a low cost private reproduc- dries), higher citizen’s participation tion of labour power in the family at in political decisions on local levels, the expense of women, but enable availability of drinking water and all women to choose whether they will other means of subsistence, repro- have children or not, whether they ductive rights and access to repro- will take time off to bring them up ductive health care; fight big finance, or not, whether they will pursue indebtedness and austerity policies; their careers or not, in short to en- campaign over the issues of migra- sure women’s right to reproductive tion and opening borders; demand self-determination and to expan- the end of imperialist wars – led in ding their potential at work and particular by the NATO coalition – in society. In this way the public, which destroy entire societies. Concrete measures are to be adop- and discrimination; reform exis- ted by popular governments in or- ting legislation to support victims der to impose higher taxes on big of sexual and domestic violence, capital to fund a massive expansion including children; support legis- of the public sector, including em- lation with public campaigns and ployment in areas associated with material support for women figh- the ecological transition; expand ting back and for youth movements full time employment of women in articulating their own demands; the public sector; enforce existing increase citizen participation on legislation on equal pay for equal issues that concern their daily lives work in the public sector and in- and on everyday level through the troduce penalties for private sector introduction of self-management employers that fail to respect the mechanisms in all public sector law; increase the number of com- work units and community self-ma- munal nurseries, restaurants and nagement mechanisms. laundries; make sure that work in the education, health and care sec- The feminism we fight for is not the tors is not feminized, that is there is feminism of a tiny minority of cor- an equal balance of male and female porate and bank women directors workers; prevent discrimination at the expense of working women, against women returning to work migrants, and all those who are after childbirth or child care; en- vulnerable. We fight for a feminism force and improve laws defending which struggles against the poli- the civic and employment rights of cies that bring deaths of thousands LGBTIQ+ populations; introduce of women and the exploitation of quota legislation to enable migrant hundreds of thousands more, a fi- populations to find equal pay work ght based on the awareness that the in the public sector; supplement enemy is capital, and the enemy is equality legislation with public cam- always at home. paigns over, and material support to, communities and movements fighting racism, gender oppression We fight for a feminism which struggles against the policies that bring deaths of thousands of women and the exploitation of hundreds of thousands more, a fight based on the awareness that the enemy is capital, and the enemy is always at home Chapter 7

Health, Education and Housing

The struggle over education, health, care and the right to decent housing is part of the ince the outbreak of the finan- struggle to emancipate cial crisis in 2008, austerity ourselves and Smeasures implemented across the world and in Europe have plun- substantially improve dered social funds, imposed strict fiscal discipline and introduced cuts the conditions we live in to what were already declining in- vestments in education, health and movements and political forces that care systems, waging a war prima- could come to power. We believe rily against those who either earn that the struggle for free and publi- very little or nothing. This is what cly available health and education is we want to change. The struggle the only viable alternative. over education, health, care and the right to decent housing is part of Immediate proposals to the struggle to emancipate oursel- social movements ves and substantially improve the Priority should be given to cam- conditions we live in. paign, on the one hand, for acces- Our proposals are aimed at both sible housing as well as free and Campaign for free and publicly available services, the socialization schools and hospitals; initiate the socialization of education, health of pharmaceutical and care systems; campaign for the industries and access to possibility of up to a 12 month ma- ternity leave; demand equal access pharmaceutical products to free, publicly financed and subsi- dized education, from early child- via the public health hood to university; campaign for system; campaign on free meals for every child attending publicly financed institutions; de- equal pay and a rise mand quality and not quantity: hu- of wages, dignity of job man beings are not mere numbers. and in living conditions Immediate proposals to be adopted by popular governments publicly available health, education Instead of increasing investment and care services, on the other for in military and defence, a popular the socialization of pharmaceuti- government should invest money cal industries and access to phar- in education, housing, health and maceutical products via the public care services so that all citizens health system; it should include benefit from them. It should also campaigns on equal pay and a rise restore the dignity and increase of wages, dignity of job and in li- salaries of all workers included in ving conditions. We must demand the processes of education, health an immediate stop to any further and care; put an end to any further liberalization, privatization or com- PPPs projects related to public ser- modification in any of these sectors vices; question the debts contrac- that should be equally available to ted through various forms of PPPs; everyone, regardless of their class; define housing as an essential use promote citizens’ audits on Pu- value (rather than as an exchange blic-Private Partnerships contracts value); invest in public education, and debts contracted via such health and care systems instead of PPPs; challenge illegitimate debts promoting private interests based contracted via PPPs and demand on the ideology of choice; stop any an immediate moratorium on any further public investment into pri- further PPPs; stop any further pu- vate schools, hospitals and other blic money investment into private similar private institutions; ensure that all children excluded from the also promote and help introduce educational system as a result of di- the self-management of health, sabilities, poverty and other forms care and education institutions by of discrimination are included in professionals working in these sec- the education system and that re- tors, combined with the participa- sources are properly provided to tion of the users of social services facilitate their flourishing; ensure and citizens in general, as well as that children with special needs are local councillors; favour direct in- provided with specialised educatio- volvement of citizens in decisions nal assistance; put an end to inco- concerning health and education me- and race-based segregation in through their right to participate in health, care and education; invest the relevant self-management as- in quality instead of quantifying semblies; make available fully free and introducing further measure- and universal medication, care and ment tests; reduce the number of education; ensure fully free higher children per classroom; reduce the education and maintenance grants pressure put on public institutions for all students; work towards in- by investing in public jobs in order ternational cooperation in public to ensure that there are enough research, especially in the health teachers, doctors, nurses and care system to overcome the fragmenta- workers to maintain high quality tion, monopolization, waste, mas- and standard. sive costs imposed by Big Pharma; organise a system of redistribution Medium term programme of wealth from the richest to the of popular governments poorest countries, targeted specifi- cally at health, care and education A popular government must so- sectors; ensure equal citizenship cialize the entire health, care and and employment rights for all wor- education systems, by returning to kers, irrespective of nationality, em- the public domain what are now ployed in the now socialized, public services owned by the private sec- sector. tor. It should promote the creation of a collectively managed public Having, preserving and strengthe- housing stock; expropriate real es- ning accessible housing as well as tate funds when their housing stock free, publicly financed and subsi- does not have a social function or dized education, health and care is not within the reach of the ma- systems is not possible within the jority of the population. It should framework of the EU and the euro. Having, preserving and strengthening accessible housing as well as free, publicly financed and subsidized education, health and Without grappling with auste- rity and the debt-led economy the care systems is chances do not exist. This chapter dealt with health, education and only possible if we housing issues, but equally impor- simultaneously grapple tant questions linked with public services should be dealt with, such with austerity and the as public transport and other issues debt-led economy, questions concerning the demands and needs of local communities. which implies targeting the EU and the euro Chapter 8

International relations

Participate in the social movements in favour of opening borders and welcoming migrants

e need to simultaneously with dignity, and opposing oppose the inequalities economic and military Wbetween core and peri- pheries within the European Union, imperialism the “Fortress Europe” policy, which is responsible for the deaths of thou- sands of migrants, in particular in the Mediterranean, and the neo-co- Europe, initiatives such as those pro- lonialism of the main European viding shelter for migrants, helping powers in the rest of the world. them cross borders, denouncing de- tention centres for migrants, organi- Immediate citizen initiatives sing mass demonstrations in favour to be launched at the national of opening borders and welcoming and international levels, notably migrants with dignity. The popular by social movements Left also needs to build up links with groups and individuals involved in The popular Left in Europe needs to emancipatory policies outside of Eu- participate in and develop the exis- rope. ting social movements challenging the migration policies of Fortress Break with the NATO and commit to global disarmament

control. If the state is involved in We need to engage in and develop wars abroad (e. g. Mali), it will ini- audits of European credits over third tiate a process of disengagement to parties in order to cancel illegitimate be achieved as soon as possible and and odious debts claimed by the EU to be replaced with humanitarian and its member states over third support under democratic control of countries, as well as challenge the the people concerned. A popular go- free-trade agreements signed with vernment will socialize the weapon developing countries and other eco- industry and implement a morato- nomic policies deepening the depen- rium on arm production and sales dency of subjugated nations. We also abroad. It will commit itself to glo- need to actively engage in the “Boy- bal disarmament and dismantle its cott, Divestment, Sanctions” (BDS) nuclear weapons if it has any. campaign against the settler colo- nialism of the Israeli state. Left-wing A popular government should open groups and social movements in Eu- its borders, organize a secured access rope must oppose imperialist and to its territory for migrants (in par- counter-revolutionary wars whe- ticular by sea) and ensure freedom rever they come from and actively of movement and settlement for all. denounce co-operation between Detention centres for migrants will their own current governments and be abolished. Equal rights, including regimes involved in human rights free access to health care and to pu- violations. blic education as well as access to a decent housing, should be ensured; First steps of a popular anyone settling in the popular go- government at the national level vernment’s jurisdiction should be given full civic rights, including the In order to signify a radical break right to vote at all levels of the juris- in the approach to international diction. Any financial participation policies, a popular government in a in European common budgets for NATO member state will leave that border control (e. g. Frontex) will be organization and cease all co-opera- cancelled. If the state owns a Navy tion with it. The military command military force, it will be disarmed, which is the most closely linked put under democratic control and with the capitalist state and class used for humanitarian action (e. g. in will be dismissed and the army will the Mediterranean Sea). be re-organized under democratic Open borders, organize secured routes for migrants

A popular government will imple- and ensure freedom ment a moratorium on the reim- of movement and bursement of its own credits until the findings of an audit with citizen settlement for all participation are known. All credits over subjugated nations outside and inside (e. g. Greece) the EU will be cancelled. All illegitimate and odious its former colonies if it had any and credits will be cancelled. A popular it will give them back the cultural government will stop its financial goods which were stolen from them. participation to the international A popular government will take sanc- financial institutions which contri- tions against regimes that violate bute to the subjugation of dependent international law and fundamental countries such as the IMF and the human rights, paying attention not World Bank. It will disobey the rules to further endanger the populations of the WTO, step out of any free in those countries. It will actively trade agreement it is party to which support oppressed nations and eth- is unfavourable to less developed nicities (e. g. Palestinian, Kurdish, countries, and instead propose fair Sahrawi, Rohingya) through huma- trade to those countries. It will en- nitarian and diplomatic help. It will force penalties against corporations assist populations whose lives are di- which are active in its own jurisdic- rectly threatened, including through tion and which violate the national measures to prevent criminal re- and international laws abroad. It will gimes from committing mass crimes. forbid transactions with tax havens and take sanctions against them. It Medium term steps of will transfer useful technologies free a popular government and of charge to subjugated nations. of social movements

A popular government will reco- A popular government will need to gnise the destructive role played by break its isolation through mass mo- colonization, including slavery, co- bilizations against counter-revolu- lonial wars, wars of extermination tionary threats from within and from and colonial mass murders; it will abroad. It will call for international initiate a process to determine fi- mobilizations for peace, solidarity nancial compensations to be paid to and social justice. It will make public A popular government will need to break its isolation and call the fields of labour rights, social se- curity, housing policies) based on the for international highest existing standards among mobilizations for the group of countries concerned. Popular governments will adopt a peace, solidarity and legally binding treaty to force trans- national corporations to respect in- social justice ternational law and will act together at the international level to promote the constant blackmail and threats social change and ecological tran- used by pro-capitalist governments sition. They will establish a strong inside multilateral institutions and enough relationship of powers to negotiations. In order to break its enter into meaningful negotiations isolation, a popular government with oppressive powers for the sett- will need to establish new bilateral lement of national issues (e. g. Pa- and multilateral co-operations with lestine, Western Sahara, Kurdistan) pro-capitalist governments abroad. and protracted civil wars (e. g. Syria). It will do so by making clear the dis- tinction between tactical diplomatic moves (which would be the motiva- tion behind such co-operations) and strategic political alliances (which could not be achieved with pro-ca- pitalist governments), and under strict democratic control by the po- pulation.

Medium term steps at the international level

Popular governments will establish a common financial institution based on solidarity, offering zero interest loans to dependent countries both outside and inside the EU. They will establish new co-operations in eco- nomic, social and ecological fields, implementing the same laws (e. g. in Chapter 9

Social struggles, political confrontations and constituent processes

Disobey, confront, he European institutions (of the EU and the Euro area) are and break with, the Tstructurally neoliberal, unde- undemocratic and mocratic and unequal. They consti- tute an obstacle to the satisfaction of capitalist European the popular classes’ needs, demands institutions, and replace and rights in each country, as well as to solidarity and equality between them with new forms the populations of the member States. Against the logics of compe- of popular cooperation tition as well as in the perspective of and democratic an ecological transition, the Euro- pean level of struggles and of buil- institutions in Europe ding of alternatives is of particular importance. We want to turn Europe into our common home, but this is impossible in the framework of the existing European institutions. Our Disobey the Treaties, diktats and decisions of the EU in a Such disobedience processes can be based on existing struggles and coordinated manner on concrete campaigns (in all fields such as labour rights, monetary po- licies, anti-racism, etc.) that should scenario proposes to rely on existing as often as possible demonstrate the social struggles at the local, national possible efficiency of the implemen- and transnational levels in order to tation of democratic, environmental disobey, confront and break with and social aims at a European level, the undemocratic and capitalist in contradiction with the existing European institutions, and to re- Treaties and neoliberal policies. If a place them with new forms of po- political actor is isolated, it can still pular cooperation and democratic delegitimize existing policies and institutions in Europe. institutions, disobey them by imple- menting alternative solutions and The main features of the “rebellion” propose openly new forms of popu- scenario for a common Europe lar cooperation and self-organiza- tion at all possible levels. 1. We need to immediately imple- ment our alternative social, en- 2. Existing struggles at the national vironmental and political goals level must highlight interactions through coordinated and coopera- between the national ruling classes’ tion-oriented permanent platforms policies and the dominant European and disobedience movements: at lo- ideology, political economy and ins- cal, regional, national and European titutions. In order to break with the levels, and concerning all matters hegemony of capital, popular consul- or specific issues (for example debt, tations and mobilizations should migration policies, ecological transi- focus on the concrete aims and pro- tion, neo-colonial agreements with gramme which must be put forward the Global South including “Eas- against the EU’s ruling classes and tern Europe”, etc.), several political institutions. The confrontation actors should disobey the Treaties, consists also in implementing defen- diktats and decisions of the EU. They sive tools against the counter-threats should make it known that they do it and attacks of the EU, as well as po- together in order to implement alter- litical offensive initiatives to destabi- native policies and to set up new ins- lize the neoliberal block and to bring tituted and long-term cooperation about a crisis in the legitimacy and (concerning all or specific matters). the functioning of the European ins- Confront the EU’s ruling classes and institutions by titutions. Implementing such tools implementing defensive must be done as soon as possible by a political actor through unilate- tools against their attacks, ral measures, like the suspension of as well as political debt payment during an audit; a pu- blic policy program creating jobs on offensive initiatives to the basis of a specific taxation; the control of capital flow; or some so- destabilize the neoliberal cializations and/or nationalizations block and to bring about linked to concrete struggles and de- mands. If a political actor is isolated, a crisis in the legitimacy it should still implement such tools and the functioning of the by itself and, through the call to po- pular mobilizations throughout Eu- European institutions rope (rather than only inside its own geographical area), it should invite other actors to contribute to the need of a democratically controlled de-legitimization process and there- monetary system and currency, the- fore to a political crisis of the Euro- refore the need of socialization of pean institutions. banks and of control on capital flow. Those measures are in conflict with 3. Such defensive tools and offen- the European Monetary Union and sive political initiatives necessarily the Treaties of the European Union. involve popular governments at a A popular government can decide to national level breaking with the Eu- exit the EMU and/or the EU (for ins- ropean Treaties and institutions. All tance by using Article 50) or accept measures taken by a popular govern- the challenge of being expelled from ment as described previously in the the EMU or the EU. Manifesto require a break, at least at the national level, with the exis- 4. Constituent processes must be ting European dominant politics and initiated at all possible levels in or- rules. We must demonstrate clearly der to build alternatives, aiming at that what we defend is not based on developing a new political coopera- “national interest” but on political, tion in Europe based on a common social, environmental and demo- Platform against the European and cratic reasons – which concern all local ruling classes and institutions people inside and outside of the cur- as well as xenophobic currents, and rent Union. We defend the absolute in favour of social rights for the wor- Constituent processes must be initiated at all possible levels in order to have not yet taken it upon themsel- ves, to dismantle Fortress Europe, create new cooperation, to and ultimately to create alternative favour the process of rup- institutions at the European and in- ternational levels. If a political actor ture, to dismantle Fortress is isolated, it should launch this “re- bel constituent process” on the terri- Europe, and ultimately to tory and/or the function concerned, create alternative institu- and propose other actors to join the process. tions at the European and Proposals: international levels immediate initiatives

Each of the previous features re- quires some immediate initiatives. The main requirements concern the kers and all subaltern classes as well collective designing and the popular as of the defence of the environment. appropriation of the concrete tools The scenario cannot be totally pre- necessary to disobey, confront and dicted but for instance, an alliance of launch constituent processes as well associations, Rebel Cities, Regions or as the gathering of the social and po- States could launch a “rebel consti- litical forces that can operate them. tuent process” (concerning global or specific functional prerogatives), Concretely, for 2019, we propose to open even to political spaces not all progressive forces (trade unions, involved from the beginning in the political organizations, associations, disobedience process. These consti- activist collectives) sharing similar tuent processes, with various forms goals: to strengthen jointly their cri- according to the situations and le- ticism of the capitalist and undemo- vels concerned (from municipal fo- cratic European institutions and spe- rums and networks to Constituent cify together their proposals in order Assemblies at the national or Euro- to break with these institutions’ he- pean level associated to internatio- gemony and reconstruct new forms nalist platforms) are to be launched of popular cooperation; to update, in order to create new cooperation, share and popularize convergent to favour the process of rupture of texts, such as the Altersummit’s Ma- neighbouring political actors who nifesto and ReCommonsEurope’s Manifesto; to encourage the deve- Propose to all progressive forces to strengthen their lopment of all significant initiatives criticism of the capitalist on the local, national and European levels in favour of “rebel constituent and undemocratic processes” such as those that are European institutions, being developed by some “Yellow Vest” protesters in France; to take to share and popularize advantage of the European elec- tions in order to raise campaigns convergent proposals, and launch popular debates about to encourage the this scenario and its implications, to inform about the existing initia- development of all tives and alternative spaces that significant initiatives on could take part in this scenario, and to gather social and political forces the local, national and around it. European levels in favour of “rebel constituent processes”, to raise campaigns and launch popular debates about this scenario first signatories Austria Léon Crémieux (retired trade unionist in the air transport, NPA, Christian Zeller (Professor of Economic Geography, active in France) Aufbruch für eine ökosozialistische Alternative, Austria) Alexis Cukier (philosopher, Ensemble!, EReNSEP, France) Belgium Véronique Danet-Dupuis (banking executive, trade union Anne-Marie Andrusyszyn (director of CEPAG, Belgium) delegate in defence of the workers, co-responsible for France Eva Betavazi (CADTM, Belgium and Cyprus) Insoumise’s programme on banks, France) Olivier Bonfond (economist at CEPAG, Belgium) Penelope Duggan (International Viewpoint, France) Camille Bruneau (feminist, CADTM Belgium) Pascal Franchet (president of CADTM France) Juliette Charlier (CADTM Belgium) Isabelle Garo (philosopher, France) Tina D’angelantonio (CADTM Belgium) Norbert Holcblat (economist, NPA, France) Virginie de Romanet (CADTM Belgium) Michel Husson (economist, France) Jean-Claude Deroubaix (sociologist, Belgium) Pauline Imbach (baker, CADTM Grenoble, France) Ouardia Derriche (Belgium) Pierre Khalfa (Fondation Copernic, France) Grégory Dolcimascolo (ACiDE, Belgium) Yvette Krolikowski (CADTM France) Anne Dufresne (sociologist, GRESEA, Belgium) Michael Löwy (sociologist, France) Chiara Filoni (CADTM, Belgium and Italy) Laurence Lyonnais (Ensemble Insoumis, ecosocialist, candidate Corinne Gobin (political scientist, Belgium) in the 2019 European elections for France insoumise) Gilles Grégoire (ACiDe - Citizen Debt Audit,- CADTM Belgium) Jan Malewski (journalist, Inprecor journal, France) Giulia Heredia (CADTM, Belgium) Myriam Martin (porte-parole de Ensemble!, France) Nathan Legrand (CADTM, Belgium) Christiane Marty (engineer, Fondation Copernic, France) Monique Lermusiaux (retired trade union activist, Belgium) Gustave Massiah (economist, altermondialist, France) Rosario Marmol-Perez (trade union activist FGTB, artist, Corinne Morel Darleux (ecosocialist author and activist, France) Belgium) Ugo Palheta (sociologist, NPA, Contretemps, France) Herman Michiel (editor of the website Ander Europa, Belgium Dominique Plihon (economist, ATTAC France) and the Netherlands) Laura Raïm (journalist, France) Alice Minette (trade union activist, CADTM Belgium) Marlène Rosato (Ensemble!, EReNSEP, France) Christine Pagnoulle (University of Liège, ATTAC, CADTM, Pierre Rousset (ESSF www.europe-solidaire.org, France) Belgium) Catherine Samary (economist, ATTAC France, NPA, France) Adrien Péroches (CADTM Brussels, ACiDe Brussels, Belgium) Mariana Sanchez (trade unionist, France) Madeleine Ploumhans (ACiDe, CADTM Liège, Belgium) Patrick Saurin (CADTM France) Brigitte Ponet (social worker, CADTM Belgium) Alejandro Teitelbaum (lawyer in international human rights Daniel Richard (regional secretary of the inter-branch union law, France) FGTB Verviers, Belgium) Aurélie Trouvé (economist, ATTAC France) Christian Savestre (Attac Bruxelles 2, RJF, ACiDe, Belgium) Sophie Zafari (trade unonist FSU, France) Éric Toussaint (political scientist, economist, spokesperson for Roseline Vachetta (ex member of European Parliament, inter- the CADTM international network, Belgium) national solidarity activist, NPA, France) Felipe Van Keirsbilck (general secretary of the Centrale Natio- Germany nale des Employés (CNE), Belgium) Angela Klein (SoZ journal, Germany) Christine Vanden Daelen (feminist, CADTM Belgium) Jakob Schäfer (activist of the trade unionist Left, Germany Magali Verdier (feminist activist, Belgium) Greece Roxane Zadvat (Théâtre Croquemitaine, CADTM Belgium) Marie-Laure Coulmin (CADTM, Greece) Bosnia and Herzegovina Katerina Giannoulia (member of the General Council of ADEDY Selma Asotić (poet) - general union for the public service,- member of Popular Danijela Majstorović (University of Banja Luka) Unity, Greece) Svjetlana Nedimovic (activist, Sarajevo) Stathis Kouvelakis (philosopher, EReNSEP, Grèce et Royaume- Tijana Okic (philosopher, political activist) Uni) Croatia Costas Lapavitsas (economist, SOAS – University of London, Dimitrije Birač (coordinator of the Croatian Center for Wor- EReNSEP, Greece and United Kingdom) kers’ Solidarity, Croatia) Moisis Litsis (journalist, Greece) Cyprus Sotiris Martalis (DEA, Greece) Stavros Tombazos (economist, Cyprus) Sonia Mitralias (feminist, CADTM, Greece) Denmark Giorgos Mitralias (journalist, Greece) Poya Pakzad (economic policy advisor, Enhedslisten (Red- Antonis Ntavanelos (DEA, Greece) Green Alliance), Denmark) Spyros Marchetos (historian, School of Political Sciences, France Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece) Marion Alcaraz (NPA, Le temps des Lilas, France) Hungary Martine Boudet (coordinator of the inter-associative book Judit Morva (economist, activist, Hungary Urgence antiraciste -Pour une démocratie inclusive, Le Ireland Croquant, 2017, France) Brid Brennan (political analyst, activist, Ireland) Myriam Bourgy (farmer, CADTM, France) Andy Storey (School of Politics and International Relations, M. Sofia Brey (writer, former official of the Office of the United University College Dublin, Ireland) Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, France) Italy Vicki Briault Manus (PCF, CADTM France) Marta Autore (Communia Network, Italy) François Chesnais (economist, professor emeritus at the Fabrizio Burattini (trade unionist Unione Sindacale di Base, University of Paris 13, France) Italy) Jeanne Chevalier (candidate in the 2019 European elections Eliana Como (member of the national leadership of CGIL, Italy) for France insoumise) Gippò Mukendi Ngandu (teacher, Sinistra Anticapitalista, Italy) Annick Coupé (trade unionist, ATTAC France) Cristina Quintavalla (ATTAC-CADTM Italy) Luxembourg Yayo Herero (anthropologist, ecofeminist, member of Ecologistas en Justin Turpel (former MP déi Lénk – la Gauche, Luxem- Acción, Spanish state) bourg) Cuca Hernández (coordinator of ATTAC Spain) David Wagner (MP déi Lénk – la Gauche, Luxembourg) Juan Hernández Zubizarreta (university professor, member of the Netherlands Observatorio de Multinacionales en América Latina (OMAL), Basque Willem Bos (SAP-Grenzeloos, the Netherlands) country - Spanish state) Maral Jefroudi (co-director of IIRE, the Netherlands) Petxo Idoiaga (Hitz&Hitz Foundation, Viento Sur journal, Spanish Poland state) Katarzyna Bielińska (philosopher and political scientist, José L. Gómez del Prado (University of Barcelona, Center of inter- Poland) national studies - diplomatic school of Barcelona, AEDIDH, Spanish Zbigniew Marcin Kowalewski (researcher of social state) movements, Poland) Janire Landaluze (ELA trade union, Basque country – Spanish state) Stefan Zgliczyński (director of the Polish edition of Le Monique Lermusiaux (retired trade union activist, Belgium) Monde diplomatique, Poland) Mats Lucia Bayer (CADTM, Spanish state) Portugal Fátima Martín (journalist, CADTM, Spanish state) Francisco Louça (economist, Bloco de Esquerda, Alex Merlo (parliamentary assistant of Miguel Urban Crespo (MEP, Portugal) Podemos), Spanish state) Rita Silva (Habita activist - Colectivo pelo Direito in Habi- Anna Monjo (publisher, Catalonia - Spanish state) tação and Cidade and university researcher, Portugal) Natalia Munevar (activist, PACD, parliamentary assistant of Miguel Alda Sousa (teacher at the University of Porto, Bloco de Urban Crespo (MEP, Podemos), Spanish state) Esquerda, former MEP (2012-2014), Portugal) Mikel Noval (ELA, Basque country - Spanish state) Rui Viana Pereira (translator, sound designer, CADTM, Jaime Pastor (editor of Viento Sur, Spanish state) Portugal) Laura Pérez Ruano (professor and lawyer, MP for Orain Bai-Ahora Sí, Serbia Navarre - Spanish state) Andreja Zivkovic (sociologist, Marks21, Serbia) Griselda Piñero Delledonne (CADTM, Catalonia - Spanish state) Slovenia Eulalia Reguant (member of the national secretariat of the CUP, Ana Podvrsic (sociologist, economist, Slovenia) former MP and town councillor, Catalonia - Spanish state) Spanish state Jorge Riechmann (philosopher, writer, Ecologistas en Acción, Spanish Walter Actis (member of Ecologistas en Accion, Spanish state) state) Rubén Rosón (doctor, advisor on economy and employment for the Daniel Albarracin (economist, Podemos, Spanish state) city council of Oviedo, member of Somos Oviedo-Uvieu, Asturias - Yago Alvarez (journalist, activist in the PACD, Spanish Spanish state) state) Sol Sánchez (co-speaker for Izquierda Unida Madrid, Spanish State) Joana Bregolat (member of Desbordem, activist in Anti- Carlos Sánchez Mato (responsible for the economic policies for capitalistas, Catalonia - Spanish state) Izquierda Unida, Spanish state) José Cabayol Virallonga (president of SICOM (Solidaritat i Ana Taboada Coma (lawyer, vice mayor of Oviedo, spokesperson of Comunicació), journalist, Catalonia - Spanish state) Somos Oviedo-Uvieu, Asturias - Spanish state) Laura Camargo (teacher, member of the Permanent Aina Tella (coordinator for the international relations for the CUP, Council of the Parliament of the Balearic Islands, activist Catalonia - Spanish state) in Anticapitalistas, Spanish State) Mónica Vargas Collazos (anthropologist, activist, Bolivie et Catalonia Laura Camargo (teacher, member of the Permanent - Spanish state) Deputation of the Balearic Parliament, member of the Lucía Vicent (professor of economics at the University Complutense Anticapitalistas, Spanish State) of Madrid, Spanish state) Raúl Camargo (MP in the Assembly of Madrid, activist in Esther Vivas (journalist, Catalonia - Spanish state) Anticapitalistas, Spanish state) Switzerland Pablo Cotarelo (EReNSEP, Spanish state) Jean Batou (professor of contemporary history, MP, solidaritéS, Sergi Cutillas (EReNSEP, CADTM, Catalonia - Spanish Switzerland) state) Marianne Ebel (former MP solidaritéS, vice president of the World Josu Egireun (Viento Sur journal, Spanish state) March of Women Switzerland) Laia Facet (Anticapitalistas, Catalonia - Spanish state) Sébastien Guex (professor at the University of Lausanne, solidaritéS, Sònia Farré (activist, former MP for En Comú Podem, Switzerland) Catalonia - Spanish state) Stéfanie PREZIOSO (professor of international history at the Univer- Ignacio Fernández del Páramo (architect-urbanist, ad- sity of Lausanne, solidaritéS, Switzerland) visor on urbanism and environment for the city council Beatrice Schmid (teacher, Switzerland) of Oviedo, member of Somos Oviedo-Uvieu, Asturias Juan Tortosa (CADTM Switzerland) - Spanish state) Charles-André Udry (economist, director of the website alencontre. Iolanda Fresnillo (sociologist, PACD, Spanish state) org and of the publishing house Page 2, Switzerland) Ricardo García Zaldívar (economist, former coordinator United Kingdom of ATTAC Spain) Gilbert Achcar (professor at the SOAS – University of London, United María Gómez Garrido (sociology professor, University of Kingdom) the Balearic Islands, Anticapitalistas, Spanish state) Terry Conway (Resistance Books, United Kingdom) Laura Gonzalez De Txabarri (ELA trade union, Basque Fanny Malinen (researcher, activist, United Kingdom) country - Spanish state) Michael Roberts (financial economist, United Kingdom) Anna Gabriel (former MP of the Parliament of Catalonia, Grace Blakeley (New Statesman’s economics commentator, United currently exiled in Switzerland, Catalonia - Spanish state) Kingdom) Joana Garcia Grenzner (journalist specialised in gender and communication, feminist activist, Catalonia - Spanish state)

The following people directly took part in the writing of this manifesto:

Walter Actis (member of Ecologistas en Accion, Spanish state) Daniel Albarracin (economist, Podemos, Spanish state) Jeanne Chevalier (France insoumise, France) Pablo Cotarelo (EReNSEP, Spanish state) Alexis Cukier (philosopher, Ensemble!, EReNSEP, France) Sergi Cutillas (economist, EReNSEP, CADTM, Catalonia – Spanish state) Yayo Herero (anthropologist, eco-feminist, member of Ecologistas en Acción Spanish state) Stathis Kouvelakis (philosopher, EReNSEP, Greece and United Kingdom) Janire Landaluze (trade unionist, ELA, Basque country – Spanish state) Costas Lapavitsas (economist, EReNSEP, Greece and United Kingdom) Nathan Legrand (CADTM, Belgium) Mikel Noval (trade unionist, ELA, Basque country – Spanish state) Tijana Okic (philosopher, political activist, Bosnia and Herzegovina) Catherine Samary (economist, ATTAC France, NPA, France) Patrick Saurin (CADTM, France) Éric Toussaint (political scientist, economist, CADTM, Belgium)

Final editing made by: Alexis Cukier, Nathan Legrand and Éric Toussaint

Foreword and introduction translated from French by: Colin Falconer (Ensemble)

Layout: Pierre Gottiniaux recommons europe

Manifesto for a New Popular Internationalism in Europe